THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


GIFT  OF 


WILLIAM  A.  NIT2E 


ALPHONSE    DE   LAMARTINE  AT  TWENTY-THREE 
From  an  engraving  by  Flameng  after  a  sepia  by  Mile,  de  V 


.  THE  LIFJE  OF 

LAMAJRLTIKGE 

BY 

H.  REMSEN  WHITEHOUSE 


VOLUME    ONE 


Boston  and  New  York 

HOUGHTON  MlFFLIN  COMPANY 
The  Riverside  Press  Cambridge 


COPYRIGHT,  1918,  BY  H.  RKMSBN  WHIT*HOUSE 
ALL    RIGHTS    KESERVEU 

Published  September  igi8 


College 
Library 

PQ 

232 

v/5< 

vi 

To  His  EXCELLENCY 
MONSIEUR  J.  J.  JUSSERAND 

French  Ambassador  to  the  United  States 

With  the  expression  of  my  highest 
esteem  and  profound  personal  admira- 
tion, I  respectfully  dedicate  this  study 
of  the  life  and  work  of  one  of  the 
noblest  and  purest  literary  and  politi- 
cal glories  of  France. 

H.  R.  w. 


9622CQ 


PREFACE 

IN  a  sense,  it  may  be  claimed  that  Lamartine  was  his 
own  biographer.  The  thread  of  his  material  and  psy- 
chological existence  meanders  through  the  volumes  of 
"Les  Confidences,"  "Les  Nouvelles  Confidences,"  the 
pages  of  his  first  and  second  Oriental  "Voyages,"  the 
" Memoires  politiques,"  and  the  "History  of  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1848." 

"Graziella"  and  "Raphael"  are  episodes  in  his  own 
life,  spiritualized  and  glossed  with  the  romanticism  in- 
separable from  the  period.  Even  "  Jocelyn  "  is  a  portrait, 
albeit  a  shadowy  one.  "For  those  who  love  the  man  in 
Lamartine  (and  their  number  is  great),"  wrote  Sainte- 
Beuve,  "'Jocelyn'  must  have  a  biographical,  or  at  least 
a  very  precious  psychological  value.  .  .  .  'Jocelyn'  is 
very  often  Lamartine  midst  slightly  altered  surround- 
ings, ...  an  almost  direct  revelation  of  one  of  the  most 
divine  organizations  of  a  poet  which  has  been  vouchsafed 
the  world,  and  concerning  one  of  the  noblest  creatures."1 

Again,  the  twenty-eight  large  volumes  of  Lamartine's 
"Cours  familier  de  Iitt6rature,"  the  bread-winning 
venture  of  his  declining  years,  teem  with  personal  rem- 
iniscences, while  the  prefaces  and  the  commentaries  to 
the  countless  poems,  essays,  and  histories  contained 
in  the  forty  volumes  of  his  collected  works  bristle  with 
the  "ego"  rarely,  if  ever,  disassociated  from  his  theme. 

And  yet,  paradoxical  as  it  may  appear,  these  thousands 
of  personal  "revelations"  tend  in  reality  to  confuse  and 
obscure  an  appreciation  of  the  flesh  and  blood  Lamartine. 

1  Portraits  contemporains,  vol.  i,  p.  347.  Also  Confidences,  p.  113; 
Cours  familier  de  literature,  vol.  iv,  p.  388. 

.  .  vii  •  • 


PREFACE 

Nothing  was  further  from  his  mind  than  purposely  to 
mislead.  He  was  candour,  almost  naivete,  itself.  He 
was  merely  constitutionally  incapable  of  segregating  fact 
and  fancy:  what  he  saw  and  what  he  wanted  to  see  be- 
came inextricably  interwoven  in  his  brain.  As  one  of  his 
biographers  has  put  it:  "Lamartine  was  certainly  one 
of  those  men  who,  unconsciously  and  without  premedita- 
tion, possess  in  the  highest  degree  the  faculty  of  inex- 
actitude." 1 

The  real  man  is  more  easily  discerned  in  his  very  vo- 
luminous correspondence,  which  has  been  collected  and 
edited,  with  filial  piety,  by  his  niece  and  adopted  daughter, 
Madame  Valentine  de  Lamartinede  Cessiat.2  Of  inesti- 
mable value  also  is  the  personal  testimony  of  his  friends, 
his  secretaries,  and  the  perusal  of  his  parliamentary 
speeches  and  reports,  which  lay  bare  the  depths  of  his 
humanitarianism. 

A  great  man,  in  most  senses  of  the  qualification,  —  an 
undeniably  great  poet  and  writer,  a  conscientious  and 
honest  statesman,  —  Lamartine  was,  withal,  an  incor- 
rigible visionary,  an  altruist  whose  persistent  optimism 
resulted  in  the  gradual  dilapidation  of  his  private  for- 
tune and  the  eclipse  of  his  political  influence. 

Yet  never  in  the  darkest  days  of  political  or  pecuniary 
adversity  could  his  honour  or  personal  probity  be  im- 
pugned. With  Shakespeare  one  can  proclaim : 

"...  The  elements 

So  mix'd  in  him,  that  Nature  might  stand  up 
And  say  to  all  the  World:  This  was  a  Man!  " 

To  six  scholars  who  have  devoted  much  time  and  study 
to  Lamartine,  I  am  under  special  obligations.  Not  only 
through  the  medium  of  their  books,  but  in  personal  let- 

1  Charles  de  Mazade,  Lamartine,  p.  107. 

*  Correspondance  de  Lamartine,  1807-1852,  6  vols.   (Paris,  1873.) 


PREFACE 

ters  or  conversations  these  gentlemen  have  rendered  me 
inestimable  service. 

With  warmest  thanks  I  acknowledge  my  debt  to: 
M.  Henri  Cochin,  author  of  Lamartine  et  La  Flandre; 
to  M.  Jean  des  Cognets,  whose  publication  of  fragments 
of  J.  M.  Dargaud's  journal,  under  the  title  of  La  Vie 
interieure  de  Lamartine,  has  contributed  so  greatly  to  our 
psychological  appreciation  of  the  great  French  poet;  to 
M.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  in  whose  Origines  et  la  Jeunesse 
de  Lamartine  many  interesting  family  documents  are 
published  for  the  first  time;  to  M.  Auguste  Dorchain, 
whose  learning  in  Lamartinian  lore  is  surpassed  by  none ; 
to  M.  E.  Sugier,  author  of  the  captivating  study  Lamar- 
tine, etude  morale;  and  to  the  late  Pierre  Maurice  Mas- 
son,  professor  of  French  Literature  at  the  University  of 
Fribourg,  whose  death  in  the  trenches  has  cast  a  gloom 
over  the  intellectual  world  of  France  and  Switzerland. 

Nor  can  I  omit  mention  of  the  friendly  guidance  and 
the  valuable  advice  I  have  received  from  my  colleague, 
M.  A.  Dureault,  permanent  secretary  of  the  Academic 
de  M&con,  whose  learned  studies,  together  with  those  of 
M.  Leonce  Lex,  archivist  of  the  Departement  de  Sa6ne 
et  Loire,  have  been  of  the  greatest  utility  to  me  in  tracing 
the  earlier  domestic  and  local  history  of  the  Lamartines 
and  their  country  neighbours. 

M.  Henri  de  Riaz  has  made  curious  literary  discoveries 
concerning  the  identity  of  "Lucy  L ,"  and  was  in- 
strumental in  putting  me  on  the  track  which  ultimately 
led  to  the  elucidation  of  the  mystery  of  Lamartine's 
"Manage  a  1'anglaise,"  a  problem  which  had  hitherto 
baffled  Lamartinians. 

The  late  Leon  Seche,  who  had  specialized  on  the  lit- 
erary history  of  the  Romanticists,  devoted  numerous 
studies  to  Lamartine  and  his  entourage.  Often  some- 

•  •  ix  •  • 


PREFACE 

what  indiscreet,  it  must  be  confessed,  in  his  relentless 
probing  into  private  life,  Sech£  at  least  had  the  merit 
of  absolute  sincerity.  Moreover,  his  "portraits"  are 
flesh-and-blood  presentments  of  the  men  and  women  of 
the  Romantic  era,  and  as  such  of  deepest  interest  to  the 
searcher.  Across  the  gulf  I  transmit  my  thanks  to  the 
man  who,  whatever  his  literary  shortcomings  may  have 
been,  was  one  of  the  most  ardent  knights  of  the  pen  I 
ever  met,  and  one  to  whom  no  personal  sacrifice  was  too 
onerous  when  made  in  the  sacred  name  of  Literature. 

Madame  de  Canson,  the  daughter  of  Lamartine's 
relative  and  political  henchman,  G.  de  Champvans, 
most  generously  opened  for  me  the  family  archives  of 
the  Chateau  de  Maisod,  courteously  placing  at  my  dis- 
posal her  collection  of  interesting  private  letters  and 
papers.  To  other  members  of  the  Lamartine  family, 
especially  Madame  de  Parseval,  nee  de  Pierreclos,  of 
M&con,  and  to  Monsieur  and  Madame  de  Montherot, 
of  the  Chateau  de  Saint-Point,  I  am  indebted  for  like 
favours  combined  with  charming  hospitality. 

The  Vicomte  de  Faria,  Portuguese  Consul-General 
at  Lausanne,  most  kindly  procured  for  me  several  por- 
traits of  Lamartine. 

To  my  friend,  Mr.  William  Roscoe  Thayer,  I  extend 
expressions  of  warmest  gratitude  for  valuable  assistance 
and  advice,  and  the  unflagging  interest  he  has  mani- 
fested in  the  accomplishment  of  my  task. 

H.  R.  W. 


CONTENTS 

.    I.  STATESMAN  OR  POET i 

II.  ANCESTRY  AND  EARLIEST  YEARS      ....  8 

III.  CHILDHOOD  AND  SCHOOLDAYS 19 

IV.  THE  JESUIT  COLLEGE  AT  BELLEY     ....  35 
V.  FIRST  LOVE 46 

VI.  A  STUDENT  OF  LAW  AND  OF  BOOKS         ...    58 
VII.  MADEMOISELLE  P.         .......    65 

VIII.  THE  JOURNEY  TO  ITALY 82 

IX.  GRAZIELLA 92 

X.  IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 104 

XI.  AN  EXILE  IN  SWITZERLAND 120 

XII.  THE  INFLUENCE  OF  BYRON 134 

XIII.  RAPHAEL  AND  JULIE 146 

XIV.  MADAME  CHARLES         161 

XV.  A  YEAR  OF  DISTRESS 190 

XVI.  A  POET  OF  THE  SOUL 199 

XVII.  BRILLIANT  SUCCESS  IN  PARIS 209 

XVIII.  MEDITATIONS  POETIQUES 223 

XIX.  MARRIAGE 236 

XX.  FIRST  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE 244 

XXI.  GROWING  LITERARY  REPUTATION     ....  258 
XXII.  CHILDE  HAROLD  —  CHANT  DU  SACRE     .      .      .  272 

XXIII.  DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 282 

XXIV.  CHARG£  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE   ....  299 

•  •  xi  •  • 


CONTENTS 


XXV.  ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY    .      .      ...  316 
XXVI.  POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS  ....  340 

XXVII.  VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 367 

XXVIII.  SPIRITUAL  EMANCIPATION        .      .      .      .      .  386 

XXIX.  DEPUTY  FROM  BERGUES 399 

XXX.  JOCELYN         419 

XXXI.  INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 440 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

ALPHONSE  DE  LAMARTINE  AT  TWENTY-THREE 

Photogravure  Frontispiece 
From  an  engraving  by  Flameng  after  a  sepia  by  Mile,  de  V 

MADAME  DE  LAMARTINE,  MOTHER  OF  THE  POET        .      .     10 

From  the  portrait  in  the  Chateau  de  Saint-Point 

BIRTHPLACE  OF  LAMARTINE 14 

LAMARTINE'S  HOUSE  AT  MILLY         20 

LAMARTINE  AT  TWENTY 72 

From  the  lithograph  by  Graivedon 

LAMARTINE 100 

NERNIER,  HAUTE-SAVOIE 130 

Where  Lamartine  stayed  in  1815 

CHATEAU  DE  SAINT-POINT 268 

LAMARTINE  AT  FORTY-FIVE 458 

From  an  unsigned  crayon  in  the  Chateau  de  Saint-Point 


THE  LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


CHAPTER  I 
STATESMAN  OR  POET 

LAMARTINE,  whose  genius  as  a  poet  is  uncon tested,  and 
must  ever  in  the  eyes  of  the  majority  constitute  his  chief 
claim  to  immortality,  himself  held  this  sublime  gift  of  the 
gods  in  slight  esteem. 

Like  Goethe,  who  complained  that,  in  spite  of  the  un- 
doubted scientific  value  of  his  discoveries  in  comparative 
anatomy,  his  compatriots  persistently  allowed  their  admi- 
ration of  the  poet  to  overshadow  due  appreciation  of 
the  scientist,1  Lamartine  was  deeply  aggrieved  that  his 
contemporaries  so  constantly  belittled,  even  ridiculed, 
his  aspirations  and  achievements  in  the  political  arena. 
Here  was  the  chosen  field  in  which  he  ardently  desired  to 
shine :  a  statesman  first,  a  poet  in  his  moments  of  elegant 
leisure.  Unquestionably  he  loved  his  art;  at  times  pas- 
sionately; yet  never  to  the  exclusion  of  other  ambitions. 
Early  in  life,  even  in  the  first  intoxicating  flush  of  literary 
fame,  he  trembled  lest  his  poetry  militate  against  the 
chances  for  the  diplomatic  appointment  on  which  his 
heart  was  set.  Later  he  deplored  that  his  influence  was 
restricted  in  the  Chamber  on  account  of  the  constant 
twits  levelled  by  political  antagonists  who  detected,  or 
feigned  to  detect,  the  fatal  taint  of  idealism  in  his  treat- 
ment of  the  most  prosaic  problems  of  economics. 

1  The  discovery  of  the  presence  of  an  inter-maxillary  bone  in  the  upper 
jaw  of  man,  similar  to  that  in  animals,  and  of  the  vertebrate  theory  of  the 
skull. 

.  .   I   .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAM ARTINE 


Such  aphorisms  as  "The  Ideal  is  only  Truth  at  a  dis- 
tance," or  "Reality  is  the  seedling  on  which  the  Ideal  is 
grafted,"  not  only  passed  over  the  heads  of  stolid  work- 
a-day  politicians,  but  aroused  the  mistrust  of  a  critic 
such  as  Sainte-Beuve.  Controverting  a  somewhat  harsh 
appreciation  of  Lamartine  as  a  statesman,  Eugene  Ram- 
bert  retorted:  "He  [Sainte-Beuve]  does  not  sufficiently 
grasp  what  moral  power  and  influence  is  exerted  over  the 
masses  by  the  poetry  of  Lamartine's  politics."  l  The 
Swiss  critic  was  unquestionably  correct;  the  marvel- 
lous ascendency  wielded  by  the  poet-orator  over  the 
surging  revolutionary  mob  during  the  fateful  days  of 
February,  1848,  is  his  vindication.  The  miracles  per- 
formed at  the  H6tel  de  Ville  can  only  be  fully  accounted 
for  by  the  moral  force  Lamartine  had  exerted  during  the 
baffling  years  of  his  parliamentary  career.  If  he  talked 
over  the  heads  of  the  unheeding  legislators  in  the  Cham- 
ber, his  words  (as  he  once  remarked)  sped  out  of  the  win- 
dows, and  reached  the  eager  ears  of  the  struggling  masses. 
In  the  fulness  of  time  the  harvest  was  ripe,  and  the  prole- 
tariat prepared  to  garner  the  fruits  of  the  seedling  Real- 
ity on  which  Lamartine  had  so  cunningly  grafted  the 
Ideal. 

Not  that  Lamartine  himself  ever  admitted  the  idealism 
of  his  politics  or  sociology.  His  constant  aim  was  to 
separate  his  political  from  his  literary  career,  as  he  sepa- 
rated his  public  and  domestic  life.  Although  he  obeyed 
the  promptings  of  his  Muse,  he  dubbed  it  a  weakness  he 
would  fain  that  men  forgot.  To  M.  Bruys  d'Ouilly  he 
wrote  in  1838,  six  years  after  his  entrance  into  the  politi- 
cal arena:  "...  My  poet's  life  begins  again  for  a  few 
days.  You  know  better  than  any  one  that  it  has  never  been 
at  most  more  than  a  twelfth  part  of  my  real  life.  The 
credulous  public,  which  does  not,  like  Jehovah,  create 

1  Etudes  littiraires  (Lausanne,  1889),  p.  314. 


STATESMAN  OR  POET 


man  in  its  image,  but  disfigures  him  according  to  its 
fancy,  believes  that  I  have  spent  thirty  years  of  my  life 
polishing  rhymes  and  contemplating  the  stars.  I  have 
not  spent  thirty  months  so  doing,  and  poetry  has  never 
been  more  to  me  than  a  prayer;  the  most  beautiful  and 
most  intense  act  of  thought,  but  the  shortest,  and  the  one 
which  deducts  the  least  from  the  day's  work."  l 

The  letter  continues  with  an  harangue  on  the  duties  of 
the  citizen  in  face  of  the  social  problems  of  the  day.  The 
author  defends  himself  against  the  insinuation  that 
"vanity"  has  anything  to  do  with  his  political  ambitions, 
asserting  that  he  has  thrown  himself  into  the  vortex  from 
a  sense  of  duty,  "like  any  passenger  who  during  the  storm 
lends  a  hand  in  the  working  of  the  ship." 

The  testimony  of  his  contemporaries  does  not,  however, 
corroborate  this  disclaimer.  Lamartine  was  credited  with 
his  fair  share  of  vanity  —  political  and  literary  —  and 
even  with  fatuous  self-adulation.  Young,  well-born,  ex- 
cessively handsome,  with  the  fire  of  genius  in  face  and 
bearing,  he  was  early  the  idol  of  the  foremost  Parisian 
salons.  It  would  be  asking  too  much  of  a  poet,  between 
twenty-eight  and  thirty,  not  to  be  amenable  to  flattery. 
"I  am  on  the  pinnacle  of  universal  favour  here,"  he 
wrote  Virieu  at  the  time  he  was  reciting  his  as  yet  un- 
published verses  to  enthralled  audiences.  "Lord  Byron 
in  his  best  days  did  not  create  a  greater  furor  in  London. 
Even  Villemain  2  is  enthusiastic,  and  I  was  afraid  of  him ; 
but  he  extols  me  to  the  skies,  and  maintains  that  in  the 
memory  of  man  never  has  one  heard  such  verses."  3  But 
such  passages  are  rare,  even  in  his  outpourings  to  this 
"other  self,"  as  he  loved  to  style  his  school-boy  friend, 
Aymon  de  Virieu.  Lamartine  was  sincere  in  his  estima- 
tion of  his  poetical  genius,  although  he  never  doubted 

1  Letter  serving  as  Preface  to  the  Recueittements  potliques. 

1  Writer,  professor,  and  politician,  1790-1870.     •  Correspondence,  ccxi. 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


his  political  inflatus.  He  knew  his  power,  but,  in  litera- 
ture, he  was  not  ignorant  of  his  weaknesses.  It  was  in 
no  spirit  of  false  modesty,  no  feigned  humility,  that  in  his 
later  years  he  paralleled  what  he  had  done  with  what  he 
might  have  achieved.  He  was  a  merciless  critic  of  his  own 
shortcomings  and  peculiarities. 

To  Ernest  Legouv6,  who  asked  how  it  came  about 
that,  given  an  equal  facility  in  memorizing  the  verses  of 
La  Fontaine  and  those  of  Lamartine,  and  an  equal  pleas- 
ure in  reciting  them,  yet  after  six  months  Lamartine's 
verses  had  slipped  from  his  mind  while  those  of  La  Fon- 
taine still  stood  out  firm  and  clear,  the  poet  replied: 
"The  reason  is  that  La  Fontaine  wrote  with  a  pen,  one 
might  even  say  with  a  graving-tool,  while  I  paint  with 
a  brush.  He  writes,  I  merely  colour:  his  outlines  are 
sharply  drawn,  mine  are  vague.  Consequently  it  is  only 
natural  that  his  should  remain  impressed  on  the  mem- 
ory, and  that  mine  should  gradually  become  effaced." 
And  when  his  friend  insisted  that  no  French  poet  had 
been  more  richly  endowed  than  Lamartine,  and  pro- 
tested that  the  author  of  the  "Lac,"  of  "Jocelyn,"  of 
"La  Chute  d'un  Ange,"  and  of  a  hundred  other  master- 
pieces, had  as  much  genius  as  the  greatest  among  them, 
Lamartine  smilingly  acquiesced:  "It  may  be:  but  I  have 
not  as  much  talent.  Talent,  my  friend,  is  what  is  ac- 
quired by  work  and  will.  I  have  never  worked,  and  I 
cannot  correct.  Whenever  I  have  tried  to  rewrite  my 
verses  I  have  only  made  them  worse.  Just  compare  me 
as  a  versifier  with  Victor  Hugo !  Why,  I  am  a  mere  begin- 
ner, a  mere  school-boy  beside  him."  l  M.  Legouv6  adds 
that  if  Lamartine  entertained  a  sincere  disdain  for  his 
poetical  grandeur,  it  was  because  he  felt  himself  to  be  a 
poet  very  superior  to  his  works,  and  above  all,  a  man  very 
superior  to  the  poet. 

1  Ernest  LegouvS,  Soixante  ans  de  souvenirs,  vol.  iv,  p.  200. 
.  .  4  .  . 


STATESMAN  OR  POET 


Of  human  foibles  Lamartine  was  certainly  not  devoid. 
Yet  he  possessed  none  of  the  petty  passions  which  so  often 
disfigure  genius.  There  was  no  trace  in  him  of  literary 
jealousy,  vindictiveness,  or  envy.  A  romantic  in  all  but 
name  he  stood  serenely  aloof,  belonging  to  no  school, 
an  adherent  of  no  clique  or  coterie.  Fully  aware  of  his 
literary  preeminence,  but  having  taken  to  verse  as  a  duck 
takes  to  water,  he  could  discern  no  special  personal  merit 
in  the  facility  with  which  nature  had  so  generously  en- 
dowed him. 

With  statecraft  it  was  different.  The  Lamartine  of  the 
study  and  he  of  the  rostrum  or  the  hustings  were  two  dis- 
tinct and  separate  personalities.  As  a  statesman,  a  legis- 
lator, and  a  social  and  political  reformer,  Lamartine 
entertained  no  doubts  as  to  the  importance  of  the  mission 
an  all- wise  Providence  had  destined  him  to  fulfil.  In  a 
conversation,  during  1837,  with  M.  de  Barth£lemy,  Pre- 
fect of  Macon,  he  remarked:  "My  reputation  as  a  poet 
is  but  a  slight  affair;  it  hardly  touches  me.  But  the  rep- 
utation to  which  I  hold  immensely,  because  I  know  that 
I  merit  it,  is  that  of  a  specialist,  a  man  of  business.  And 
I  will  confess  to  you  that  the  functions  for  which  I  con- 
sider myself  most  apt  are  those  required  of  a  Minister 
of  Finance,  or  of  the  Interior."  1  Perhaps  M.  de  Bar- 
thdlemy  was  not  an  altogether  impartial  critic.  Moreover, 
a  few  lines  farther  down  the  page,  he  quotes  Lamartine 
as  admitting,  during  a  session  of  the  Committee  on  Fi- 
nance of  the  Provincial  Council,  that  he  had  never  in  his 
life  been  capable  of  adding  up  correctly  a  column  of 
figures.  But  the  anecdote  —  one  of  a  hundred  of  similar 
tenor  - —  serves  to  demonstrate  the  confidence,  not  to  say 
complacency,  with  which  Lamartine  accepted  his  ability 
to  solve  the  most  complex  problems  of  social  and  techni- 
cal politics.  Inevitably  a  temperament  such  as  his  was 
1  Souvenirs  d'un  ancien  PrSfet,  p.  200. 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


prone  to  idealize  the  most  sordid  and  prosaic  measures 
affecting  the  public  weal.  Yet,  as  will  be  seen,  this  vivid 
presentation  of  dry  and  colourless  subjects  not  infre- 
quently proved  their  salvation ;  alluring  and  arresting  an 
attention  which  might  otherwise  have  been  denied.  If 
his  own  grasp  of  the  problem  was  often]  superficial,  he 
over  and  over  again,  by  the  sheer  magic  of  his  splendid 
rhetoric,  aroused  the  enthusiasm  which  meant  success. 
Nor  would  it  be  correct  to  assume  that  Lamartine  did  not 
himself  adequately  realize  the  immense  effectiveness  of 
this  commingling  in  his  personality  of  the  poet  —  the 
vates,  the  prophet,  the  soothsayer,  of  the  ancients  —  and 
the  politician  in  the  r61e  he  aspired  to  play.  The  influ- 
ence of  the  statesman  thus  constituted,  he  rightly  es- 
teemed far  greater  and  more  far-reaching,  for  good  or  for 
evil,  than  that  of  the  poet  who,  from  the  seclusion  of  his 
study,  gave  utterance  to  the  most  sublime  flights  of 
human  thought.  i 

When  Legouv£,  seeking  to  console  the  bitterness  of  pub- 
lic ingratitude  towards  the  fallen  idol  of  1848,  stated  that 
he  would  sooner  have  written  the  "Meditations"  than 
have  founded  the  Second  Republic,  the  poet-statesman 
contemptuously  cried:  "That  proves  you  to  be  a  dunce. 
Let  us  put  aside  my  own  individuality,  look  at  the  gen- 
eral question,  and  consider  the  immense  superiority  of 
the  statesman  over  the  poet.  The  one  racks  and  exhausts 
his  brain  in  marshalling  and  harmonizing  sounds;  the 
other  is  the  real  Word,  that  is,  the  Thought,  the  Word, 
the  Act  in  one.  He  makes  real  what  the  poet  only  dreams ; 
sees  all  that  is  great  and  good  converted  into  Facts,  into 
beneficent  Facts,  which  not  only  benefit  the  present  gen- 
eration, but  often  extend  to  distant  posterity.  Do  you 
know  what  it  means  to  be  a  great  Statesman?  He  is  a 
poet  in  the  act  of  transforming  Words  into  Deeds! " l 
1  Legouv£,  op.  cit.,  vol.  iv,  p.  205. 

.  .  6  •  • 


STATESMAN   OR  POET 


Action  was,  in  truth,  the  constant  preoccupation  of  this 
man  whom  his  contemporaries  persisted  in  regarding  as 
a  dreamer,  a  sublime  dreamer,  but  a  dangerous  idealist. 
A  dreamer,  yes :  but  one  whose  dreams  were  made  of  the 
stuff  Voltaire  and  Rousseau  had  woven  into  the  fabric 
of  French  thought,  and  which  have  since  become  uni- 
versal realities.  A  dreamer  for  whom  the  Declaration  of 
the  Rights  of  Man  contained  eternal  Truths.  A  dreamer 
who  dreamed  with  Pitt  and  Fox  and  Stevenson,  as  well 
as  with  "Ossian"  and  Byron.  A  dreamer  to  whom  the 
teachings  of  History  meant  something  more  than  dates 
and  dynasties,  and  whose  political  creed  went  far  beyond 
party  lines  and  frontiers,  embracing  Humanity. 

After  the  first  languorous  intellectual  waverings,  the 
careless,  sensuous  indolence  of  his  youthful  wanderings; 
after  "  Werther"  and  "  Rene"  had  been  left  behind ;  even 
before  the  inevitable  Weltschmerz  of  callow  adolescence 
had  ripened  into  discernment,  it  was  of  action  he  dreamed, 
action  he  craved. 


CHAPTER  II 
ANCESTRY  AND  EARLIEST  YEARS 

AT  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century  the  Lamartines 
afforded  a  typical  example  of  that  provincial  petite 
noblesse  to  whose  homely  but  sterling  virtues  and  sound 
patriotism  France  owes  so  much.  Of  humble  origin  — 
the  head  of  the  family  was,  in  the  middle  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  a  tanner  at  Cluny  —  the  Alamartines, 
as  they  were  then  styled,  gradually  rose  in  the  social 
scale,  acquiring  landed  estates  and  patents  of  nobility. 
Yet  as  late  as  1825  the  orthography  of  the  name  was  ill- 
defined;  the  poet  signing  indifferently  "Delamartine," 
"de  la  Martine,"  and  "de  Lamartine."  J  The  manage- 
ment of  their  scattered  rural  holdings  necessitated  long 
and  frequent  sojourns  among  their  vintners  and  peas- 
ants; but  the  winter  months  were  passed  in  the  substan- 
tial and  patriarchal  residence  in  Macon.  Although  the 
Revolution  wrought  havoc  here,  as  elsewhere,  in  the 
ranks  of  the  aristocracy,  once  the  Reign  of  Terror  was 
over,  a  small,  highly  cultivated  social  nucleus  re-formed, 
and  the  dawn  of  the  nineteenth  century  found  the  La- 
martines again  firmly  established  as  leaders  and  arbiters 
in  the  community. 

The  poet  has  himself  described,  with  charming  candour, 
the  position  held  by  his  forebears.  "A  family  without 
great  lustre,  but  without  stain;  placed  by  Providence  in 
one  of  those  intermediary  ranks  of  society,  allied  to  the 
nobility  by  virtue  of  its  name,  and  to  the  people  by  rea- 
son of  modicity  of  fortune  and  simplicity  of  life.  A  fam- 

1  Cf.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  Les  Origines  et  la  Jeunesse  de  Lamartine  (Paris, 
1911),  p.  6. 

•   •  8  .   • 


ANCESTRY  AND   EARLIEST  YEARS 


ily  dwelling  chiefly  on  their  estates,  among  the  peasants 
whose  customs  they  shared,  and  whose  daily  toil  was  not 
unsimilar  to  that  of  their  lowly  neighbours."  l 

Following  in  the  footsteps  of  his  ancestors,  the  father 
of  the  poet,  a  younger  son,  served  in  the  armies  of  his 
king  from  his  sixteenth  year.  Yet,  loyal  as  was  his  devo- 
tion to  the  Bourbons,  the  philosophical  doctrines  of  the 
Encyclopedistes  had  not  left  him  uninfluenced.  With  his 
brothers  he  belonged  to  that  party  of  the  young  nobility 
which  recognized  the  necessity  of  social  and  political 
reform.  They  were  passionate  partisans  of  a  constitu- 
tional government,  of  a  national  representative  body,  of 
the  fusion  of  the  orders  of  the  State  into  a  homogeneous 
nation,  subjected  to  the  same  laws  and  bearing  the  same 
fiscal  burdens.  Mirabeau,  Lafayette,  La  Rochefoucauld, 
and  others  of  their  kind  were  the  apostles  of  their  creed. 
Lafayette  had  gone  to  school  with  theAbb6  de  Lamartine, 
the  poet's  uncle.  Later  they  met  in  Paris,  and  for  years 
maintained  an  active  correspondence.2  A  real  friend- 
ship united  them,  an  attachment  founded  on  a  com- 
munity of  political  and  social  ideals. 

Holding  such  opinions,  it  was  evident  that  the  La- 
martine family  could  not  be  hostile  to  the  spirit  of  the 
great  social  upheaval  of  '89.  It  was  only  when  the 
movement,  escaping  the  control  of  its  leaders,  became 
the  tool  of  demagogues,  and  degenerated  into  lawless- 
ness, spoliation,  and  crime,  that  they  withdrew  their 
sympathy. 

Ancestral  tradition  discountenanced  the  marriage  of 
younger  sons  in  the  Lamartine  family.  Yet,  his  elder 
brother  being  an  invalid,  and  the  second  a  priest,  the 
ban  was  of  necessity  removed,  and  his  relatives  sought 

1  Confidences,  p.  22;  cf.  also  Les  Origines  et  la  Jeunesse  de  Lamartine, 

PP-  3-33- 

1  Cf.  Memoires  inedits,  p.  12.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle  (op.  tit.,  p.  83)  contro- 
verts this  assertion. 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


for  the  "Chevalier  de  Prat,"1  as  Pierre  de  Lamartine 
was  styled  in  order  to  distinguish  him  from  his  brother,  an 
alliance  calculated  to  add  lustre  to  the  family  name  and 
fortune.  The  Chevalier,  at  this  period  a  man  between 
thirty-seven  and  thirty-eight  years  of  age,  preferred  taking 
matters  into  his  own  hands;  and,  setting  aside  material 
considerations,  to  obey  the  dictates  of  his  heart  alone. 
One  of  his  sisters  had  joined  the  inmates  of  the  convent 
of  Saint  Martin  de  Salles,  situated  between  Lyons  and 
Macon.  Salles  was  one  of  those  hybrid  religious  insti- 
tutions peculiar  to  the  times,  where  aristocratic  families 
were  wont  to  relegate  such  of  their  daughters  as  felt  no 
decided  vocation  for  the  cloistered  life  of  a  nun,  yet 
whose  dowries  were  not  sufficiently  conspicuous  to  at- 
tract advantageous  matrimonial  alliances.  Life  within 
the  walls  of  such  so-called  convents  was  far  from  austere. 
A  modicum  of  religious  practices  alternated  with  visits 
from  friends,  and  the  friends  of  friends,  —  of  both  sexes, 
—  and  not  infrequent  incursions  into  frankly  worldly 
circles.  As  the  inmates  for  the  most  part  dwelt  in  de- 
tached houses,  clustering  round  the  chapel  of  the  Noble 
Order,  and  were  subjected  to  none  of  the  strict  obliga- 
tions usually  associated  with  monastic  life,  liberty  may  be 
said  to  have  reigned  supreme  —  a  liberty  which,  if  we 
credit  the  "chroniques  scandaleuses "  of  the  times,  oc- 
casionally degenerated  into  license. 

It  was  at  Salles,  under  the  roof  of  his  sister,  that  the 
Chevalier,  then  holding  the  brevet  rank  of  major,  met 
Alix  Des  Roys,  and  fell  desperately  in  love.  But  although 
from  the  social  standpoint  the  girl's  position  was  un- 
assailable, her  family  was  but  scantily  endowed  with 
worldly  goods.  During  her  childhood  Alix  Des  Roys  had 

1  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  cit.,  p.  89.  In  his  Coulisses  du  Passi  (p.  366) 
Paul  Foucher  relates  an  anecdote  descriptive  of  Lamartine's  annoyance 
when  the  prefix  Prat  was  added  to  his  name. 

.  .   IO  •  • 


MADAME    DE    LAMARTINE 

Mother  of  the  poet 


ANCESTRY  AND  EARLIEST  YEARS 

breathed,  it  is  true,  the  atmosphere  of  a  court  of  peculiar 
brilliance.  Both  her  parents  held  positions  in  the  house- 
hold of  the  Duke  and  Duchess  d'Orleans;  the  husband  as 
comptroller  of  finance,  the  wife  as  assistant  governess, 
under  Madame  de  Genlis,  of  the  children  of  the  first 
prince  of  the  blood.  Born  in  1770,  at  Lyons,  Alix's  child- 
hood had  been  spent  partly  under  the  care  of  her  grand- 
mother, who  resided  in  that  town,  and  partly  with  her 
parents,  whose  duties  kept  them  either  at  the  Palais 
Royal  or  the  Chateau  de  Saint-Cloud.  Among  her 
playfellows  when  in  Paris  or  Saint-Cloud  was  Louis- 
Philippe,  whom  one  revolution  made  an  orphan  and 
drove  into  exile  (1793);  another  crowned  King  of  the 
French  (1830);  and  a  third  again  condemned  to  final 
banishment  (1848).  The  political  and  literary  celebri- 
ties of  the  day  were  welcomed  at  the  Court  of  "Philippe 
Iigalite,"  and  the  youthful  Alix  was  afforded  many  op- 
portunities, not  only  of  seeing  them,  but  of  hearing  them 
discourse.  Voltaire's  last  appearance  in  Paris  remained 
indelibly  imprinted  on  her  mind.  Of  d'Alembert,  Laclos, 
the  naturalist  Buffon,  Gibbon,  Grimm,  Necker,  and 
many  others  she  had  caught  fleeting  glimpses  when  they 
paid  their  respects  to  her  mother.  With  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau  Madame  Des  Roys  had  been  in  active  corre- 
spondence. Alix,  although  very  pious  and  unquestion- 
ingly  faithful  to  the  inflexible  dogma  of  Catholicism, 
preserved  a  tender  admiration  for  the  great  philosopher. 
"Doubtlessly,"  writes  her  son,  "because  Rousseau  pos- 
sessed more  than  genius:  he  had  soul.  She  could  not  fol- 
low the  religion  of  his  genius:  but  she  comprehended  and 
shared  the  religion  of  his  heart."  l 

But  the  jealousies  and  friction  inseparable  from  Court 

life  would  seem  to  have  weighed  heavily  upon  Madame 

Des  Roys.     Madame  de  Genlis  apparently  could  not 

1  Confidences,  pp.  28-30;  also  Le  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  34. 

.  .   II   .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


forgive  the  attention  bestowed  upon  her  subordinate: 
"C'est  une  guerre  h6reditaire  de  famille  £  famille,"  wrote 
Madame  de  Lamartine  in  her  journal.  "Madame  de 
Genlis  and  my  mother  formed  two  hostile  camps  in  the 
Palais  Royal."  l  This  enmity  blazed  forth  afresh  when 
the  literary  triumphs  of  young  Alphonse  first  echoed 
through  Parisian  society,  and  was  the  cause  of  frequent 
sorrow  to  the  gentle  mother  of  the  poet. 

Lack  of  fortune  would  appear  to  have  been  the  only 
serious  obstacle  to  the  marriage  the  Chevalier  so  ar- 
dently desired,  and  which,  these  considerations  apart, 
the  family  also  approved.  Writing  in  her  journal,  many 
years  later  (October  6,  1801),  Madame  de  Lamartine  re- 
calls an  episode  which  greatly  contributed  to  the  attain- 
ment of  her  happiness.  Returning  from  Paris  to  Salles  in 
1789,  an  accident  to  her  carriage  necessitated  a  prolonged 
halt  at  Macon.  "We  saw  in  this  town  all  my  husband's 
family,  who  paid  us  many  attentions.  The  Chevalier  de 
Lamartine  was  then  with  his  regiment.  We  passed  the 
whole  day  at  his  family's  residence.  It  seems  I  pleased 
his  father,  his  mother,  and  his  brothers  and  sisters;  this 
caused  a  resumption  of  the  negotiations  for  a  marriage 
between  the  Chevalier  and  myself,  of  which  there  had 
been  question  for  a  long  time,  and  which  a  thousand 
obstacles  continually  postponed."  Three  years  would 
seem  to  have  been  the  length  of  this  period  of  probation : 
"...  trois  ans  d'incertitude  devant  Dieu!"  2 

Finally,  all  difficulties  having  been  surmounted,  the 
marriage  of  "  Pierre  de  la  Martine  "  and ' '  Alexis  Francoise 
Desroys"  was  celebrated  at  Lyons,  on  January  7,  1790.' 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  274;  cf.  also  Memoires  inedits  de  Madame  la 
comtesse  de  Genlis,  vol.  m,  pp.  483-85;  vol.  iv,p.29;  also  Pierre  de  Lacretelle, 
op.  cit.,  pp.  52-54- 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  pp.  117  and  297. 

»  Some  biographers  give  March  6,  1790,  as  the  date  of  the  marriage. 
The  error  arose  through  a  too-confident  acceptance  of  the  dates  affixed  to 

.  .    12  •  • 


ANCESTRY  AND   EARLIEST   YEARS 


The  first  year  of  their  married  life  was  spent  at  Macon, 
under  the  roof  of  the  patriarchal  family  residence.  Here, 
on  October  21,  1790,  their  first  and  only  son,  Alphonse- 
Marie-Louis,  was  born.  The  house,  which  now  bears  a 
tablet  commemorating  this  event,  situated  in  the  rue 
des  Ursulines,  No.  18,  is  connected  by  buildings  and 
gardens  with  the  larger  dwelling  in  the  parallel  rue  Bau- 
deron  de  Sennec6,  forming  in  reality  an  annex.  Hence 
probably  the  confusion  which  arose  among  his  earlier 
biographers  as  to  the  site  of  his  birthplace.  Nor  was 
this  the  only  difficulty  confronting  those  who  twenty, 
or  even  ten,  years  ago  undertook  a  task  which  access 
to  public  and  family  documents  has  since  rendered  less 
hazardous.  Lamartine  himself  constantly  led  his  biogra- 
phers into  error.  Like  many  a  man  of  vivid  imagination 
the  poet  resented  the  tyranny  of  figures.  Mathematics 
he  frankly  abhorred;  while  he  petulantly  anathema- 
tized the  exact  sciences  as  "the  chains  which  fetter 
human  Thought."  l  As  an  autobiographer  he  either  ig- 
nored dates  and  environment,  or  adapted  them  to  the 
artistic  requirements  of  the  occasion.  If  we  lent  faith  to 
his  personal  testimony  alone,  as  given  in  his  poems  and 
reminiscences,  we  should  have  to  accept  Milly,  Macon, 
and  even  Saint- Point  as  his  "  birthplaces."  z  According 
to  the  caprice  of  his  imagination  he  vividly  describes  the 
pastoral  surroundings  of  his  birth  at  Milly,  or  minutely 
details  the  topography  of  his  grandfather's  house  in 
Macon. 

Although  the  State  registration  of  births  in  France 

the  entries  in  the  "Journal"  of  Madame  de  Lamartine,  edited  by  the  poet, 
which  bristles  with  chronological  inaccuracies.  January  7  is  the  date  affixed 
to  the  certificate  of  marriage  preserved  in  the  Municipal  Archives  at  Lyons. 

1  Introduction  to  Jocelyn. 

1  Cf.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  tit.,  p.  114;  Confidences,  p.  24;  Manuscrit  de 
ma  mere,  p.  42.  Lamartine  implies  the  date  of  his  birth  was  1792:  Cours 
familier  de  liUcrature,  vol.  I,  p.  8;  vol.  in,  pp.  161,  194,  199;  vol.  IV,  pp. 
444,449- 

.  .   I3  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 

only  dates  from  the  Law  of  September  2,  1792,  a  cer- 
tificate of  baptism,  in  the  handwriting  of  the  parish 
priest,  M.  Focard,  is  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the 
town  of  Macon.1  This  certificate  of  baptism  partakes 
also  of  the  nature  of  one  of  birth,  since  it  mentions  that 
the  child  was  born  on  the  preceding  day.  The  document 
does  not,  it  is  true,  specifically  record  that  the  birth  took 
place  in  the  parish  of  Saint- Pierre,  which  takes  its  name 
from  the  church  wherein  the  ceremony  was  performed. 
But  it  is  highly  improbable  that  had  the  child  been  born 
at  Milly,  his  parents  would  have  been  willing  to  incur  the 
risks  attending  a  seven-mile  drive  over  rough  country 
lanes,  when  the  village  church  stood  facing  the  entrance 
to  their  dwelling.  , 

M.  L£once  Lex,  Archivist  of  the  Department  of  Saone 
et  Loire,  as  lately  as  1907,  believed  that  the  tiny  house 
in  the  rue  des  Ursulines  at  M&con,  which  since  1890  has 
been  officially  recognized  as  the  poet's  birthplace,  had 
been  erroneously  so  labelled  by  the  city  fathers.2  His 
objections  would  seem  to  have  been  founded  on  a  para- 
graph of  Lamartine's  introduction  to  his  mother's  jour- 
nal. "At  the  rear  of  my  grandfather's  mansion,"  writes 
the  poet,  "which  extended  from  one  street  to  the  other, 
there  was  a  small  house,  low  and  dark,  which  communi- 
cated with  the  great  house  by  a  gloomy  passage  and  by 
means  of  little  courtyards,  narrow  and  damp  as  wells. 
This  house  served  to  lodge  old  servants  who  had  been 
retired  from  my  grandfather's  service,  but  who  still  re- 
ceived small  pensions.  .  .  ."  8  It  indeed  seemed  hardly 
credible  that  the  Chevalier,  the  only  married  son,  should 
have  been  relegated  with  his  bride  to  an  abode  habitually 

1  A  copy  of  this  document,  containing  insignificant  variations,  made 
probably  for  some  legal  requirement,  and  issued  by  the  vicar  (M.  De 
La  Font),  can  be  consulted  in  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  Court  of  First  Instance 
of  the  District. 

1  Lamartine,  p.  5.  •  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  45. 

.  .  14  .  . 


BIRTHPLACE    OF    LAMARTINE 


ANCESTRY  AND   EARLIEST   YEARS 


reserved  for  domestic  pensioners.  Nevertheless  an  ex- 
amination of  the  original  manuscript  of  Madame  de 
Lamartine's  journal  l  proves  beyond  cavil  that  Alphonse 
was  born  in  the  "little  house."  Valuable  as  the  testi- 
mony of  the  journal  is,  the  published  version  cannot  be 
implicitly  relied  upon.  Whole  pages  of  the  original  man- 
uscript are  either  securely  glued  together,  or  effaced, 
thus  intentionally  obliterating  its  records.  This  deface- 
ment dates,  in  the  opinion  of  the  family,  from  the  time 
when  Lamartine,  about  1858,  edited  the  journal  for 
publication.  His  reasons  for  so  doing  can,  however,  only 
be  surmised,  as,  by  his  own  special  wish,  the  volume  was 
withheld  from  the  public  until  after  his  death.  Neverthe- 
less, as  early  as  1836,  mention  is  made  by  Lamartine  of 
the  discovery  of  the  journal,  and  it  is  probable  that 
he  used  it  in  his  compilation  of  the  "Confidences"  and 
other  personal  reminiscences.2  Be  this  as  it  may,  the 
original  manuscript  specifically  mentions  No.  18  rue  des 
Ursulines  as  the  poet's  birthplace;  thus  disposing  for  all 
time  of  the  "legends"  of  Milly,  Saint- Point,  or  the 
"mansion"  of  his  grandfather  in  the  rue  Bauderon  de 
Sennece;  for  although  the  "little  house"  may,  by  cour- 
tesy, be  styled  an  annex  of  the  latter,  the  same  roof  cer- 
tainly did  not  cover  both. 

In  his  "Confidences"  Lamartine  asserts  that  no  mem- 
ber of  his  family  was  guilty  of  the  prevailing  folly  which 
impelled  so  many  of  the  aristocracy  to  follow  their 
princes  into  exile.  "  It  required  great  moral  courage,"  he 
writes,  "and  great  force  of  character  to  resist  this  epi- 
demic of  madness,  which  borrowed  the  name  of  honour. 

1  Consisting  of  twelve  little  copy-books,  extending  from  1800  to  1829, 
each  entry  carefully  dated,  in  the  possession  of  Madame  Amedee  de  Parse- 
val,  of  Macon,  who  graciously  allowed  the  author  to  consult  the  precious 
document,  in  1911. 

1  Cf.  Correspondancc,  vol.  in,  p.  395.  Lamartine  erroneously  mentions 
the  journal  as  consisting  of  but  eight  little  volumes,  from  his  mother's  first 
youth  till  her  death,  1829.  There  are  in  reality  twelve  volumes. 

.  .  I5  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


My  father  had  this  courage:  he  refused  to  emigrate. 
But  when  the  officers  of  the  army  were  required  to  take 
an  oath  against  which  his  conscience,  as  a  servant  of  the 
King,  revolted,  he  handed  in  his  resignation."  1  This  is 
not  strictly  true,  as  far  as  the  whole  family  is  concerned, 
although  in  the  case  of  his  father  the  accusation  was  not 
maintained.  It  is  probable  that  the  Chevalier  resigned 
his  commission  early  in  1791;  but  the  sojourn  in  Swit- 
zerland during  the  summer  of  that  year  was  not  re- 
garded as  a  flight,  nor  was  the  soldier  held  to  have 
left  France  in  consequence  of  his  disapproval  of  the 
political  situation.  There  is  indeed  ground  for  the  be- 
lief that  Reyssie  is  correct  in  ascribing  the  journey  as 
undertaken  on  account  of  the  delicate  health  of  the 
child.2 

At  the  same  time  there  is  no  documentary  evidence 
except  that  given  by  the  poet  himself  in  his  fantastic 
account  of  the  episode,  written  after  the  lapse  of  over 
half  a  century.  "My  father  and  mother  had  established 
themselves  for  several  months  at  Lausanne  during  the 
second  year  of  their  marriage.  They  dwelt  in  one  of  those 
charming  houses  built  on  the  terraced  slopes  which  fall 
away  from  the  hill  of  Montbenon  to  the  lake  shore. 
Gibbon  lived  in  the  one  contiguous  to  ours.  The  two 
gardens  adjoined,  separated  only  by  a  jasmine  hedge. 
My  mother,  who  was  beginning  to  wean  me,  guided  my 
first  steps  along  the  gravelled  paths  beneath  the  hedge. 
Gibbon,  writing  or  reading  in  a  bower  in  a  corner  of  his 
own  garden,  watched  these  games  and  listened  admir- 
ingly to  the  voices  of  the  young  Frenchwoman  and  her  in- 
fant. Peeping  over  the  hedge,  he  recognized  my  mother, 
whom  he  had  seen  before  her  marriage  in  my  grand- 

1  Confidences,  p.  36;  cf.  Archives  departementales,  xr,  4.  Reyssie,  in  his 
Jeunesse  de  Lamartine,  p.  26,  mentions  one  member  of  the  family  as  having 
emigrated  temporarily. 

*  Jeunesse  de  Lamartine,  p.  19;  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  «/.,  p.  84. 

•  .  16  •  • 


ANCESTRY  AND   EARLIEST  YEARS 


mother's  salon  in  Paris,  at  the  Palais  Royal,  and  at  Saint- 
Cloud.  My  mother  also  recognized  him  instantly,  both 
by  reason  of  his  exceptional  ugliness  and  the  proverbial 
bonhomie  of  his  appearance.  Henceforward,  all  through  a 
long  summer,  the  two  households  formed  but  one.  My 
father,  my  mother,  Gibbon,  and  a  few  mutual  friends  were 
as  a  single  family.  Either  with  a  view  to  pleasing  the 
charming  mother  through  her  son,  or  because  of  the 
natural  fondness  of  studious  and  solitary  men  for  chil- 
dren, the  great  historian  spent  the  evening  hour  playing 
with  me.  His  knees,  my  mother  told  me,  became  my 
cradle."  l 

Neither  in  his  "Autobiography"  nor  in  his  published 
correspondence  does  Gibbon  make  mention  of  these  neigh- 
bours with  whom  he  became  so  intimate.  The  loquacious 
Maria  Josepha  Holroyd,  who  with  her  parents,  Lord  and 
Lady  Sheffield,  spent  the  summer  of  1791  (July  23  to  the 
first  week  in  October)  at  "LaGrotte"  as  Gibbon's  guests, 
is  equally  reticent.  "There  is  a  very  pleasant  set  of 
French  here,"  she  writes,  "but  we  live  entirely  with  the 
Severys  and  Mr.  Gibbon's  set,  which  is  certainly  not 
equally  pleasant."  2  And  a  little  later  she  launches  the 
following  shaft:  "...  Mr.  Gibbon  dislikes  the  French 
very  much,  which  is  nothing  but  Swiss  prejudice,  of 
which  he  has  imbibed  a  large  quantity." 

Lord  Sheffield,  in  a  note  inserted  in  Gibbon's  "Auto- 
biography," which  he  edited,  also  declares  that  when 
visiting  the  historian  at  Lausanne  he  was  astonished 
to  find  him  "apparently  without  relish  for  French  so- 
ciety." "During  the  stay  I  made  with  him,"  continues 
his  lifelong  friend,  "he  renewed  his  intercourse  with  the 
principal  French  who  were  at  Lausanne;  of  whom  there 
happened  to  be  a  considerable  number,  distinguished 

1  Cours  familier  de  literature,  vol.  n,  p.  234. 
1  The  Girlhood  of  Maria  Josepha  Holroyd,  p.  63. 

.  .    ,7  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


for  rank  and  talents;  many  indeed  respectable  in  both."  l 
We  have  no  valid  reason,  however,  for  completely  dis- 
carding Lamartine's  pretty  anecdote,  in  spite  of  his  tra- 
ditional reputation  for  inexactitude.  It  is  nevertheless 
perplexing  that  Miss  Holroyd,  who  was  an  inveterate 
gossip,  and  who  must  perforce  have  been  closely  asso- 
ciated with  the  Lamartines,  should  so  completely  ignore 
them. 

With  the  end  of  the  summer  came  also  that  of  the 
idyl.  Gibbon  "shed  tears  on  replacing  his  little  play- 
fellow for  the  last  time  in  his  mother's  arms,"  2  and  the 
friends  parted  to  go  their  several  ways  and  meet  again 
no  more. 

1  Autobiography  of  Edward  Gibbon,  p.  263.  Lord  Sheffield  appends  a  list 
of  the  principal  French  then  residing  in  Lausanne,  among  whom  the  La- 
martines do  not  appear. 

8  Cours  familier  de  literature,  vol.  n,  p.  235. 


CHAPTER  III 
CHILDHOOD  AND  SCHOOLDAYS 

THE  social  upheaval  in  France  had  now  attained  pro- 
portions undreamt  of  in  its  incipient  stages.  The  Tenth 
of  August  was  at  hand.  Major  Lamartine,  although  no 
longer  bound  by  his  military  oath,  did  not  hesitate  to 
place  his  sword  at  the  service  of  his  king.  Leaving  wife 
and  child  he  hastened  to  the  defence  of  the  Tuileries. 
Wounded  during  the  massacre  of  the  Swiss  Guard,  he 
was  captured  and  imprisoned  at  Vaugirard,  but,  thanks 
to  the  connivance  of  the  gardener  of  a  relative,  he  escaped 
and  made  good  his  return  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
M<icon  —  possibly  to  the  small  estate  of  Milly,  the 
manor-house  which  his  son  so  frequently  claims  as  his 
birthplace.1 

Meanwhile  M&con  was  in  the  throes  of  revolutionary 
ferment.  Shortly  after  the  imprisonment  of  Louis  XVI 
a  furious  mob  assailed  the  residence  of  the  Lamartines. 
The  entire  family,  consisting  of  the  grandfather,  then 
over  eighty-four  years  of  age,  his  wife,  an  invalid,  their 
two  sons  and  three  daughters,  were  arrested  and  dragged 
to  the  prisons  at  Autun,  twenty  miles  away.  The  Major, 
there  is  reason  to  believe,  was  apprehended  at  Milly, 
and  thence  conveyed  with  his  wife,  who  had  but  re- 
cently given  birth  to  their  second  child,  and  Alphonse, 
to  M^con.  Here  the  father  was  confined  in  the  convent 
of  the  Ursulines,  while  the  mother  and  her  two  infants 
were  kept  under  surveillance  in  the  attic  of  the  small 
house  belonging  to  the  Lamartines  already  mentioned  as 
the  poet's  birthplace.  From  her  window  Alix  de  Lamar- 
1  Cf.  Correspondance,  vol.  iv,  p.  65;  letter  to  M.  E.  de  Girardin,  note. 
.  .  I9  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


tine  looked  across  the  narrow  street  on  the  roofs  of  the 
convent  where  for  nearly  eighteen  months  her  husband 
was  kept  captive.  Her  son  relates  that  his  parents  even- 
tually devised  a  mode  of  communication;  that  they  not 
only  saw  each  other  daily,  but  that  on  dark,  moonless 
nights  the  prisoner  actually  crossed  the  narrow  lane 
from  his  garret  window  to  the  house  opposite  by  means 
of  a  strong  rope  his  wife  had  supplied.1 

When  the  Ninth  of  Thermidor  (27th  of  July,  1794) 
opened  the  prison  doors  the  little  family  migrated  to  the 
unpretentious  manor-house  at  Milly,  a  hamlet  situated 
a  couple  of  leagues  distant.  This  modest  estate  had  been 
apportioned  the  Chevalier,  as  a  younger  son,  in  his  mar- 
riage settlements.  Although  the  Revolution  had  abol- 
ished entail  and  decreed  the  division  of  family  estates 
on  the  death  of  the  head  of  the  house,  the  Major,  when 
he  lost  his  parents  shortly  after  their  release  from  prison, 
decided  to  adhere  to  tradition  and  content  himself  with 
the  provision  originally  made  for  him.  Why  the  other 
members  of  the  family  who  were  unmarried,  and  conse- 
quently less  in  need  of  larger  means,  did  not  insist  on 
their  brother's  acceptance  of  his  full  share  of  the  very 
considerable  property,  remains  a  mystery.  Nor  does 
Lamartine  offer  any  other  explanation  beyond  that  of 
his  father's  determination  to  conform  to  the  spirit  and 
the  letter  of  the  customs  the  Revolution  had  swept  away.2 
At  Milly,  therefore,  the  little  family  settled  down  to  a 
frugal,  patriarchal  existence,  differing  only  in  degree 
from  that  of  the  neighbouring  peasantry.3 

Alphonse  de  Lamartine  was  nearly  four  years  old  when 

1  Confidences,  pp.  42-44;  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  pp.  48-50. 

2  Confidences,  p.  49;  Memoir es  inedits,  p.  15. 

*  Confidences,  p.  50;  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  55.  Lamartine  himself 
estimates  the  family  expenses  as  between  three  and  five  thousand  francs. 
Pierre  de  Lacretelle  (op.  tit.,  p.  100)  gives  authority  for  a  revenue  of  twelve 
thousand  per  annum. 

.  .  2O  •  • 


CHILDHOOD  AND  SCHOOLDAYS 


his  parents  definitely  established  their  home  at  Milly. 
Here  the  childhood,  youth,  and  early  manhood  of  the 
poet  were  spent  in  practically  unbroken  continuity. 
More  than  any  others  the  environment  of  Milly,  physical 
and  psychological,  contributed  to  the  moulding  of  his 
character  and  of  his  genius.  To  the  end  of  his  days  Lamar- 
tine  held  the  humble  rooftree  as  the  incarnation  of  home : 
the  one  spot  on  earth  to  which  he  turned  for  peace  and 
consolation  in  times  of  stress  and  mental  anguish.  To 
Milly,  in  moments  of  poetic  ecstasy,  he  refers  as  his 
cradle:  it  is  Milly  he  idealizes  in  "La  Vigne  et  la  Mai- 
son"  —  idealizes  so  flagrantly  that  the  scrupulous,  truth- 
loving  mother,  on  reading  her  son's  effusion,  hastily 
plants  the  ivy  the  poet  describes  as  covering  the  north 
wall  of  the  house,  "in  order  that  my  son  may  not  lie  even 
in  his  verses."  l 

The  country  surrounding  the  drab-coloured,  stone- 
built  hamlet  of  Milly  is  not  romantic.  Bare  and  appar- 
ently barren  mounds  roll  out  their  monotonous  undu- 
lations between  the  broad  green  plain  where  runs  the 
river  Sa6ne  and  the  wooded  hills  which  rise  farther 
westward.  The  land  hereabouts  is  almost  treeless.  La- 
martine  himself  compared  Milly  with  the  villages  of 
Spain,  Calabria,  Sicily,  and  Greece,  "which  seem,  under 
the  summer  sun  in  a  brazen  sky,  to  glow  like  the  mouth  of 
a  furnace  wherein  a  peasant  has  cast  a  faggot  of  myrtle 
or  box  in  order  to  bake  his  children's  bread."  2  Vine- 
yards straggle  over  the  brown  rocky  soil,  barely  conceal- 
ing it  at  certain  seasons,  at  others  relieving  somewhat 
the  neutral- tinted  monotony.  Milly  itself  is  to-day  very 
much  as  it  was  a  century  ago.  A  statue  of  the  poet  has 
been  erected  on  the  little  "place";  around  it  cluster  a 
dozen  squalid  hovels  overshadowed  by  the  squat "  pyram- 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mtre,  p.  292. 

*  Cours  familier  de  literature,  vol.  I,  p.  8. 

.   .  21    •   • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


idal  spire  of  grey  stone,"  l  of  the  village  church.  The 
place  breathes  poverty:  the  evidences  of  incessant  strug- 
gle for  bare  subsistence  are  everywhere  apparent.  The 
peasants  and  their  masters  depend  on  the  product  of  their 
vines,  which  are  meat  and  drink  in  one:  failure  of  the  vin- 
tage spells  privation  and  ruin  to-day,  as  it  did  a  century 
ago.  "We  have  been  horribly  devastated  by  a  great 
storm,"  wrote  Madame  de  Lamartine  in  her  diary  under 
date  of  September  2,  1801 ;  "  the  hail  completed  the  de- 
struction of  our  vintage.  Everything  promised  a  superb 
year;  there  will  scarcely  be  enough  left  for  our  subsistence, 
and  the  maintenance  of  our  poor  peasants'  families!  I 
am  ill  from  the  shock  and  worry.  This  misfortune  will 
necessitate  great  retrenchment,  many  privations;  all 
our  plans  of  winters  in  Macon  for  the  education  of  our 
daughters  are  upset;  we  must  probably  sell  our  horse  and 
char-d-banc;  but  God  wills  it.  This  thought  should  suf- 
fice for  my  consolation."  The  resigned  wife  then  goes  on 
to  praise  the  courage  and  devotion  of  her  husband  during 
this  trial,  adding:  "...  He  prayed  with  me  midst  the 
rattle  of  the  hailstones,  breaking  branches  and  window- 
panes,  and  the  sobs  of  the  despairing  peasants  in  the 
courtyard."  2 

Slender  resources  and  the  dread  of  calamities  such  as 
the  above  dictated  the  strictest  domestic  economy.  As 
has  been  said,  the  material  conditions  of  life  in  the  manor- 
house  at  Milly  were  practically  on  a  par  with  those  of  the 
surrounding  peasantry.  The  opening  pages  of  the  "Con- 
fidences" paint  the  author  with  barefooted  goatherds 
as  his  youthful  associates,  spending  his  days  with  them 
under  the  open  sky,  far  up  the  rugged  hillside,  sharing 
their  rough  fare  and  joining  in  their  games  and  frolics. 

The  household  was  early  astir;  as  soon  as  the  first 
ray  of  sunshine  filtered  through  the  shutters,  the  doors 
1  Confidences,  p.  67.  *  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  in. 

.  .  22   •   • 


CHILDHOOD   AND  SCHOOLDAYS 


opened,  "the  village  maidens  came  to  the  house,  frolicked 
on  the  stairs,  ran  along  the  passages,  to  the  lofts,  entered 
the  nursery,  helped  the  children  to  dress,  fastened  their 
wooden  shoes,  filling  the  house  with  joyous  tumult  as 
the  sun  filled  it  with  brightness,  the  dogs  with  their  bark- 
ing, the  birds  with  their  song.  All  went  to  the  kitchen  for 
breakfast,  and  then  a  rush  was  made  for  the  open  air. 
From  time  to  time  the  report  of  the  father's  gun  was 
heard  far  up  the  mountain-side,  and  the  morning  breeze 
wafted  the  smoke  through  the  heather."  l  Yet  between 
the  simple-living  gentlefolk  at  the  manor  and  the  rude 
vintners  whose  hovels  leaned  against  their  gateposts, 
a  great  gulf  was  fixed.  Beneath  the  humble  roof  of  the 
squire  of  Milly  culture  and  refinement  played  an  im- 
portant part.  The  Chevalier  was  a  lover  of  the  best 
literature  of  his  time,  and  a  classical  scholar  to  boot.  A 
taste  for  poetry  and  "belles-lettres"  had  run  through 
several  generations  in  the  family,  and  dainty  verses  by 
the  boy's  father  and  grandfather  were  often  quoted  in 
M^con.2  Time  and  again  the  child  was  lulled  to  sleep 
on  his  mother's  knee  by  the  sound  of  his  father's  voice 
reading  aloud  the  masterpieces  of  French  dramatic  liter- 
ature. The  tragedies  of  Voltaire  and  of  Racine,  the 
"Fables"  of  La  Fontaine,  were  as  familiar  to  his  infant 
ear  as  a  nurse's  tale.  Alphonse  de  Lamartine  was  brought 
up,  if  not  in  an  atmosphere  of  books,  —  straitened  cir- 
cumstances forbade  that,  —  at  least  in  an  environment 
where  appreciation  of  what  was  best  in  books  and  prac- 
tical literary  culture  went  hand  in  hand. 

Yet  there  was  no  pedantry  in  this  home.  "  My  mother 
worried  herself  very  little  over  what  is  understood  by 
learning:  she  had  no  ambition  of  making  me  a  child 

1  Mbnoircs  intdits,  p.  40. 

*  Cf.  Ernest  Falconnet's  pamphlet,  A.  de  Lamartine  (Paris,  1840);  also 
Memoires  inedits,  p.  14. 

.  .  23  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


advanced  for  its  age.  She  never  excited  in  me  an  em- 
ulation which  is  often  merely  the  jealousy  of  pride  in 
children.  She  allowed  no  comparison  with  others:  she 
neither  exalted  nor  humiliated  me  by  means  of  such 
dangerous  estimates."  1  And  the  writer  goes  on  to  add: 
"The  little  that  was  taught  me  was  conveyed  as  a  re- 
ward. My  masters  were  my  father  and  mother.  I  saw 
them  read  and  I  wanted  to  read ;  I  saw  them  write,  and  I 
begged  them  to  aid  me  in  forming  my  letters.  All  this 
took  place  while  at  play,  at  idle  moments,  on  their 
knees,  in  the  garden,  by  the  drawing-room  fire,  accom- 
panied by  smiles,  gambols,  and  caresses."  Lamartine 
wrote  in  later  years  that  at  the  age  of  ten  he  had  never 
yet  experienced  a  heart-burn,  never  known  what  mental 
anguish  meant,  never  discerned  the  scowl  of  passion  on 
a  human  visage.2  The  gentle  mother  had  derived  her 
notions  on  education  from  the  teachings  of  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau  and  Bernardin  de  Saint-Pierre,  both  of  whom 
she  had  seen  in  her  childhood  at  the  Court  of  the  Duke 
of  Orleans.  While  still  quite  young  she  had  listened  to 
heated  discussions  between  Madame  de  Genlis,  her  own 
mother,  and  others  in  charge  of  the  royal  children,  con- 
cerning the  relative  merits  of  the  systems  of  these  philos- 
ophers. Since  those  days  she  had  herself  read  and  deeply 
pondered  their  theories  and  drawn  her  own  conclusions. 
Physically  this  system  of  education,  at  least  in  its  incip- 
ient stages,  followed  closely  the  precepts  laid  down  by 
Pythagoras  and  the  author  of  "Emile":  the  greatest 
simplicity  in  clothing,  and  diet  of  the  most  rigorous  fru- 
gality. The  boy  was,  in  fact,  allowed  to  run  wild  with 
the  little  peasant  lads;  constraint,  if  any  was  exercised, 
being  so  disguised  as  to  pass  unperceived. 

A  taste  for  reading  was  early  developed,  and  it  was  not 
long  before  the  insatiable  demand  outran  the  supply. 

1  Confidences,  p.  77.  *  Ibid.,  p.  74. 

.  .  24  -  • 


CHILDHOOD   AND   SCHOOLDAYS 


Children's  books  no  longer  sufficed:  Lamartine  admits 
that  before  he  was  in  his  teens  his  eyes  turned  with  envy 
to  the  rows  of  volumes  standing  on  the  rough  shelves 
of  his  parents'  sitting-room.  The  careful  mother  sought 
to  moderate  this  yearning  for  knowledge,  and  doled  out 
the  books  with  a  discriminating  hand.  From  all  accounts 
the  young  student's  taste  in  literature  was  catholic 
enough;  the  works  of  Madame  de  Genlis,  selections  from 
Fenelon,  Bernardin  de  Saint- Pierre,  Tasso,  even  "Robin- 
son Crusoe,"  delighted  him;  Voltaire  transported  him. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  "Fables"  of  La  Fontaine  appealed 
not  at  all:  "they  appeared  to  me  at  once  puerile,  false, 
and  cruel,"  he  writes,  "and  I  never  could  learn  them  by 
rote."  l 

When  young  Alphonse  had  outgrown  the  desultory 
sessions  at  his  mother's  knee,  elementary  instruction  was 
imparted  by  a  friend  of  the  family,  M.  Bruys  de  Vaudran. 
Half  a  century  later  the  pupil  dedicated  many  pages 
of  the  initial  volume  of  his  "Cours  familier  de  littera- 
ture"  2  to  the  memory  of  this  scholarly  victim  of  the 
Revolution,  who  had  emerged  from  the  wreck  with  noth- 
ing but  his  skin,  his  library,  and  an  inexhaustible  fund 
of  philosophy.  This  figure  is  indelibly  associated  with 
the  poet's  earliest  literary  retrospect.  Due  allowance 
must,  of  course,  be  made  for  the  glamour  which  fifty 
years  had  shed  over  these  childish  recollections.  Yet  even 
so  the  quaint  picturesqueness  of  the  surroundings  de- 
scribed must  perforce  have  set  their  imperishable  stamp 
on  a  receptive  mind  such  as  his. 

Behind  Milly  rises  the  Monsard  (Mons  Arduus),  a 
rugged  peak  half  smothered  in  stunted  forest,  its  summit 
formed  of  nude  rocks  to  which  the  erosions  of  wind  and 
weather  have  given  a  semblance  of  the  crenellated  bas- 
tions of  some  huge  dismantled  fortress.  From  this  lofty 

1  Confidences,  pp.  76,  77.  *  Vol.  I,  p.  35;  cf.  also  Confidences,  p.  76. 

•  •  25  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


belvedere  the  eye  roams  over  the  plains  and  hills  of  the 
Sa6ne  country  to  the  dark  flanks  of  the  Jura,  over  which 
peep  the  glistening  snows  of  the  distant  Alps,  —  a  roman- 
tic site,  to  which  was  added  a  romantic  setting.  Here 
of  a  summer  afternoon  Alphonse  was  wont  to  accom- 
pany his  father,  and  here  they  were  invariably  joined  by 
M.  de  Vaudran  and  the  Abb6  Dumont.  Nature  had 
fashioned  the  rocks  into  three  rough  thrones,  the  sole 
furniture,  besides  a  carpet  of  moss,  of  this  aerial  council- 
chamber. 

Settling  themselves  in  their  respective  "cathedra" 
each  produced  a  volume,  and  long  discussions  on  political 
or  literary  subjects  absorbed  the  friends  until  the  fading 
twilight  made  retreat  imperative.  The  boy  played  at 
their  feet,  collecting  fossil  shells,  quieting  the  abb6's  dogs 
which  crouched  beside  him,  and  edging  nearer  to  the  dis- 
putants when  the  debate  waxed  heated  over  the  verses 
of  some  poet,  ancient  or  modern,  or  the  social  problems 
raised  by  a  Rousseau,  a  F£nelon,  or  a  Montesquieu. 
Philosophy,  religion,  legislation,  history,  poetry,  fiction, 
the  political  pamphlets  of  the  hour,  even  journalism,  all 
passed  through  the  crucible  of  this  open-air  academy.1 
The  boy's  alert  intelligence  rarely  failed  to  assimilate  some 
crumb  of  knowledge,  some  fact  or  quaint  conceit,  grave 
or  gay.  "One  can  conceive,"  wrote  the  poet  in  after 
years,  "what  a  vivid  impression  of  literature  such  scenes 
in  such  a  site,  such  readings  and  such  discussions,  must 
have  made  on  the  mind  of  a  child.  Those  books,  scanned 
and  commentated  in  the  open  air,  midst  the  continuous 
stimulus  of  the  conflicting  opinions  of  these  three  her- 
mits, seemed  to  me  to  contain  I  hardly  know  what  myste- 
rious oracles  which  these  sages  came  to  consult  in  con- 
templative calm  of  soul  and  senses  on  these  lofty  peaks. 
The  idea  of  a  book  and  the  vision  of  those  three  rocky 
1  Cows  familier  de  Utttraturc,  vol.  i,  p.  45. 
•  •  26  •  • 


CHILDHOOD  AND  SCHOOLDAYS 


thrones  on  the  mountain-tops  became  henceforth  and 
forever  inseparable  in  my  mind."  * 

Meanwhile  the  family  of  the  Chevalier  and  Madame 
de  Lamartine  had  assumed  somewhat  alarming  propor- 
tions. A  boy  and  five  daughters  followed  each  other  in 
rapid  succession.  "How  bring  up  on  such  small  means 
so  numerous  a  progeny!"  pathetically  exclaims  the 
anxious  mother,  in  her  journal,  on  August  10,  1801,  —  a 
week  previous  to  the  birth  of  her  sixth  child.2  Fortu- 
nately the  allowance  of  a  half-witted  relative,  Mademoi- 
selle de  Monceau,  who  resided  under  their  roof,  alleviated 
the  growing  financial  distress.  Yet  the  slender  resources 
of  the  estate  were  taxed  to  the  utmost  to  meet  the  re- 
quirements  of  this  brood,  and  the  parents  knew  many  an 
anxious  moment. 

Alphonse  was  now  (1801)  eleven  years  of  age.  The 
boy  had  for  the  last  year  followed  classes  over  which  the 
village  priest  at  Bussieres,  or  more  correctly  his  assistant, 
the  Abbe  Dumont,  presided.  Accompanied  by  five  or 
six  urchins  from  Milly  he  tramped  over  the  hills  in  all 
weathers,  carrying,  besides  a  hunch  of  bread  and  some 
fruit  for  the  midday  meal,  a  little  bundle  of  faggots  to 
feed  the  school-room  fire.  Lamartine  has  immortalized 
the  Abbe  Dumont  as  "Jocelyn"; 3  but  he  lent  also  to 
the  imaginary  hero  of  the  epic  all  the  yearnings  of  his  own 
soul  during  the  years  he  spent  at  the  Jesuit  college  at 
Belley.4  The  Abb6  Dumont  was  as  unorthodox  in  dress 
and  conduct  as  in  dogma.  His  sacerdotal  and  pedagogic 
duties  were  performed  in  the  most  perfunctory  manner. 
A  staunch  royalist,  yet  deeply  imbued  with  the  philos- 
ophy which  had  engendered  the  Revolution,  his  room 
was  strewn  with  volumes  of  Voltaire,  Rousseau,  and 

1  Cours  familiar  de  litterature,  vol.  I,  p.  47. 

*  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  109. 

1  (Euvres  completes,  vol.  iv,  pp.  54,  55.  *  Confidences,  p.  i  ij. 

.  •  27  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


the  pamphleteers  of  the  eighteenth  century;  while  por- 
traits and  busts  of  Louis  XVI  and  the  royal  family 
crowded  the  walls  and  chimney-piece.  An  enthusiastic 
sportsman,  the  abbe  begrudged  every  moment  not  given 
over  to  his  passion  for  the  chase  or  the  equally  absorb- 
ing study  of  his  favourite  philosophers.  "Education," 
wrote  Lamartine  in  after  life,  "was  limited  during  the 
entire  year  to  the  learning  by  rote  of  two  or  three  de- 
clensions of  Latin  words  of  which  we  did  not  even  un- 
derstand the l  terminations."  l  The  remainder  of  the 
time  was  devoted  to  skating  in  winter  and  swimming  in 
summer,  and  to  attending  weddings  and  various  cele- 
brations in  the  neighbouring  villages,  where  the  boys 
gorged  with  the  peasants,  delighting  in  the  noise  of  the 
pistols  and  mortars  inseparable  from  such  festivities. 
The  local  dialect  was  as  familiar  to  young  Alphonse  as 
the  French  of  his  parents'  home.  Yet  this  essentially 
peasant  life,  this  total  ignorance  of  things  which  other 
children  are  supposed  to  know  at  the  age  he  had  reached, 
did  not  blunt  the  finer  susceptibilities.  The  mother's 
influence  counterbalanced  the  rough,  primitive,  yet 
withal  honest,  instincts  he  shared  with  his  playmates. 

His  life  was  made  up  of  healthy  freedom,  vigorous 
physical  exercise,  and  simple  pleasures,  wherein  danger- 
ous companionship  found  no  place.  Although  he  was 
not  aware  of  it,  his  comrades  were  selected  for  him :  in 
fact,  the  older  boys  were  invested  by  his  watchful  par- 
ents with  a  certain  moral  responsibility.  All  the  coun- 
tryside was  as  a  family  to  him,  and  the  affection  and 
respect  entertained  for  his  parents  encircled  him  at  all 
times,  and  under  all  circumstances.2  The  mother,  de- 
spite her  ambition  for  her  son,  would  fain  have  prolonged 
indefinitely  his  happy  childhood;  but  the  father  and 
uncles,  realizing  with  alarm  the  extent  of  the  boy's  lack 
1  Confidences,  p.  101.  *  Ibid.,  p.  102. 

.  .  28  •  • 


CHILDHOOD   AND  SCHOOLDAYS 


of  education,  decided  that  a  more  efficient  system  and  a 
stricter  discipline  were  now  imperative.  The  lad  was  a 
gentleman,  the  son  and  nephew  of  cultured  men  to  whom 
learning  and  the  pursuits  of  a  gentleman  were  as  essen- 
tial as  the  air  they  breathed.  He  was  their  heir,  the  only 
male  descendant  of  their  race,  and  all  were  agreed  that  he 
be  suitably  fitted  to  fill  the  place  his  birth  entitled  him 
to  occupy.  Lamartine  believed  that,  left  to  himself,  his 
father  would  never  have  decided  to  send  him  away  from 
home;  but  the  uncles,  especially  the  head  of  the  family, 
persisted,  and  as  this  domestic  tyrant's  word  was  law  with 
the  brothers  and  sisters,  the  boy  was  finally  despatched 
to  the  Institut  Puppier,  at  Lyons,  on  March  2,  iSoi.1 

The  mother  would  have  preferred  a  more  strictly  re- 
ligious establishment,  such  as  the  Jesuit  college  at  Belley, 
in  Savoy;  a  favourite  educational  centre  for  the  sons 
of  the  aristocratic  families  of  the  neighbourhood,  to 
which  young  Lamartine  was  eventually  sent.  But  the 
lad's  uncle  mistrusted  the  Jesuits.  Perhaps  also  the  fact 
that  the  hated  Napoleon's  uncle,  Cardinal  Fesch,  lent 
his  patronage  to  this  establishment,  may  have  carried 
weight  with  the  lad's  relatives  in  Ma"con. 

To  the  boy  who  had  run  wild  at  Milly,  knowing  no 
constraint  other  than  a  mother's  love,  the  sudden  ban- 
ishment and  rigid  discipline  of  a  boarding-school  were 
alike  intolerable.  "  For  the  first  time  in  my  life  my  heart 
seemed  breaking,  and  when  the  iron  gates  separated  me 
from  my  mother,  I  felt  I  was  indeed  entering  another 
world."2 

Yet,  the  first  inevitable  outburst  of  homesickness  over, 
the  boy  seemed  to  have  settled  down  normally  to  his 
new  surroundings.  On  January  7,  1802,  the  mother  re- 
cords in  her  journal  that  Alphonse,  with  twelve  of  the 

1  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  cit.,  p.  169. 

*  Confidences,  p.  103;  Memoires  incdiis,  p.  49. 

.  .  29  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


best  scholars,  had  been  taken  to  see  the  review  held  by 
Bonaparte  on  the  Place  Bellecour.  "  I  was  very  happy 
over  this  little  mark  of  distinction:  it  is  a  good  sign."  l 
The  summer  holidays  were  spent  at  home  among  the 
familiar  scenes  and  joyous  liberty,  the  affection,  perhaps 
the  spoiling,  the  lad's  sensitive  nature  craved.  The  re- 
turn to  the  Institut  Puppier  was  even  worse  than  the 
first  plunge  into  the  unknown  had  been.  The  boy  im- 
plored his  parents  to  allow  him  to  remain  at  home  or  send 
him  elsewhere;  but  both  father  and  uncle  were  deter- 
mined. Knowing  her  son  as  the  mother  did,  she  antici- 
pated trouble  when  she  noted  the  sombre,  sullen  atti- 
tude he  assumed  when  he  bade  her  farewell.  Two  months 
later,  December  9,  1802,  her  forebodings  were  realized. 
On  the  nth  news  reached  his  parents  that,  accompanied 
by  two  fellow-pupils,  Alphonse  had  run  away,  but  had 
been  recaptured.  "This  fault,"  writes  his  mother,  "has 
caused  us  great  distress  because  it  has  been  preceded  and 
followed  by  many  others,  and  sustained  by  unseemly 
pride.  I  fear  I  spoilt  him,"  she  adds;  "they  had  diffi- 
culty in  making  him  write  a  letter  of  excuse  and  repent- 
ance to  his  father."  2 

Various  more  or  less  conflicting  accounts  have  been 
given  of  this  boyish  escapade.  Lamartine  himself  gives 
two  versions  of  the  story.8  Although  they  do  not  tally 
very  accurately  as  to  details,  the  essentials  are  the  same. 
The  boy  was  profoundly  miserable;  he  loathed  the  hypo- 
critical masters,  the  brutality  of  the  sports  his  comrades 
delighted  in;  he  craved  the  liberty  he  had  always  known, 
and  the  gentle  affections  which  had  surrounded  him. 
"I  breathed  an  atmosphere  of  malice,  of  deceit  and  cor- 
ruption which  nauseated  me.  The  impression  was  so 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  122. 

*  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  cit.,  p.  174.    Lamartine,  when  editing  the 
Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  gives  a  slightly  different  version.   Cf.  p.  127. 

*  Confidences,  p.  107;  Memoires  inedits,  p.  70. 

•  •  30  •  • 


CHILDHOOD  AND  SCHOOLDAYS 


great  and  so  sickening,  that  thoughts  of  suicide,  of  which 
I  had  never  heard  spoken,  assailed  me."  l  He  was  the 
harrowed  witness  of  a  brutal  fisticuffs  between  one  of  the 
masters  and  a  pupil,  like  himself  from  Macon,  which 
ended  in  the  youth  being  literally  kicked  out  into  the 
street  and  left  to  shift  for  himself.2 

A  few  days  later  the  pupils  were  taken  to  the  Bois  de 
la  Caille  for  a  school  treat.  Here  the  barbarity  of  the 
sport  provided  for  their  entertainment  frankly  disgusted 
the  tender-hearted  lad,  and  drove  him  to  open  revolt.  A 
rope  was  stretched  from  one  tree  to  another  and  from  it 
was  hung,  head  down,  a  live  and  struggling  goose.  In 
turn  each  pupil  was  armed  with  a  sword,  and,  his  eyes 
bound,  he  was  told  to  sever  the  bird's  head  from  its  body. 
Slashing  right  and  left  in  the  darkness  the  executioner 
mutilated  the  quivering  flesh,  being  awarded  a  prize 
according  to  the  damage  done  —  for  a  leg,  a  wing,  a  foot, 
the  neck,  or  the  head.  When  the  turn  came  for  his  friend 
De  Veydel  to  try  his  skill,  Lamartine  stole  up  to  him  and 
whispered  in  his  ear:  "Strike  hard  in  the  direction  where 
you  hear  my  voice.  M.  Philippe  [the  hated  master]  will 
be  there  and  will  receive  a  sabre  cut  on  the  face  or  head, 
and  you,  being  blindfolded,  cannot  be  accused  of  a  cul- 
pable intention."  The  ruse  succeeded.  M.  Philippe  re- 
ceived a  glancing  blow  on  the  head,  which  delighted  the 
scholars,  greatly  incensed  the  master,  but  profited  the 
goose  not  at  all,  since  the  sport  was  continued  until 
nothing  but  a  formless,  bleeding,  quivering  bunch  of 
feathers  hung  limply  on  the  rope. ' 

Alphonse  was  boiling  with  suppressed  rage,  but  pru- 
dence forbade  an  outbreak.  Together  with  the  brothers 
Veydel  he  planned  flight  from  such  iniquitous  surround- 
ings. They  would  take  the  first  opportunity  of  evasion, 
and  tramp  back  to  their  houses  in  Macon. 

1  Confidences,  p.  106.         *  Memoires  intdits,  p.  65.         *  Ibid.,  p.  68. 

.  .  31    .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


Two  days  later  the  leader  deemed  that  the  moment 
for  the  execution  of  their  plan  had  arrived.  He  instructed 
his  fellow-conspirators  to  start  a  game  of  ball  close  to  the 
entrance  gate,  which  he  would  see  had  been  carelessly  left 
open.  After  a  few  minutes'  play  the  ball  would  be  so 
clumsily  thrown  that  it  would  pass  through  the  gate  and 
roll  down  the  hill  beyond.  Intent  on  their  game  the  three 
players  would  rush  impetuously  in  pursuit,  and  disap- 
pear round  the  corner  of  the  lane.  By  the  time  the  mas- 
ters and  boys  at  play  in  the  courtyard  realized  what  had 
taken  place,  the  fugitives  would  be  well  under  way  for 
the  village  of  Fontaines-sur-Sa6ne,  the  first  stage  of  their 
tramp  to  M&con.  The  scheme  succeeded  admirably. 
Two  hours  later  Fontaines  was  reached  and  a  halt  called 
for  dinner.  Although  it  was  a  Friday  hunger  deadened 
their  religious  scruples,  and  the  truants  sat  down  to  attack 
a  delicious  roasted  capon.  "We  had  often  heard  our 
mothers  say,  —  and  they  were  very  pious  women,"  —  ex- 
plains Alphonse,  "that  when  travelling  one  could  eat 
meat  without  sin,  provided  the  act  be  not  in  a  spirit  of 
disdain  of  the  laws  of  the  Church."  1 

Hardly  had  the  meal  begun  when  the  door  was  thrown 
open  and  the  headmaster  in  person  stood  before  them. 
Mopping  his  heated  brow,  M.  Philippe  quietly  requested 
the  mistress  of  the  inn  to  lay  another  cover,  as  he 
would  "dine  with  the  gentlemen."  Lamartine  writes 
that  pride  prevented  the  culprits  showing  fear,  and  that 
although  their  appetite  had  flown,  yet  they  affected 
to  smile,  and  take  their  misadventure  gaily,  submitting 
with  as  good  grace  as  possible  to  M.  Philippe's  sarcas- 
tic sallies  anent  the  capon.  On  the  termination  of  the 
feast,  however,  dire  retribution  awaited  the  victims  of 
their  master's  unholy  levity.  A  gendarme  was  waiting 
on  the  doorstep,  and  escorted  by  the  strong  arm  of  the 
1  Memoires  intdits,  p.  73. 
.  .  32  .  . 


CHILDHOOD  AND  SCHOOLDAYS 


law  the  culprits  were  hustled  back  to  their  prison-house, 
there  to  reflect  in  solitary  confinement  on  the  enormity 
of  their  crime. 

Lamartine  has  varied  the  scenario  of  this  episode  in 
various  accounts  scattered  through  his  reminiscences. 
The  meal  consisted  of  an  omelette  and  cheese,  and  when 
caught  by  the  director  he  was  marched  off,  his  arms  tied 
behind  his  back,  midst  the  taunts  of  the  villagers,  a  po- 
liceman in  attendance.1  Dates  and  distances  are  inex- 
tricably confused,  while  even  the  moral  considerations 
of  his  escapade  differ  according  to  circumstances.  Con- 
cording  evidence  goes  to  prove,  however,  that  repent- 
ance of  his  act  was  not  readily  forthcoming.  The  boy 
believed  he  had  been  unfairly  treated.  He  considered  the 
moral  atmosphere  of  the  school  contaminated,  and  al- 
though courteous  and  resigned,  even  touched  by  the  kind- 
ness shown  him,  he  persistently  refused  to  apologize. 

In  his  "Memoires  inedits"2  Lamartine  states  that  he 
remained  one  month  in  seclusion;  in  the  "Confidences" 
this  period  is  extended  to  two  months,  "without  com- 
munication with  any  one,  save  the  director,  who  in  vain 
urged  an  act  of  repentance";  and  that,  at  the  expiration 
of  this  confinement,  he  was  sent  back  to  his  parents, 
where  all,  except  his  mother,  gave  him  a  very  cold  wel- 
come.8 The  testimony  of  a  fellow-pupil,  M.  d'Aigue- 
perse,  does  not  corroborate  Lamartine's  assertion  that 
he  was  badly  treated.  "Lamartine  was  loved  and  petted 
by  all  the  school,  in  spite  of  what  he  says  to  the  con- 
trary ;  no  one  would  have  dared  to  annoy  the  pretty  and 
amiable  fair-haired  little  lad,  for  all,  masters  and  pupils 
alike,  would  have  instantly  taken  his  part."  4  It  is  more 
probable  that  the  mother  herself  was  indirectly  respon- 
sible for  his  discontent.  She  had  yielded  reluctantly  to 

1  Confidences,  p.  108.  *  Ibid.,  p.  75.  «  Ibid.,  p.  108. 

4  M.  Roustan,  Lamartine  et  les  Catkoliques  Lyonnais,  p.  91. 

.  .  33  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


the  boy  being  sent  to  a  lay-school,  and  speaks  of  him  as 
having  been  ''thrown  into  mercenary  hands."  l  Alphonse 
knew  of  his  mother's  dislike  of  the  Institut  Puppier,  and 
of  her  ambition  that  he  should  be  sent  to  the  college  of 
the  Jesuit  Fathers  at  Belley.  Homesickness,  combined 
with  the  knowledge  that  at  least  one  indulgent  friend 
would  greet  him  at  Milly  and  fight  his  battles,  would 
seenra  sufficient  incentive  for  his  unlucky  escapade.  But 
the  intervention  of  his  mother  was  not  immediately  suc- 
cessful. The  uncles  refused  to  consider  Belley,  and  Al- 
phonse, to  his  intense  chagrin,  was  reinterned  at  Lyons, 
where  he  remained  until  the  summer  of  1803. 

The  family  archives  furnish  evidence  that  the  boy  en- 
deavoured to  make  amends  for  his  fault  by  serious  ap- 
plication to  his  studies ; 2  but  he  continued  to  write  heart- 
rending appeals  for  release  from  his  bondage. 
1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  120.        *  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  tit.,  p.  175. 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  JESUIT  COLLEGE  AT  BELLEY 

BY  dint  of  constant  pleading  with  individual  members 
of  her  husband's  family,  the  patient  mother  finally  se- 
cured permission  to  make  the  change.  On  October  23 
(1803)  she  writes:  "With  trouble  I  obtained  of  my  hus- 
band and  his  brothers  the  withdrawal  of  Alphonse  from 
the  educational  establishment  at  Lyons,  and  his  en- 
trance into  the  college  kept  by  the  Jesuits  at  Belley,  on 
the  frontier  of  Savoy.  I  have  brought  him  here  myself. 
Yesterday,  on  confiding  him  to  the  care  of  these  ecclesias- 
tics, I  was  too  tearful  to  write."  l  Four  days  later  Ma- 
dame de  Lamartine  returned  to  Macon.  She  had  caught 
a  glimpse  of  his  fair  curly  head  while  at  mass,  and  on 
driving  past  the  college  gates  had  heard  his  shouts  of 
joy  as  he  played  in  the  courtyard  with  his  new  compan- 
ions. "I  was  as  gay  as  if  I  had  been  released  from  cap- 
tivity," wrote  the  man  when  recalling  that  boyish  hour.2 
He  had  left  Lyons,  "soured  and  embittered";  at  Belley 
he  became  "softened  and  charmed."  *  "C'etait  un  col- 
lege des  &mes";4  manly  exercises  such  as  riding  and 
fencing  were  combined  with  learning  and  piety,  with  rev- 
erence for  God  and  man,!with  that  dose  of  mysticism  his 
sensitive  nature  already  craved.  Here  there  was  nothing 
of  that  "mercenary  commercialism"  which  had  so  pain- 
fully impressed  him  at  Lyons:  the  Fathers  were  men  of 
refinement  and  culture  who  loved  their  calling,  to  whom 
teaching  was  a  joy  as  well  as  a  duty.5 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  135.  *  Memoir es  inidits,  p.  76. 

1  Sugier,  Lamartine,  etude  morale,  p.  14;  cf.  also  Cours  de  liUerature,  vol. 
iv,  p.  378. 
'  Memoires  inldits,  p.  83.  •  Cf.  Confidences,  p.  317. 

.  .  35  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


The  four  years  (1803-07)  which  Alphonse  de  Lamar- 
tine  was  to  spend  at  Belley  were  of  incalculable  impor- 
tance, not  only  in  the  formation  of  his  moral  character, 
but  also  in  the  tentative  unfolding  of  his  literary  instincts. 
The  new  environment,  both  moral  and  material,  sub- 
jected him  to  the  influences  of  that  vague  mysticism  which 
at  the  dawn  of  the  romantic  movement  drew  men's 
minds  towards  Catholicism,  with  no  deliberate  accept- 
ance of  its  dogma,  it  is  true,  still  less  with  blind  submis- 
sion to  the  authority  at  Rome;  but  by  reason  of  a  reli- 
gious reversion  to  spiritual  dogma,  through  love  of  the 
old  national  traditions,  by  virtue  of  one  of  those  yearn- 
ings for  the  poetic  and  the  ideal  which  was  the  direct 
resultant  of  Chateaubriand's  "G6nie  du  Christianisme." 
At  this  period  a  harmonious  accord  existed  between  all 
whose  leanings  were  spiritual  and  religious,  for  Catholi- 
cism was  still  impregnated  with  the  rationalism  of  the 
eighteenth  century.1 

It  seems  to  have  been  at  Belley,  even  more  than  at 
Milly,  that  Lamartine  imbibed  the  pantheistic  tenden- 
cies which  have  been  detected  in  most  of  his  more  impor- 
tant poems.  Religious  sentiments,  or,  more  correctly 
speaking,  religious  sensations,  absorbed  his  emotional  en- 
ergies. Sainte-Beuve  said  of  Chateaubriand  that  he  was 
uun  epicurien  qui  avait  1'imagination  catholique";  but 
the  student  of  Lamartinian  poetry  will  agree  with  Emile 
Faguet  that  the  aphorism  is  more  directly  applicable  to 
the  author  of  "  Jocelyn"  than  to  that  of  "  Rene." 2  Thecol- 
lege  at  Belley  was  large,  some  three  or  four  hundred  souls 
being  sheltered  under  its  roof.  The  splendour  of  the  sa- 
cred ceremonies  was  on  a  par  with  the  magnitude  of  the 
establishment.  The  lad  was  deeply  impressed,  emotion- 

1  Cf .  Gabriel  Monod,  "  Michelet  dans  1'histoire  de  son  temps,"  Biblio- 
thbque  Universelle,  December,  1910. 
1  Etudes  sur  le  XIX  Stick,  p.  76. 

•  •  36  •  • 


THE  JESUIT  COLLEGE  AT  BELLEY 

ally  stirred  to  the  depths  of  his  artistic  temperament.  Yet 
these  influences  were  but  transitory.  Phases  of  mystic 
piety  he  certainly  traversed;  constantly  animated  by  re- 
ligious sentiment  during  the  four  years  of  his  stay  with 
the  Jesuit  Fathers,  he  certainly  was  not.1  "The  music," 
he  writes,  "executed  by  the  most  proficient  amongst  us, 
the  vestments,  the  singing,  the  attitudes,  the  silence,  the 
perfume  of  incense,  the  contemplative  faces  of  the  priests 
and  choristers,  communicated  to  us  all  a  species  of  sacred 
contagion."  2  It  is  the  form  rather  than  the  substance 
which  appeals  to  the  impressionable  youth.  He  admits 
that  at  first  he  resisted  these  influences;  but  by  degrees 
they  subjugated  his  imagination,  and  he  gradually  re- 
gained the  natural  piety  he  had  absorbed  with  his  mother's 
milk. 

At  times  waves  of  religious  enthusiasm,  almost  ec- 
static in  their  intensity,  overwhelmed  him.  "Were  I  to 
live  a  thousand  years,"  he  exclaims,  "I  could  never  for- 
get certain  evening  hours  when,  escaping  at  recreation 
from  the  boys  playing  in  the  court,  I  entered  by  a  little 
hidden  door  the  darkening  church,  the  choir  barely 
lighted  by  the  sanctuary  lamps.  Here  I  hid  in  the  dark- 
est shadow  of  a  pillar;  I  wrapped  myself  closely  in  my 
cloak  as  in  a  shroud;  I  leaned  my  forehead  on  the  cold 
marble  balustrade,  and  for  uncounted  periods  remained 
lost  in  silent  but  incessant  adoration.  I  no  longer  felt 
the  ground  beneath  me;  I  was  immersed  in  God,  as  an 
atom,  floating  in  the  warmth  of  a  summer  day,  rises, 
is  drowned,  loses  itself  in  the  atmosphere,  and,  trans- 
parent as  ether,  seems  as  ethereal  as  the  air  itself, 
as  luminous  as  the  light!  This  suave  serenity  of  soul 
in  which  my  pious  impulse  wrapped  me  never  aban- 

1  Cf.  Sugier,  op.  cii.,  p.  1 6. 

1  Memoir es  intdits,  p.  88;  cf.  also  Confidences,  p.  in,  where  the  same 
impressions  are  conveyed  in  almost  identical  language;  and  Cours  de 
litterature,  vol.  iv,  p.  386. 

.  .  37  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 

doned  me  during  the  four  years  I  spent  in  finishing  my 
studies."  l 

It  must  be  remembered  that  these  poetic  visions  of 
ecstatic  bliss  were  evoked  nearly  fifty  years  later.  At 
Belley  such  acute  phases  were  doubtlessly  infrequent  and 
fleeting.  Commenting  on  her  son's  return  for  the  holidays 
in  the  autumn  of  1806,  Madame  de  Lamartine,  while  re- 
joicing over  the  number  of  first  prizes  with  which  he  is 
laden,  and  on  his  apparent  modesty  withal,  significantly 
adds:  "What  gives  me  still  more  pleasure  is  that  he 
seems  now  to  have  some  inclination  towards  piety."  2 
Yet  the  good  woman  thinks  he  is  not  as  gentle  as  she 
would  like  to  have  him :  he  has  leanings  towards  a  military 
career  which  give  both  parents  considerable  anxiety,  for 
the  "war  with  Prussia  is  just  then  devouring  many, 
many  young  men." 

The  fire  of  youth  was  in  his  veins.  The  noise  of  Na- 
poleon's triumphs  penetrated  even  the  thick  walls  of 
Belley,  and  brought  unrest  to  the  peaceful  souls  en- 
sconced behind  the  ramparts  of  Religion.  Alphonse  had, 
as  we  have  seen,  experienced  the  joys  of  piety,  "even  to 
fanaticism.8  .  .  .  The  hours  of  silent  prayer,  the  bliss  of 
ecstasy/'  which  he  tasted  in  the  fulfilment  of  all  his 
duties  to  God  had  for  a  period  satisfied  his  soul:  then 
came  a  time  when  such  things  palled.  "In  spite  of  my  con- 
tinual felicity,"  he  writes,  "the  love  of  liberty  prevailed 
over  these  delights:  I  could  not  tear  myself  from  still 
more  enthralling  dreams  of  life,  of  independence."  4 
"On  the  conclusion  of  each  branch  of  study  I  beheld,  in 
imagination,  the  portals  of  my  prison  opened  before 
me."  6 

1  Confidences,  p.  113. 

2  Manuscrit  de  ma  mtre,  p.  154;  cf.  also  Correspondance,  vol.  I,  p.  38. 
Lamartine  makes  reference  to  the  altar  where  he  prayed  "three  or  four 
times  a  day." 

3  Memoires  inedits,  p.  124.         *  Ibid.,  p.  124.         6  Confidences,  p.  114. 


THE  JESUIT  COLLEGE  AT  BELLEY 

Yet  the  boy  spent  many  happy  and  profitable  hours 
under  the  roof  of  the  Jesuit  Fathers.  Later  he  criticized 
their  organization  and  their  methods,  but  "had  their 
faith  been  less  superstitious  and  less  puerile,  had  their 
doctrines  been  less  impervious  to  reason,"  he  would  will- 
ingly discern  in  this  sect  the  ideal  instructors  of  youth.1 
Nor  were  pleasures  absent  during  these  years  of  study. 
The  boys  were  encouraged  to  make  excursions  in  the 
beautiful  surrounding  country.  Lamartine  describes  at 
length  a  mountain  climb  undertaken  with  several  of  his 
companions.  The  object  of  this  expedition  was  Mont 
Colombier,  from  the  summit  of  which  a  magnificent  pan- 
orama of  the  glaciers  and  peaks  of  the  Mont  Blanc  range 
is  visible.  Greatly  as  the  boys  enjoyed  this  outing,  to 
Lamartine  and  his  friends,  Aymon  de  Virieu  and  Louis 
de  Vignet,  its  crowning  episode  was  the  secret  perusal 
of  Xavier  de  Maistre's  manuscript  of  the  "Leper  of  the 
Town  of  Aosta."  2  De  Vignet  was  a  nephew  of  the  already 
famous  author  of  the  "Voyage  autour  de  ma  Cham- 
bre,"  and  of  his  more  ponderous  brother  Joseph,  whose 
"Soirees  de  Saint  Petersbourg"  and  political  and  theo- 
logical treatises  have  kept  their  places  as  classics  in  the 
French  language.  The  manuscript  had  been  sent  from 
Russia  to  Louis's  mother;  who  in  her  turn  passed  it  on  to 
her  son.  The  reading  greatly  affected  the  three  friends. 
As  he  read  the  last  line  of  the  pathetic  tale  the  manuscript 
fell  from  Lamartine's  hands:  "  It  was  wet  with  our  tears," 
he  notes.  "Well,"  at  last  hazarded  Vignet,  "what  do  you 
think  of  my  uncle's  talent?"  "It  is  as  if  you  asked  us 
what  we  think  of  Nature,"  returned  Virieu:  "the  man 
who  wrote  that  is  neither  a  writer  nor  a  poet;  he  is  a 
translator  of  God." 8  And  the  youthful  critics  spent  the 

1  Confidences,  p.  115. 

*  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  xx,  p.  18;  d.  also  Correspondence,  XLIH. 

1  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  xx,  p.  71. 

.  .  39  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


better  part  of  the  two  long  days  the  excursion  lasted  in  dis- 
cussing enthusiastically  the  exquisite  emotions  the  leper's 
sorrows  had  evoked:  for  they  were  true  "romantics," 
these  lads,  in  spite  of  their  year  of  Philosophy,  "dur- 
ing which  the  natural  good  sense  of  youth  is  tortured 
with  stupid  and  barbarous  sophisms  in  order  to  bend  it 
to  reigning  dogmas  and  accepted  theories."  l 

Nature  was  the  shrine  at  which  young  Alphonse  wor- 
shipped: his  creed  was  even  then  mystically  pantheistic 
in  its  essence,  albeit  outwardly  conforming  to  the  dogma 
of  the  catholic  orthodoxy  his  surroundings  not  only  de- 
manded, but  insidiously  inculcated  with  the  pomp  and 
glitter,  the  grace  and  melting  tenderness  of  its  ritual.  Un- 
der analysis  the  whole  fabric  of  these  adolescent  raptures 
resolves  itself  into  one  of  those  psychological  phenomena 
by  no  means  rare  with  intensely  imaginative  natures. 
Sentimentalism  was  the  prevailing  soul-malady  of  the 
epoch  —  a  sentimentalism  of  the  Rousseau  type  which 
Chateaubriand's  "Ren6"  had  revived  and  made  the 
fashion.  "Ossian"  had  recently  emerged  from  the  Scot- 
tish mists,  and  crossed  the  Channel.  Sentimentalism  and 
romanticism  are  first  cousins,  and  closely  allied  to  the 
parent  pantheism.  The  influences  of  the  first  two  could 
hardly  be  excluded  at  Belley ;  but  the  good  Fathers  would 
have  energetically  resented  any  intrusion  of  the  third. 
Nevertheless,  indirectly  they  had  fostered  its  develop- 
ment. 

Alphonse  was  in  somewhat  delicate  health  at  this  pe- 
riod :  prolonged  exercise  in  the  open  air  was  advised,  and 
Father  Varlet,  Professor  of  Belles-lettres,  was  selected 
as  his  companion.  Together  they  rambled  over  the  moun- 
tains during  the  long  afternoons ;  or,  starting  early,  spent 
the  day  in  the  woods  and  fields.  Father  Varlet  rarely 
spoke:  his  eyes  were  ever  on  his  breviary.  Left  to  him- 

1  Confidences,  p.  1 1 6. 
.  .  40  •  • 


THE  JESUIT  COLLEGE  AT  BELLEY 

self  the  boy  sought  communion  with  the  birds,  the  flow- 
ers, the  glorious  scenery.  "From  lack  of  other  passions 
which  my  heart  had  not  yet  experienced,  I  conceived  a 
blind  and  fervent  passion  for  Nature,  and,  like  my  mute 
guardian,  through  Nature  I  adored  God."  l  As  he 
trudged  beside  his  silent  guide  the  lad  composed  what 
he  styles  "flowery  prayers,"  in  which  the  blossoms  he 
gathered  by  the  wayside  were  made  to  symbolize  mystic 
sensations.  At  other  times  his  imaginings  took  the  form 
of  childish  psalms  and  verses,  which  he  copied  out  and 
gave  his  sisters  on  his  return  home  for  the  holidays.2 
The  first  verses  of  which  we  have  any  record,  however,  are 
those  addressed  to  a  nightingale  which  the  author  cites 
at  length  in  the  twenty- third  "Entretien"  of  the  "Cours 
de  litterature,"  published  half  a  century  later  (i857).8 
We  are  told  that  Virieu  and  Vignet  considered  the  lines  so 
beautiful  that  they  secretly  made  copies  for  their  respec- 
tive families. 

The  friends  read  Chateaubriand's  "G£nie  du  Christia- 
nisme"  together  and  were  moved  to  tears.  But  Lamar- 
tine  admonished  his  companions  that  the  artifice  was 
too  apparent,  that  it  "intoxicated  without  touching"; 
and  that  the  tears  they  shed  "came  not  from  the  heart, 
but  from  their  nerves."  4  Yet  he  admits  that  "M.  de 
Chateaubriand  was  certainly  one  of  the  powerful  forces 
which  unfolded  to  me  from  childhood  the  wide  horizon 
of  modern  poetry."  6  In  later  years  Lamartine  fre- 
quently referred  in  his  writings  to  this  youthful  criticism 
of  the  great  romanticist,  and  maintained  it  was  correct, 
styling  him  "le  grand  g£nie  de  cette  magnifique  cor- 
ruption du  style";  "poete  de  decadence,"  etc.6  But 
his  admiration  for  the  great  romanticist  was  undiminished 
and  he  cheerfully  acknowledged  the  debt  he  owed  him. 

1  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  rv,  p.  401.       *  Ibid.,  p.  402.      *  Ibid.,  p.  382. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  435.  •  Ibid.,  p.  436.  •  Ibid.,  p.  412. 

.  .  4I   .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


The  most  important  sample  of  these  early  verses  is 
undoubtedly  the  "Cantique  sur  le  torrent  de  Tuisy." 
Lamartine  published  this  poem  in  1857,  stating  that  he 
had  recently  discovered  the  verses  in  the  lumber-room 
of  his  ancestral  home.1  The  author  describes  this  youth- 
ful effusion  as  "the  first  drop  in  that  brook  of  poetry 
which  later  became  'Les  Harmonies.'"  2  To  what  extent 
the  verses  were  retouched  at  the  moment  of  publication,  it 
is  impossible  to  affirm ;  but  it  is  evident  that  corrections 
and  alterations  were  then  made.  Lamartine  tells  us  that 
he  showed  his  composition  to  Father  Varlet,  who  in  turn 
read  the  verses  to  the  Father  Superior  and  others,  and 
that  he  was  frequently  complimented  by  his  masters.1 
The  proverbial' 'genius  for  inaccuracy,"  with  which  La-  V 
martine  is  so  often  taxed,  is  here  apparent.  Turning  to 
the  Preface  of  the  "Meditations,"  we  note  his  complaint 
of  the  aridity  of  the  literary  instruction  provided  at 
Belley ;  a  complaint  which  terminates:  "As  a  consequence 
I  had  not  a  poetic  aspiration  during  all  these  classical 
studies.  It  was  only  during  the  holidays,  at  the  close 
of  the  year,  that  I  discovered  some  spark  of  poetry  in 
my  soul."  4 

The  date  of  the  composition  of  the  "Torrent  de  Tuisy  " 
is  uncertain.  We  are,  however,  inclined  to  place  it  to- 
wards the  close  of  Lamartine's  sojourn  at  Belley,  probably 
1806.  And  this  for  the  reason  that  in  the  verses  are  ap- 
parent the  unrest  and  dreams  of  a  life  of  freedom,  of 
which  mention  has  been  made.  The  restraint  of  a  reli- 
gious institution  was  beginning  to  make  him  restive. 
Some  of  his  holidays  had  been  passed  in  the  homes  of 
his  friends,  and  he  was  being  subjected  to  other  influ- 
ences, acquiring  wider  interests,  more  varied  points  of 

1  Cows  de  litterature,  vol.  iv,  p.  403. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  403.  •  Ibid.,  p.  408. 

*  (Euvres  completes,  vol.  I,  p.  17.  On  the  next  page  he  reiterates:  "Je 
n'ecrivais  rien  moi-meme  encore." 


THE  JESUIT  COLLEGE  AT  BELLEY 

view,  than  Milly  or  Belley  provided.  It  would  be  con- 
veying an  erroneous  impression  to  say  that  his  religious 
fervour  was  shaken:  but  it  was  troubled.  Nor  were  his 
school  friendships  altogether  alien  to  the  new  sensations 
which  were  crowding  his  brain.  Aymon  de  Virieu  was  a 
gentle  sceptic;  but  Louis  de  Vignet  "passed  for  impious; 
he  considered  himself  so,  but  did  not  venture  to  pro- 
claim it  aloud."  l  "It  is  strange,"  continues  Lamartine, 
"that  the  first  notions  of  incredulity  should  have  come 
to  me  in  childhood  precisely  through  that  same  family  of 
De  Maistre  which  was  some  years  later  to  furnish  me 
with  many  most  beautiful  and  strongest  impressions  of 
faith."  Guichard  de  Bienassis,  the  remaining  member 
of  the  inseparable  quartette,  was,  to  use  Lamartine's 
phrase,  "un  homme  d'humanite  pure."  Yet  it  was 
through  Guichard  that  the  tree  bearing  the  fruit  of  good 
and  evil  was  disclosed  to  young  Alphonse.  It  came  about 
in  this  wise.  Virieu  and  Lamartine  had  been  invited  to 
spend  a  portion  of  the  holidays  at  the  little  chateau  of 
Bienassis.  In  an  upper  chamber,  under  lock  and  key,  the 
heterogeneous  library  of  the  late  owner  was  stored.  Of 
course  the  boys  purloined  the  key,  and,  equally  of  course, 
each  fed  on  the  particular  food  his  soul  craved.  Virieu, 
we  are  told,  in  obedience  to  the  instincts  of  his  sceptical 
philosophy  selected  Montaigne  or  Rabelais;  Bienassis 
devoured  romances  of  adventure,  such  as  the  "Chevalier 
de  Faublas";  Alphonse  selected  the  "Confessions"  of 
Jean  Jacques  Rousseau.2  In  silence  they  "plunged  into 
this  sea  of  turbid  waters."  Each  pocketed  a  volume  for 
perusal  in  his  room  or  during  rambles  in  the  woods.  "We 
entered  the  room  innocent,"  writes  Lamartine;  "we  left 
it  guilty:  a  turn  of  the  key  had  delivered  to  us  the  tree 
of  good  and  evil;  the  several  fruits  were  within  our  grasp: 
the  choice  lay  with  us."  During  those  holidays  secret 

1  Memoircs  incdits,  p.  108.  *  Ibid.,  p.  118. 

.  .  43  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


visits  to  the  forbidden  library  continued  without  inter- 
mission, and  a  mass  of  undesirable  literature  passed 
through  the  transgressors'  hands.  "I  returned  to  Milly 
troubled,  but  not  perverted.  The  piety  of  my  family 
soon  led  me  to  repentance.  The  Fathers  [at  Belley]  made 
me  forget  the  library  in  Dauphine." 
*f  The  reaction  was  complete,  if  temporary.  "This  was 
a  holy  year,"  he  adds.  "My  imagination,  touched  by 
my  mother's  example  and  the  holiness  of  the  lives  of 
my  teachers,  was  entirely  turned  towards  righteousness. 
I  experienced  its  delights  and  even  its  fanaticism."  Never- 
theless, he  hailed  his  release  with  rapture.  He  left  Belley 
"crowned  with  academic  laurels,  affecting  regrets,  but 
feeling  joy."  "Oh,  how  I  counted  hour  by  hour  those 
last  days  of  the  last  week  which  was  to  set  me  free!"  l 

It  has  been  said  that  at  Belley  Lamartine  became 
impregnated  with  "that  pious  sensualism,  sanctified  by 
mysticism,  which  is  found  later  in  his  poetic  reveries  as 
well  as  in  the  realities  of  his  life."  2  The  foundation  for 
such  an  assertion  rests  presumably  on  Lamartine's  per- 
sonal reminiscences  as  recorded  in  the  pages  of  memoirs 
written  half  a  century  later.  The  retrospect  of  phases  of 
sentiment,  as  of  environment,  was  tinged  with  the  colour- 
ing, dark  or  bright,  of  intervening  experiences  and  con- 
solations. At  times  he  exaggerates,  at  others  minimizes, 
the  influences  which  swayed  him.  Our  appreciation  of 
their  ratio  can  only  be  approximative.  We  are  sailing 
upon  an  uncharted  sea:  reliable  landmarks  are  vague 
until  we  reach  the  beacons  of  the  "  Correspondance," 
where  soundings  can  be  taken,  and  a  more  reliable  course 
shaped. 

Lamartine  left  Belley  about  the  middle  of  September, 
1807.  On  the  24th  of  that  month  he  writes  Guichard  de 

1  Memoir es  inedits,  p.  126;  Confidences,  p.  116. 

*  Speech  by  Professor  Subit  at  Lycee  Lamartine,  July  31,  1888. 

.  .  44  .  . 


THE  JESUIT  COLLEGE  AT  BELLEY 


Bienassis:  "...  I  reached  Ma1  con  eight  days  ago.  More 
than  half  the  road  I  did  on  foot,  my  little  bundle  on  my 
back;  so  you  see  my  trip  was  hardly  more  gay  than 
yours.  I  trudged  along  singing  an  old  romance  like  a 
troubadour  :  I  even  composed  some  verses  while  walking. 
When  I  came  to  a  beautiful  sight,  I  sat  down  and  con- 
templated at  my  leisure.  It  is  really  a  charming  mode 
of  travel,  and  this  little  attempt  has  instilled  a  great 
desire  to  become  a  '  chevalier  errant.1  It  is  a  pity  that  I  had 
no  one  with  me  with  whom  I  could  talk.  I  wish  we  could 
have  made  a  like  trip  together."  * 

Both  in  the  above  letter  and  in  one  written  a  few  days 
later  (October  3)  Lamartine  refers  to  his  probable  return 
to  Belley.  The  prospect  does  not  charm  him,  for  he  writes: 
"I  confess  that  during  the  holidays  I  banish  from  my 
mind  as  much  as  possible  all  thoughts  of  school  :  I  do  not 
need  to  anticipate  coming  annoyances:  sufficit  diei  malitia 


Whatever  the  nature  of  the  annoyances  he  anticipated 
he  was  spared  them,  for  he  did  not  return  to  Belley.  The 
impression  conveyed  in  his  "Memoires  inedits"  is  that 
he  did  not  return  to  school  because  Napoleon's  decree 
closed  the  college  and  expulsed  the  Fathers.  But  such 
was  not  the  case.  His  friends,  Aymon  de  Virieu  and 
Guichard  de  Bienassis,  remained  at  Belley  for  another 
year.  In  his  letters  to  these  schoolmates  Alphonse  fre- 
quently sends  messages  and  greetings  to  masters  and 
pupils,  and  in  the  last  communication  addressed  to  Gui- 
chard at  Belley  (July  26,  1808),  eleven  months  after  he 
himself  had  left  the  Jesuit  college,  he  asks  to  be  par- 
ticularly remembered  to  Father  Wrintz.3 

1  Correspondence,  I.  »  Ibid.,  I.  *  Ibid.,  xii. 


CHAPTER  V 
FIRST  LOVE 

ALPHONSE  DE  LAMARTINE  was  now  (1808)  in  his 
nineteenth  year,  and  the  problem  of  his  future  was  a  per- 
plexing one.  "What  was  to  be  done  with  this  young  man 
too  old  to  remain  idle,  too  proficient  in  his  studies  not  to 
be  ambitious,  but  whose  aristocratic  connections  forbade 
employment  in  the  new  government."  *  The  youth  would 
have  liked  to  study  law;  but  this  profession  was  looked 
down  upon  by  the  elder  Lamartines.  A  military  career 
was  denied  him  as  involving  recognition  of  a  r£gime  his 
family  could  not  ignore,  but  from  which  they  were  de- 
termined to  stand  aloof. 

Delicate  health  would  appear  to  have  had  much  to  do 
with  the  decision  to  keep  him  at  home.  On  January  4, 
1808,  in  a  letter  to  Guichard,  he  complains  of  having  been 
ill,  and  being  still  so  weak  that  it  fatigues  him  to  write. 
At  the  end  of  the  month  he  wrote  Virieu  from  Lyons  that 
he  was  still  in  the  hands  of  the  doctors,  and  that  his  head 
troubled  him  greatly.  On  February  18  he  has  been 
"leeched,"  and  on  the  22d  he  imparts  the  information 
to  Virieu  that  the  Faculty  of  Lyons  have  forbidden 
mathematics  for  five  or  six  months.  This  same  letter 
is  interesting  as  containing  the  first  mention  of  his  de- 
sire to  enter  Diplomacy.  Here  again  he  finds  opposition 
on  the  part  of  his  family,  for  the  reason  above  mentioned : 
but  he  expresses  himself  as  firmly  determined  to  over- 
come the  prejudice.  In  April  he  tells  Virieu  that  he  is 
hardly  better  than  when  at  Belley,  but  he  continues  to 
hope  that  "shooting,  bathing,  and  country  life"  will 
1  Mtmoires  inSdits,  p.  129.  < 
.  .  46  •  . 


FIRST  LOVE 


restore  him  to  health.1  On  his  return  from  school  his 
father  provided  a  surprise  of  a  nature  to  confirm  the  sup- 
position that  the  delicate  state  of  the  boy's  health  was  a 
factor  in  the  parental  decision  to  forego  the  educational  ad- 
vantages at  Belley.  "  My  father,"  he  writes,  "had  bought 
for  me  the  three  complements  of  an  adolescent's  virility: 
a  watch,  a  gun,  and  a  horse;  as  if  to  imply  that  hencefor- 
ward time,  the  fields,  and  space  were  mine.  I  seized  upon 
my  liberty  with  a  frenzy  which  lasted  several  months.  The 
days  were  given  over  entirely  to  shooting  with  my  father, 
to  grooming  my  horse  in  the  stable,  or  in  galloping,  my 
hand  in  his  mane,  over  the  neighbouring  fields  and  val- 
leys; the  evenings  to  quiet  family  gatherings  with  my 
father,  my  mother,  and  some  intimate  friends,  or  in  read- 
ing aloud  the  works  of  historians  and  poets."  2 

But  physical  exercise  alone  by  no  means  filled  his  days. 
He  read  extensively,  devouring  greedily  everything 
that  came  within  his  reach,  more  anxious  to  enrich  his 
intellectual  experience  than  to  sink  himself  in  any  special 
studies.  Rousseau,  Voltaire,  Goethe,  Chateaubriand, 
Sterne,  Pope,  Parny,  Richardson,  Fielding;  poetry,  prose, 
translations,  history,  each  demanded  immediate  pre- 
cedence. But  the  poets  especially  fascinated  and  ab- 
sorbed him.  The  letters  to  his  friends,  Virieu  and  Gui- 
chard  de  Bienassis,  are  interlarded  with  quotations  and 
original  verses  —  frequently  light  in  character,  yet  never 
coarse.8  From  sixteen  to  twenty  he  acted  to  himself  on  the 
stage  of  his  imagination  the  r61es  of  "Rene,"  "Oswald," 
"  Werther,"  "Saint-Preux,"  and  above  all  that  of  "Paul" 
with  "Virginia,"  rewritten  later  for  "Jocelyn"  and  "Lau- 
rence."4 The  literature  of  the  imagination  appealed 
to  him  with  all  its  irresistible  seduction.  If  he  adopted 

1  Correspondence,  in,  passim;  cf.  also  Reysste,  La  Jevnesse  de  Lamartine, 
p.  87. 

1  Confidences,  p.  117;  cf.  also  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  xxm,  p.  86. 

1  Reyssi6,  op.  cit.t  p.  88.        ,:.  *  Cf.  Deschanel,  Lamartine,  vol.  I,  p.  25. 

.  .  47  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


and  applied  it  to  his  own  psychological  needs,  he  dif- 
fered in  no  wise  from  many  other  sensitive,  highly  im- 
aginative youths  of  his  age  and  time.  "I  lived  the  thou- 
sand lives  which  passed,  shone,  and  successively  faded 
before  me  while  turning  the  numberless  pages  of  those 
volumes,  more  intoxicating  than  the  leaves  of  poppies. 
My  life  was  in  my  dreams.  My  loves  personified  them- 
selves in  these  ideal  figures  which  rose  in  turn  at  the  magic 
evocation  of  the  writer,  and  which  floated  through  the 
air,  leaving  for  me  a  woman's  image,  a  face  graceful 
and  melancholy,  locks  fair  or  dark,  eyes  the  colour 
of  the  sky  or  of  ebony,  and  above  all  a  melodious 
name." l 

Thus  wrote  the  man  of  fifty-seven ;  and  so  it  undoubt- 
edly seemed  to  the  ardent  youth  of  eighteen.  With  Al- 
phonse,  from  sixteen  to  twenty,  as  with  other  youths  simi- 
larly constituted,  these  were  phases  —  not  yet  chronic 
conditions  of  mind.  We  are  studying  at  present,  be  it 
remembered,  the  years  extending  from  1807  to  1811,  the 
formative,  the  plastic  period  between  his  departure  from 
Belley  and  the  journey  to  Italy.  During  these  important 
years  his  correspondence  with  Aymon  de  Virieu  and  Gui- 
chard  de  Bienassis  (of  which  some  eighty  letters  are 
available)  constitutes  a  far  more  reliable  guide  than  the 
highly  coloured  reminiscences  of  the  "Confidences"; 
although  the  latter,  on  the  principle  that  the  child 
is  father  to  the  man,  are  not  without  their  psychic 
value. 

To  Aymon  2  and  Guichard  Alphonse  not  only  bares  his 
soul,  but  chats  entertainingly,  frivolously,  and  unre- 
servedly. No  corner  of  his  life  and  thoughts  is  hidden 
from  these  schoolmates,  destined  to  remain  lifelong  in- 

1  Confidences,  p.  119. 

1  "Je  fus  son  frere  et  il  fut  le  mien.  En  le  perdant,  j'ai  perdu  la  mohi6 
de  ma  propre  vie."  Confidences,  p.  315. 

.  .  48  •  • 


FIRST  LOVE 


timates.  There  is  no  "pose,"  no  phrasing,  no  attempt  at 
fine  writing.  All  is  natural,  often  boyish  and  crude,  impul- 
sive, ironical;  scepticism  mixed  with  sentimentalism, 
ambition  with  indifference,  energy  with  lethargy.  A  flesh 
and  blood  youth  who,  after  a  wild  gallop  across  country, 
his  hand  in  his  horse's  mane,  burns  the  midnight  oil  in 
often  trivial  discourse  with  his  chosen  chums.  A  lover 
of  dogs;  one  whose  soul  delights  in  action  and  in  all  the 
manifold  beauties  of  nature;  whose  intellectual  faculties 
are  ever  alert  in  field  or  study,  but  to  whom  the  best  in 
literature,  be  it  prose  or  poetry,  is  even  now  as  the 
breath  he  draws.  More  wholesome  or  charming  reading 
than  these  letters  afford  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine. 
One  loves  instinctively  the  generous,  hot-blooded  fellow: 
his  ardent  enthusiasm,  his  transparent  simplicity,  his  un- 
affected pessimism  and  unreasoning  optimism.  The  joy 
of  living  is  everywhere  obvious;  yet  hardly  less  apparent 
is  the  striving  after  an  ideal.  Pure  animal  enjoyment  is 
also  there,  while  now  and  again  the  baser  instincts  peep 
out  —  severely  repressed  and  quickly  redeemed  by  shame 
and  repentance. 

"Les  plaisirs  de  notre  jeunesse  reproduits  par  notre 
m6moire,"  says  Chateaubriand,  "ressemblent  a  des 
ruines  vues  au  flambeau."  This  is  precisely  what  Lamar- 
tine  did  at  fifty-seven  when  flashing  the  torch  of  memory 
over  sentimental  ruins  slumbering  in  the  darkness  of  a 
long-lost  youth.  Nowhere  in  the  "Correspondance"  do 
we  find  the  mawkish  sentimentalism  too  often  depicted 
in  these  pseudo-confidences.  His  love  affairs  and  amo- 
rous peccadilloes  are  frankly  and  unblushingly  revealed : l 
he  laughs  at  himself  or  takes  himself  seriously  according 
to  his  mood ;  careless  of  any  system  of  ethics  or  literary 
formulas.  Of  morbid  introspection  there  is  none,  al- 
though healthy  self-analysis  is  recurrent.  For  the  most 
1  Correspondence,  xi  and  XLVII. 
.  .  49  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


part  he  lets  himself  drift  pleasantly  enough  along  the 
placid  stream  of  provincial  dulness  with  only  an  occa- 
sional impatient  cry  of  revolt.  "Depuis  six  mois  je  suis 
le  plus  grand  paresseux  de  France,"  he  writes  Virieu.1 
But  he  is  terribly  lonely  and  in  need  of  congenial  com- 
panionship. "Ah !  dear  friend,"  he  complains  to  Guichard, 
"this  life  would  not  bore  me  if  I  had  some  friends  — 
even  one  only;  it  is  all  very  well  to  be  contented  enough, 
but  if  there  is  no  one  to  share  happiness  it  becomes 
unhappiness.  This  is  my  constant  thought:  this,  and 
ambition."  2  "I  want  to  take  advantage  of  my  'ennui/ 
my  lack  of  acquaintances  and  friends,"  he  continues, 
"  and  to  put  to  some  profit  my  youth  and  solitude.  I  feel 
a  recrudescence  of  my  love  of  study,  love  of  literature,  of 
poetry,  and  all  those  things  for  which  you  care  as  much 
as  I."  *  And  he  goes  on  to  describe  his  "den,"  where  on 
the  mantel,  well  en  Evidence,  lay  Horace,  Boileau,  an 
Italian  grammar,  and  the  works  of  La  Harpe.  It  is  not 
without  a  struggle,  however,  that  he  is  allowed  to  pur- 
sue the  studies  of  his  choice.  The  terrible  uncle  insists  on 
mathematics,  his  lifelong  Mte-noire.  A  scene  ensues,  and 
tears  are  shed  —  rebellious  tears,  for  the  youth  threat- 
ens to  enlist  and  serve  under  the  banner  of  the  hated 
Bonaparte.  Then  he  pouts  and  vows  he  will  not  work  at 
all  unless  his  inclinations  are  consulted.4 

There  is  another  explanation  of  his  petulancy  which 
throws  an  interesting  side-light  on  the  boyish  and  thor- 
oughly natural  Lamartine  of  eighteen  summers.  A  week 
previously  an  impromptu  in  verse  at  a  lively  supper 
party  had  brought  him  luck.  The  fair  one  to  whom  it  was 
addressed  showed  her  appreciation  of  the  compliment,  and 
the  author  was  transported  with  joy.  "Ah !  if  every  day  I 
had  such  good  fortune  as  that!"  he  confides  to  Virieu. 

1  Correspondence,  XLIX.  *  Ibid.,  xi. 

1  Ibid.,  xxn.  «  Ibid.,  xxiu. 

.  .  50  .  • 


FIRST  LOVE 


"I  know  plenty  of  notary's,  surgeon's,  perhaps  even  coun- 
try gentlemen's,  daughters  who  would  not  resist."  *  Yet, 
two  days  later,  this  redoubtable  Don  Juan  confesses  to 
Guichard:  ".  .  .As  for  society  I  am  like  you  and  even 
worse.  I  see  scarcely  any  one,  and  live  without  other 
pleasures  than  work  and  your  letters.  Like  you  I  am  em- 
barrassed, timid,  and  awkward.  I  neither  know  how  to 
say  a  graceful  thing  nor  to  reply  to  a  compliment.  It  dis- 
gusts me  as  it  does  you.  Like  you  again  I  fall  in  love  with 
all  the  women  I  meet,  and  yet  I  dare  not  approach  a 
single  one.  Time,  travel,  experience,  will  cure  all  those 
maladies.  There  you  have  the  real  doctor."  2 

In  the  same  letter  Alphonse  gives  his  friend  some  ex- 
cellent advice  concerning  theatre-going,  although  he  ad- 
mits that  he  will  be  better  able  to  do  so  at  sixty  or  eighty 
than  at  eighteen.  After  admonishing  Guichard  not  to  go 
very  frequently  in  a  small  town  like  Grenoble,  or  even  in 
Paris,  until  he  is  forty,  the  moralist  adds:  "It  is  too  hot 
for  a  young  man,  and  especially  for  one  who  proposes  to 
work,  and  really  does  work;  it  is  too  dissipating,  and  is 
liable  to  lead  to  debauch  'plus  quam  decet.' "  He  himself 
goes  but  once  a  week,  to  the  best  plays,  as  he  considers 
the  theatre  a  doubtful  school  for  young  people.  True 
it  polishes  both  manners  and  customs;  it  is  an  aid  to 
declamation;  it  also  exaggerates  the  measure  of  human 
character,  "and  in  this  respect  is  beneficial."  A  little 
priggish,  perhaps,  unless  read  in  conjunction  with  the 
light,  amusing  verses  which  accompany  the  advice, 
but  which  the  poet  considers  only  "worthy  of  the  incog- 
nito on  which  they  count."  * 

On  January  24,  1809,  Lamartine  writes  Guichard  from 
Lyons,  where  he  has  been  nearly  a  month,  and  "almost 
happy."  He  has  been  in  love,  but  has  recovered,  "Thank 
God." 

1  Correspondence,  xxm.  *  Ibid.,  xxiv.  »  Ibid.,  xxiv. 

.  .  5I   .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


"Je  pleurais.  Helas!  a  mes  cris 
Elle  faisait  la  sourde  oreille. 
Ainsi,  je  lui  rends  la  pareille, 
Elle  pleure  aujourd'hui .  .  .  je  ris. 

Laugh  at  me,  I  allow  it,  I  am  so  glad  to  have  got  out 
of  this  mess  [cette  galore]  that  I  hardly  recognize  myself."  * 

Confusion  exists  among  biographers  as  to  the  date  of 
this  episode,  but  there  would  appear  to  be  no  doubt  that 

the  Lucy  L of  the  "Confidences"  and  the  cruel  one 

mentioned  in  the  above-quoted  letter  to  Guichard  de 
Bienassis  are  one  and  the  same.  In  an  ingenious  and  in- 
teresting monograph  printed  in  the  "Annales  de  1' Aca- 
demic de  M&con,"  2  M.  Henri  de  Riaz  opines  that  he  can, 
"without  any  possibility  of  error,"  attribute  the  incident 
to  the  autumn  of  1806.  According  to  the  researches 
made  by  M.  de  Riaz  "Lucy's"  name  was  not  Lucy  at  all, 
but  Eliza  Villeneuve  d'Ansouis,  who  died  in  Paris  on 
March  2,  1807,  aged  thirteen,  shortly  after  her  innocent 
adventure  with  the  amorous  Alphonse.  The  body  of  this 
fair  child  was  embalmed,  we  are  told,  and  deposited  in 
a  country  house  near  Paris,  from  whence,  in  1811,  it  was 
conveyed  to  the  chapel  of  the  Chateau  de  Byonne,  close 
to  Milly.  Here,  enclosed  in  a  glass  coffin,  it  rested  until 
given  final  burial  on  October  2,  1820.' 

M.  de  Riaz  states  that  the  chateau  at  Sologny  was  un- 
tenanted  for  some  time  after  the  death,  in  1846,  of  its 
owner,  Madame  Francois  Lucy,  who  had  bought  it  in 
1832  from  M.  Bernard  de  Montburon.  This  tallies  with 
the  passage  in  the  "Confidences " :  "  I  see  again  her  melan- 
choly and  diaphanous  shade  on  the  little  terrace  of  the 

Tower  of ,  when,  during  the  winter,  I  pass  in  the 

valley,  and  the  wind  whistles  through  my  horse's  mane, 

1  Correspondence,  xxv. 

»  Third  series,  vol.  xni.  "Lucy  L.  et  la  Tour  de  B."  (Max:on.  Protat 
freres.   1910.) 
1  Ibid.,  p.  17. 

.  .  52  .  . 


FIRST  LOVE 


and  the  dogs  bark  in  the  courtyard  of  the  abandoned 
manor."  l  ' 

Charles  Alexandre,  who  was  Lamartine's  private  sec- 
retary for  many  years,  mentions  a  visit  to  Milly  on  No- 
vember i,  1849.  "On  our  return  we  passed  before  Lucy's 
house.  They  showed  me  the  terrace,  but  not  the  high 
tower  or  the  torrent  mentioned  in  the  '  Confidences.'  The 
torrent  is  a  brooklet,  and  the  tower  does  not  exist.  The 
poet  imagined  it,  in  order  to  make  the  scene  romantic 
and  give  it  an  '  Ossianesque '  poetic  flavour.  He  ideal- 
ized Lucy's  commonplace  dwelling."2  Thus  tradition  as- 
sociates the  Chateau  de  Byonne  with  the  romance,  and 
the  manor  was  undoubtedly  at  one  time  inhabited  by 
friends  of  the  Milly  household.  But  did  a  flesh  and  blood 
"Lucy"  really  exist?  Does  not  the  "melancholy  and 
diaphanous  shade"  merely  symbolize  a  composite  type; 
the  ideal  of  his  calf-loves,  synthetic  of  the  girlish  figures 
which  flitted  around  him,  and  awakened  his  youthful 
passions?  "  Je  me  suis  cr6£  des  soci6t6s  comme  des  mal- 
tresses,  'imaginaires,'"  admits  Lamartine  to  Virieu  in 
i8n.3  Let  us  remember  Renan's  introductory  warning 
to  his  own  memoirs:  "Tout  ce  qu'on  dit  de  soi  n'est  que  ix" 
poesie!"  The  aphorism  is  so  often  applicable  to  Lamar- 
tine. 

Be  this  as  it  may,  however,  the  story  of  Lucy,  and  the 
beautiful  verses  inspired  by  the  episode,  are  so  typical 
both  of  the  youth  and  of  the  mature  age  of  the  poet  that 
their  psychological  value  is  unquestionable.  The  poem 

"A  Lucy  L "  is  manifestly  no  composition  of  a  boy 

of  fifteen;  and  the  date,  "Milly,  December  16,  1805,"  is 

1  Confidences,  p.  140.  A  subsequent  owner  of  the  Chateau  de  Byonne, 
M.  Girard,  convinced  that  his  manor-house  was  indeed  the  scene  of  this 
well-known  episode,  has  had  affixed  to  the  door  the  following  inscription: 
"Postern-gate,  heightened  in  1879,  by  which  Lucy  L.  went  out  to  the  ter- 
race on  which  Lamartine  awaited  her,  November,  1808."  Cf.  Reyssie, 
Jeunesse  de  Lamartine,  p.  101. 

1  Souvenirs  sur  Lamartine,  p.  187.  *  Correspondance,  xix. 

.  .  53  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


apocryphal.  In  all  likelihood  the  verses  are  contempora- 
neous with  the  composition  of  the  " Confidences"  (1845- 
47).  And  this  in  spite  of  the  author's  claim  that  they 
were  slipped  between  the  pages  of  a  volume  of  "Ossian" 

lent  him  by  Lucy  L ,  "the  daughter  of  a  country 

neighbour,"  for  whom  he  had  conceived  a  tender  passion. 
' ' Ossian,' "  he  continues,  "is  certainly  one  of  the  palettes 
from  which  my  imagination  gathered  most  of  its  colours, 
and  which  has  tinged  most  deeply  the  poor  sketches  I 
have  since  outlined."  1  The  one  thing  essential  to  a  full 
comprehension  of  the  gloomy  Scottish  bard  was  "the 
shadow  of  a  love.  How  adore  without  an  object?  How 
lament  without  a  sorrow?  How  weep  without  tears?"  2 

Fortunately  "Lucy"  was  at  hand,  and  she  and  her 
parents  were  frequent  guests  at  Milly.  While  their  eld- 
ers conversed  or  played  at  cards,  the  young  people 
amused  themselves  with  less  formal  games,  about  the 
house  or  in  the  garden.  Lucy  was  sixteen  ("  comme  moi," 
says  Lamartine).  She  was  beautiful,  of  course,  with  eyes 
"like  periwinkles,"  and  thick  dark  hair.  Moreover,  she 
was  a  very  cultivated  young  person,  having  received  an 
education  beyond  her  station  at  a  convent  in  Paris.3  She 
was  a  musician,  and  the  owner  of  "a  voice  which  made 
one  weep."  She  danced  divinely,  and  spoke  two  foreign 
languages.  Like  Alphonse,  Lucy  adored  the  then  uni- 
versally popular  "Ossian";4  like  her  admirer  also  she 
loved  nature.  Together  they  sought  rapture  in  the  rain- 
bows, the  sunsets,  and  above  all  in  the  drifting  mists 
which  obscured  the  countryside,  recalling  the  gloom  dear 

1  Confidences,  p.  121;  cf.  Zyromski,  Lamartine,  poete  lyrique,  pp.  85-111; 
cf.  also  P.  Van  Tieghem's  monumental  Ossian  en  France  (Paris,  1917, 
2  vols.),  vol.  II,  p.  298;  and  T.  von  Poplawsky's  L'influence  d' 'Ossian  sur 
I'aeuvre  de  Lamartine,  passim;  and  further,  A.  Tedeschi's  Ossian  I'Homere 
du  Nord  en  France,  passim. 

1  Confidences,  p.  122.  *  Ibid.,  p.  124. 

*  Cf.  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  xxv,  p.  3;  and  Van  Tieghem,  Poplawsky, 
and  Tedeschi,  op.  cit. 

.  .  54  .  i 


FIRST  LOVE 


to  the  stagecraft  of  their  beloved  poet.  The  intimacy  grew 
apace,  but  parents  and  neighbours  only  smiled  at  their 
innocent  flirtation.  But  on  both  sides  this  idyllic  senti- 
mentalism  was  developing  into  something  more  ardent. 
The  hours  passed  together  were  all  too  short,  and  es- 
pecially irksome  to  the  worshippers  of  "Ossian"  because 
they  were  passed  midst  the  commonplace  surround- 
ings of  family  life,  under  the  parental  eye.  The  lovers 
longed  for  an  opportunity  of  freely  expressing,  without 
witnesses,  "  the  inexhaustible  emanations  of  their  souls  in 
face  of  the  marvels  of  nature  in  harmony  with  their  won- 
drous first  ecstasies  and  their  first  surprises."1  Tears 
of  enthusiasm,  we  are  told,  moistened  the  lovers'  eyes 
at  the  mere  thought  of  the  poetic  bliss  they  would  taste 
during  such  stolen  interviews.  They  talked  incessantly 
of  their  longing;  so  incessantly  that  the  feasibility  of  such 
a  romantic  tryst  was  borne  in  upon  them. 

"  Lucy  "  dwelt  in  a  tower-chamber  in  one  corner  of  her 
father's  manor-house.  A  terrace,  built  out  like  a  ram- 
part over  the  brawling  torrent  below,  lay  beneath  her 
window,  and  a  winding  stair  in  the  tower  gave  direct 
communication  with  this  narrow  platform.  The  ram- 
part-wall was  broken  and  easy  to  climb.  All  that  was 
needful  was  a  little  determination  on  the  part  of  the  lady 
and  a  modicum  of  agility  on  that  of  the  lover.  These 
qualities  were  possessed  by  both,  and  a  meeting  was  con- 
sequently arranged  and  a  signal  agreed  upon.  The  first 
difficulty  for  Alphonse  was  to  get  out  of  his  father's 
house  unperceived.  The  front  door  was  not  to  be  thought 
of;  it  creaked,  and  the  heavy  and  cumbrous  fastenings 
were  sure  to  give  the  alarm.  The  youth  slept  on  the  first 
floor.  By  the  aid  of  a  ladder,  prepared  when  darkness 
had  set  in,  he  descended.  Alas!  he  had  forgotten  the 
faithful  dog  which  crouched  at  the  foot  of  his  bed.  With 

1  Confidences,  p.  135. 
.  .  55  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


a  bound  his  inseparable  companion  followed  his  mas- 
ter, tumbling  headlong  to  the  snow-covered  ground, 
bringing  the  ladder  after  him.  "I  roughly  repulsed  his 
caresses  for  the  first  time  in  my  life,"  writes  Lamartine, 
whose  love  of  the  friend  of  man  was  lifelong;  "I  feigned 
to  beat  him."  The  poor  dog  obediently  lay  still  while  his 
master  took  to  his  heels  across  the  fields.  On  reaching 
the  torrent,  opposite  the  window  in  the  tower,  Alphonse 
gave  the  prearranged  signal,  which  was  duly  answered. 
He  scaled  the  rampart :  at  the  same  moment  Lucy  opened 
the  postern-gate  and  appeared  in  the  brilliant  moonlight. 
She  crossed  the  snow-laden  terrace  and  met  her  lover  in 
the  shadow  where  he  awaited  her.  But  it  would  be  unfair 
not  to  leave  the  description  of  what  followed  to  Lamar- 
tine himself:  no  synopsis  could  adequately  convey  the 
humour  and  the  pathos,  and  even  the  most  careful  trans- 
lation must  perforce  mar  the  delicate  bloom  of  the  orig- 
inal : l 

"At  last  we  were  at  the  zenith  of  our  dreams.  Our 
hearts  beat  fast.  We  dared  neither  look  at  each  other  nor 
speak.  However,  I  brushed  with  my  hand  the  frozen 
snow  from  the  stone  bench.  I  laid  upon  it  the  cloak  I 
carried  folded  over  my  arm,  and  we  sat  down  rather  far 
one  from  the  other.  Neither  of  us  broke  the  silence.  We 
gazed  now  at  our  feet,  now  towards  the  tower,  again  up 
to  the  sky.  At  last  I  took  courage:  *O,  Lucy,'  said  I, 
'how  picturesquely  the  moon  is  reflected  from  all  the 
icicles  of  the  torrent,  from  the  snows  in  the  valley!' 
'Yes,'  she  said,  'everything  is  more  beautiful  with  a  friend 
who  shares  one's  admiration  for  these  scenes.'  She  was 
about  to  continue  when  a  great  black  body,  passing  like 
a  bomb  over  the  parapet,  tumbled  upon  the  terrace,  and 
with  a  couple  of  leaps  bounded  on  us,  barking  with  de- 

1  For  Lamartine's  mistrust  of  translation  cf.  Discours  de  reception  d 
I' Academic,  and  also  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  ill,  p.  385. 

.  .   56  •  • 


FIRST  LOVE 


light.  It  was  my  dog,  who  had  followed  me  afar,  and 
who,  finding  I  did  not  return,  picked  up  my  scent  and 
climbed  as  I  had  the  terrace  wall.  The  dogs  in  the  court- 
yard responded  with  long  baying  to  the  barks  and  an- 
tics on  the  terrace,  and  we  perceived  within  the  house 
the  gleam  of  a  lamp  passing  from  window  to  window  to- 
wards the  tower.  We  rose.  Lucy  rushed  to  the  door  of 
her  stairs;  I  heard  the  bolt  quickly  shut.  I  let  myself 
slide  down  the  wall  to  the  meadow.  My  dog  followed. 
I  plunged  rapidly  into  the  dark  mountain  gorges,  cursing 
the  importunate  fidelity  of  the  poor  animal.  I  reached 
home  quite  overcome.  I  replaced  the  ladder.  I  went  to 
bed  at  daybreak,  without  other  remembrance  of  this 
first  night  of  'Ossianic  poetry'  than  wet  feet,  chilled 
members,  a  feeling  of  humiliation  over  my  timidity  in 
presence  of  the  charming  Lucy,  and  of  very  moderate 
rancour  against  my  dog,  who  had  interrupted,  cL  propos, 
a  conversation  which  was  already  causing  us  more  em- 
barrassment than  pleasure. 

"Thus  ended  this  make-believe  love  affair,  which  was 
beginning  slightly  to  worry  our  parents.  My  nocturnal 
sortie  had  been  noticed.  My  departure  was  hastened  be- 
fore this  childish  affair  became  more  serious.  We  swore 
to  love  each  other  by  all  the  stars  of  night,  by  all  the 
waters  of  the  torrent,  by  all  the  trees  of  the  valley.  These 
vows  melted  with  the  winter  snows."  1 

Lamartine  adds  that  "Lucy"  was  married  shortly 
after;  that  she  became  an  accomplished  woman  who 
made  the  happiness  of  the  husband  she  loved;  that  she 
died  young  "midst  surroundings  as  commonplace  as  her 
first  dreams  had  been  poetic." 

1  Confidences,  p.  139. 


CHAPTER  VI 
A  STUDENT  OF  LAW  AND  OF  BOOKS 

BUFFON  remarked  that  he  could  entertain  no  esteem 
for  the  youth  who  had  evaded  the  fires  of  love. 

Young  Lamartine  certainly  warranted  no  such  re- 
proach. If  he  escaped  from  Scylla  it  was  only  to  be 
wrecked  on  Charybdis.  His  correspondence  with  Virieu 
and  Guichard  teems  with  allusions  to  various  affaires 
de  CKur  ;  sentimental  episodes,  for  the  most  part,  wherein 
his  imagination  played  the  principal  rdle,  although  his 
passion  for  the  daughter  of  the  family  physician,  Dr. 
Pascal,  caused  the  anxious  mother  considerable  alarm.1 

During  the  winter  of  1809,  Alphonse  had  spent  some 
time  in  Lyons,  and  the  poise  and  assurance  he  had  gained 
there  endowed  him  with  "a  certain  consideration"  on 
his  return  to  M&con.  "One  is  supposed  to  be  blasi  — 
about  everything,"  he  wrote  Virieu,  "and  that  lends 
countenance,  solidity,  or  noble  audacity."  2  \ . 

But  his  restless  intelligence  demanded  a  definite  ob- 
ject, a  tangible  end  in  view.  The  same  letter  contains  as- 
surances of  his  determination  to  work  hard  at  his  law 
studies,  and  protests  that  he  absolutely  refuses  to  lead  an 
idle  life.  Alas!  for  several  years  to  come  caste  prejudice, 
combined  with  hatred  of  the  Napoleonic  regime,  was 
to  raise  an  insurmountable  barrier  against  the  fulfilment 
of  the  young  man's  very  legitimate  ambitions.  By  force 
of  circumstances  during  these  years  of  early  manhood  his 
intellectual  energies,  yearning  for  the  wider  issues  of  an 
active  life,  were  compressed  into  the  channels  of  imagina- 

1  Cf.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  tit.,  p.  220,  and  Correspondence,  XLVIII. 
1  Correspondance,  xxvi. 

' 


A  STUDENT  OF  LAW  AND  OF  BOOKS 


tive  and  speculative  thought.  Should  we  regret  it,  or, 
on  the  contrary,  be  thankful  that  it  was  so?  They  were 
not  barren  years;  far  from  it.  "J'ai  grand  besoin  de 
semer  pour  moissonner  ensuite,"  he  wrote  Virieu  at  this 
time,  and  he  set  about  laying  in  a  store  of  learning,  a  com- 
mand of  language  and  foreign  tongues,  which  was  to  be 
of  inestimable  future  value  to  the  literary  man  as  well  as 
to  the  politician. 

On  March  3,  1809,  Lamartine  is  reading  Pope,  with 
whom  he  is  delighted,  although  as  yet  he  knows  him 
only  in  translation.  "There  is  a  man  whom  I  would  wish 
to  resemble:  a  good  poet,  a  good  philosopher,  a  good 
friend,  an  honest  man;  in  short,  all  that  I  would  like  to 
be.  ...  When  shall  I  be  able  to  read  him  in  English? 
I  have  just  been  reading  Fielding  and  Richardson,  and  all 
those  fellows  have  inspired  me  with  a  furious  desire  to 
learn  their  language."  He  then  expresses  the  belief, 
founded  on  his  fragmentary  acquaintance  with  Dryden 
and  others,  that  "English  poetry  is  superior  to  French 
and  Italian."  James  Macpherson's  so-called  translations 
from  the  Gaelic  fascinate  him,  their  influence  being  dis- 
cernible in  all  his  early  works.  ' ' '  Ossian '  fut  1'Homere  de 
mes  premieres  annees,"  he  wrote  forty  years  later  (July 
2,  I849).1  And  he  adds  that  it  was  "Ossian,"  after  Tasso, 
who  revealed  to  him  the  world  of  imagery  and  sentiment 
he  henceforth  loved  to  evoke  with  their  accents. 

At  this  period  (1809)  the  young  man  was  working 
hc.iu.  To  Virieu  he  writes  that  he  begins  at  six  in  the 
morning  and  continues  until  dinner  at  one;  and  that 
afterwards  music  and  reading  again  occupy  him  till  six 
or  seven.  "Is  not  this  the  life  of  a  man  of  letters?  Is  not 
this  a  good  omen?"  2  To  Virieu,  lately  elected  a  cor- 
responding member  of  the  Academy  of  Lyons,  he  sub- 
mits his  poetic  inspiration,  craving  advice  and  criticism. 

1  (Euvres  completes,  vol.  I,  p.  17.  *  Correspondence,  xxvui  and  xxxii- 

.  .  59  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

He  commends  the  taste  and  sound  judgment  of  his  friend's 
counsel,  accepts  his  corrections  and  suggestions,  and 
begs  that  he  continue  to  aid  and  encourage  him.  The 
friends  put  their  heads  together  to  compete  for  the  prizes 
offered  by  the  Literary  Academies  of  Macon  and  Besan- 
c.on  for  lyrical  essays.  The  letters  of  this  period  contain 
many  verses,  good,  bad,  and  indifferent:  no  master- 
pieces, certainly,  but  giving  evidence  of  earnest,  honest 
endeavour.  All  are  submitted  to  Virieu's  riper  judgment 
in  a  spirit  of  charming  simplicity,  bordering,  indeed,  on 
humility.  There  are  moments  of  lassitude,  intervals  of 
ennui,  when  he  rises  late,  works  in  a  desultory  fashion, 
and  is  the  prey  of  melancholy.  He  dreams  of  glory  and 
of  love.  His  imagination  pictures  women  such  as  there 
ought  to  be,  and  men  such  as  there  will  never  be. 

He  reads  Madame  de  StaeTs  "Corinne"  in  two  days 
and  is  "transported  to  another  world,  ideal,  natural, 
poetic."  1  His  admiration  for  the  woman  he  formerly 
despised  now  knows  no  bounds.  She  has  stirred  in  him 
an  ardent  passion  for  glory.  "  Last  night,"  he  tells  Virieu, 
"I  upheld  my  thesis  for  two  hours  against  her  detrac- 
tors. I  maintained  that  she  had  as  rich  an  imagination 
as  Chateaubriand:  less  style,  in  truth,  less  reason,  less 
force,  less  charm.  I  insisted  that  I  found  more  beautiful 
ideas  in  one  of  her  pages  than  in  a  whole  volume  of  Ma- 
dame de  Genlis,  etc.,  etc.  When  I  left  the  assembly  I  heard 
people  remark:  'He  is  a  young  man,  he  is  eighteen,  he 
has  ardour  and  enthusiasm;  it  is  quite  natural,  and  I  am 
glad  it  is  so,  it  gives  promise  of  soul,  etc.,  etc.' "  2  "Let 
us  work,  let  us  work,"  he  urges  in  the  same  epistle,  "for 
the  next  five  or  six  years  there  is  nothing  else  to  be  done." 
Art  and  literature  are  the  only  worthy  occupations  left 
at  this  time  when  "every  active  career  is  closed"  to  him; 
and  to  them  he  turns  "with  a  passion  opposed  on  every 
1  Correspondence,  xxxiv.  *  Ibid.,  xxxv. 

•  •  60  •  • 


A  STUDENT  OF  LAW  AND  OF  BOOKS 


by  barriers."  On  the  stocks  he  has  a  discourse  on 
Friendship  with  which  he  is  pleased.  But  the  fragments 
he  sends  Virieu  and  Guichard  would  not  seem  to  have 
met  with  unqualified  praise,  as  he  acknowledges  the 
justice  of  their  criticisms,  and  frankly  adds  (when  writ- 
ing Guichard) :  "The  same  reproach  was  made  me  yes- 
terday by  a  person  who  remarked,  Voil&  ce  que  c'est  que 
d'avoir  lu  et  relu  '  Corinne.' "  * 

The  restlessness  of  youth  seizes  upon  him  now  and 
again.  He  would  travel:  he  longs  for  Italy,  Greece,  "a 
few  winter  months  in  the  mountains  of  Scotland  with 
the  shades  of  '  Ossian  and  Fingal ' ;  a  voyage  to  the  Great 
Indies  in  search  of  a  fortune;  a  year  or  two  in  America  to 
contemplate  ' young  nature.'  "  2  Alas!  excepting  visits  to 
the  country-seats  of  uncles  and  aunts,  at  Dijon  or  near 
home,  travel  is  denied  him.  Moreover,  the  family  con- 
nection frowns  more  and  more  sternly  on  the  study  of 
law.  The  only  son  and  heir  of  their  proud  house  should 
be  content  to  wait  for  dead  men's  shoes.  "They  make 
so  many  difficulties,  there  is  so  much  quarrelling  over 
this  poor  unfortunate  law  course  which  had  been  vouch- 
safed me,"  he  writes,  "  that  I  shall  be  forced  to  give  it 
up.  Fortunate,  very  fortunate,  would  I  be  if  instead  of 
it  I  could  obtain  fifty  or  sixty  louis,  and  the  permission 
to  squander  them,  and  to  study  during  the  winter  at 
Dijon  or  elsewhere." ' 

The  same  day  (August  4,  1809)  he  complains  to  Gui- 
ch^-J  that  his  family  are  determined  that  he  shall  have  no 
fixed  occupation.  "Instead  of  studying  law  at  Dijon,  as 
had  been  agreed,  I  have  consented,  after  much  difficulty, 
to  accept  an  allowance  of  about  sixty  louis,  my  board  and 
lodging  here  when  I  desire  it,  and  the  permission  to  pass 
the  winter  and  a  part  of  the  year  in  Dijon  or  Lyons.  I 
have  decided  on  Lyons  because  it  offers  more  resources: 

1  Correspondence,  xxxvn.  »  Ibid.,  xxxv.  »  Ibid.,  xxxvra. 

•  •  61  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


good  masters  for  Greek,  English,  basso,  and  numerous 
lectures."  He  urges  his  friends  to  meet  him  there;  hold- 
ing out  the  tempting  bait  of  a  little  walking  tour  in 
Switzerland  should  their  funds  suffice.1  A  few  days  later 
he  informs  Guichard  that  he  has  just  read  Rousseau's 
"Emile,"  and  that  he  intends  making  the  book  his 
"friend  and  guide."  2  "I  am'  becoming  wise,"  he  adds, 
"indifferent,  a  philosopher,  on  many  subjects,  silly, 
desperate,  mad  on  many  others.  To  deceive  myself  I  seek 
distractions.  I  do  as  Virieu  does.  I  walk,  I  go  hither 
and  thither,  I  rush  from  the  town  to  the  country,  from 
the  country  to  the  town,  at  midday,  at  midnight,  rain 
or  shine;  I  seek  to  cheat  my  imagination,  to  destroy  it, 
to  freeze  it,  but  in  vain.  Never  have  I  been  so  bold,  so 
ardent,  so  enterprising  in  all  things  as  at  present.  Say 
the  word  and  I  will  instantly  follow  you  to  the  ends  of 
the  world.  ...  I  am  billed  to  meet  a  rather  pretty  and 
naughty  young  woman  whom  I  jested  with  all  the  eve- 
ning, yesterday,  in  a  box  at  the  theatre.  '  Honi  soit  qui 
mal  y  pense!"  But  lest  his  friends  should  be  tempted 
to  think  evil  of  his  escapade,  he  moralizes  on  the  indig- 
nity of  pleasures  wherein  neither  sentiment  nor  modesty 
has  a  place,  and  vows  he  would  as  lief  and  much  rather 
forego  all  such.  "The  great  devil  of  Burgundy  embraces 
and  loves  you,"  is  his  parting  shot.3 

"Le  grand  diable  de  Bourgogne"  was,  in  truth, 
"leading  the  silliest,  the  most  idle,  the  most  unworthy 
life  it  is  possible  to  imagine."  4  The  futility  of  his  mode 
of  life,  the  systematic  discountenancing  of  all  initiative, 
of  all  legitimate  ambition  for  an  active  career  in  the  world ; 
in  short,  uncongenial  surroundings,  disgusted  him,  and 
drove  him  to  the  brink  of  despair.  Fortunately  a  new 

1  Correspondence,  xxxix. 

*  Cf .  Zyromski,  Lamartine,  pp.  73-83,  Rousseau's  influence  on  Lamartine. 

'  Correspondence,  XL.  *  Ibid.,  xu. 

.  .  62  •  • 


A  STUDENT  OF  LAW  AND  OF  BOOKS 

and  healthy  interest,  although  a  fleeting  one,  was  vouch- 
safed him.  He  makes  the  acquaintance  of  a  man  of 
thirty,  "very  learned,  very  charming,  who  reads  Homer 
in  the  original,  who  has  always  lived  in  Paris,  knows 
intimately  Madame  de  Stael,  and  all  the  poets  and  sa- 
vants of  the  day."  It  is  easy  to  imagine  the  godsend  such 
a  friend  would  be  to  the  young  provincial,  fretting  under 
the  bonds  which  hamper  his  intellectual  development. 
To  his  personal  charm  this  new  friend  adds  the  attrac- 
tion of  a  library  of  between  ten  and  twelve  thousand 
volumes,  horses,  etc. ;  moreover,  he  tactfully  flatters  the 
vanity  of  the  aspiring  youth,  who  writes,  "He  does  not 
seem  to  look  down  upon  my  eighteen  years." 

It  is  probable  that  it  was  M.  de  Balathier  who  thus 
befriended  the  lonely  boy.  His  name  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  "Correspondance,"  but  Madame  de  Lamartine 
designates  him  in  her  diary  (November  26,  1809)  as  "a 
young  man  of  excellent  principles";  adding:  "We  are 
very  glad  of  this  intimacy  which  will  shield  him  [Alphonse] 
from  the  companionship  of  undesirable  young  people."  l 

This  valuable  friendship  rendered,  perhaps,  less  un- 
endurable a  peculiarly  bitter  disappointment.  It  is  not 
without  a  sense  of  ironical  humour  that  he  relates  his 
plight  to  Virieu.  The  natural  sweetness  of  the  young 
man's  disposition,  however,  pierces  the  sarcasm,  and 
he  makes  the  best  of  a  decidedly  trying  situation.  "I 
have  just  undone  the  bundle  I  had  packed  for  Paris," 
h^,  writes  Virieu.  "  It  is  the  most  bitter  experience  in  my 
life."  And  he  goes  on  to  tell  how  his  uncle  and  aunt 
had  planned  a  trip  to  Paris,  and  how  it  had  been  tacitly 
(but  to  him  unquestionably)  understood  that  Alphonse 
was  to  act  as  their  chevalier.  So  certain  was  he  that  he 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  160;  cf.  Nouoelles  confidences,  p.  492,  where 
a  M.  Rouot  is  mentioned.  M.  Rouot  was  a  young  lawyer  and  a  lifelong 
friend  of  Lamartine. 

.  .  63  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


was  included  in  the  programme  that,  hearing  by  chance 
a  day  had  been  fixed  for  departure,  he  hurried  to  town  to 
place  himself  at  their  orders.  To  his  inexpressible  as- 
tonishment nothing  was  said,  and  he  watched  the  prep- 
arations for  the  journey  expecting  every  moment  to  be 
told  to  make  haste  with  his  own  portmanteau.  "What 
made  the  blow  more  cruel  was  the  fact  that  I  had  no 
doubts,  not  the  slightest  uneasiness.  .  .  .  This  morning 
I  assisted  at  the  charming  leave-taking;  I  saw,  yes, 
witnessed,  the  departure  of  a  good,  large  coach,  with  four 
post-horses,  and  two  empty  places.  I  put  on  the  best,  the 
gayest,  the  most  smiling  face  possible.  I  was  contented 
with  myself:  one  might  have  thought  that  I  had  never 
had  any  idea  of  going  along;  that  it  was  quite  natural  they 
should  go  without  me.  And  I  have  just  come  back  to  my 
room,  feeling  foolish  as  I  never  have,  enraged,  grieved, 
indignant,  ah!  'manet  alia  mente  repostum.'  What  do  you 
think  of  it?  I  should  not  believe  I  had  a  soul  if  I  could 
forget  things  like  that."  l 

But  he  does  forget  it,  or  at  least  puts  it  out  of  his  mind, 
seeking  consolation  in  the  enumeration  of  other  jere- 
miads, of  which  ennui  is  not  the  least.  The  world  is  out 
of  tune:  "No  fruit,  no  vintage,  no  work,  no  verses,  no 
courage,  no  friends."  No  longer  even  the  saddle  horse 
on  which  he  was  wont  to  scour  the  surrounding  country. 
But  books,  books,  books.  He  uses  a  little  Swiss  char-a- 
bancs  for  his  errands,  "which  is  more  convenient  on 
account  of  the  books  with  which  my  pockets  are  always 
stuffed."  "Werther"  is  among  them.  The  hero  of  Goethe's 
romance  revives  his  "soul"  and  his  "taste  for  work," 
and  he  makes  brave  plans  for  Lyons  next  winter,  allotting 
eight  hours  a  day  to  the  various  studies  he  contemplates.2 
1  Correspondence,  XLin.  •  Ibid.,  XLVU. 


CHAPTER  VII 
MADEMOISELLE  P. 

THE  student  who  contrasts  Lamartine's  early  corre- 
spondence with  the  rapturous  pages  of  the  "Confidences," 
the  "M£moires  inedits,"  the  Introduction  to  "Le  Manu- 
scrit  da  ma  mere,"  and  various  chapters  of  the  "Cours 
de  litterature,"  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  by  the  meagre 
mention  in  the  former  of  his  immediate  family  and  es- 
pecially of  his  mother.  In  all  the  accounts  of  his  early 
life,  written  after  he  had  passed  middle  age,  his  mother 
holds  a  conspicuous  place:  her  son  endows  her  with  all 
the  virtues,  and  attributes  to  her  loving  devotion  what- 
ever good  qualities  he  may  himself  possess.  Touching 
tributes  to  her  memory  are  scattered  throughout  all  his 
later  writings.  On  the  other  hand,  the  sole  documentary 
evidence  we  possess  of  these  years  (1807-14),  with  the 
exception  of  the  mother's  "Journal,"  is  contained  in  the 
letters  to  his  schoolmates,  Aymon  de  Virieu  and  Gui- 
chard  de  Bienassis.  Young  men,  as  a  rule,  do  not  fill  their 
letters  to  comrades  with  details  of  maternal  tutelage. 
But  the  mother's  watchfulness  was  incessant,  and  her 
influence,  during  these  adolescent  years,  if  not  para- 
moun+,  was  at  least  considerable.  As  far  as  she  can  do 
so  she  keeps  an  eye  even  on  his  reading.  On  November 
26,  1809,  she  notes  that  she  has  read  Madame  Roland's 
"Memoires":  "They  are  well- written  and  interested  me, 
but  I  skipped  all  passages  referring  to  religion,  for  she 
speaks  badly  of  it.  I  would  not  allow  my  son  to  read 
these  memoirs,  although  he  desired  greatly  to  do  so.  I 
stuck  to  my  point.  Of  course  I  know  he  can  procure, 
unknown  to  me,  any  books  he  wants;  but  at  least  1 

.  •  65  •  - 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


shall  not  have  to  reproach  myself  for  having  authorized 
it."  » 

A  couple  of  years  later  the  anxious  mother  again 
notes:  "I  went  to  Alphonse's  room  to  see  his  books  and 
to  burn  those  I  considered  bad.  I  found  there  Rousseau's 
1  Emile ' ;  I  allowed  myself  to  read  a  few  passages :  I  don't 
reproach  myself  for  so  doing,  for  they  were  magnificent ; 
they  did  me  good.  It  is  too  bad  that  it  should  be  poi- 
soned by  so  much  inconsistency,  even  exaggeration, 
likely  to  mislead  the  common  sense  and  faith  of  young 
people.  I  shall  burn  that  book,  and  above  all  the  '  Nou- 
velle  H61oise,'  still  more  dangerous,  because  it  exalts 
the  passions  and  warps  the  mind.  What  a  pity  that  such 
a  talent  should  border  on  madness!  I  fear  nothing  for 
myself,  for  my  faith  is  unmovable  and  beyond  the  risks 
of  temptation:  but  my  son  .  .  .  " 2 

"  Alphonse  will  spend  the  winter  in  Lyons,"  wrote  his 
mother  on  November  26,  "to  get  him  out  of  the  rut  and 
accustom  him  to  the  world."  A  few  lines  farther  on  she 
gives  vent  to  the  anxiety  her  boy  causes  her  owing  to 
the  enforced  idleness  to  which  he  is  condemned,  and  the 
dangerous  proclivities  his  budding  passions  forebode. 
She  notes  his  restlessness,  his  fits  of  melancholy,  his  in- 
decision. "We  are  blamed,"  she  adds,  "for  letting  him 
spend  the  winters  in  Lyons  'on  his  honour';  but  people 
don't  know  our  reasons.  We  must  let  people  talk,  and  do 
what  we  think  best.  He  seems  very  thirsty  for  knowledge, 
very  inclined  towards  study.  We  hope  that  with  greater 
resources,  in  a  large  town,  he  will  occupy  himself  better, 
and  escape  the  perils  of  idleness.  .  .  ."  8 

The  mother's  anxiety  was  justifiable,  for  Alphonse  con- 
fesses to  Guichard,  in  the  last  letter  he  penned  during 
1809,  that  he  has  again  fallen  a  victim  to  the  tender  pas- 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mtre,  p.  159.  *  Ibid.,  p.  170. 

1  Ibid.,  p.  160;  cf.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  cit.,  p.  220. 

.  .  66  •  • 


MADEMOISELLE  P. 


sion.  He  loves  and  loves  without  hope  of  requital  —  at 
least  he  has  strong  reason  for  the  belief.  It  is  not  mere 
beauty  that  holds  him  now.  The  object  of  his  passion  is 
"all  kindness,  all  wisdom,  all  reason,  all  wit,  all  grace, 
possessed  of  all  talent  imaginable,  or  rather  unimagi- 
nable. Ah!  pity  me  and  console  me,  if  you  can.  I  shall  die 
of  it,  I  know.  To  love  without  hope!  Ah!  do  you  appre- 
ciate that?  I  don't  know  what  kept  me  from  .  .  .  But 
don't  let  us  talk  of  it.  Pity  me,  and  think  of  me!"  1 

So  he  felt  on  December  10,  1809.  Two  months  later, 
day  for  day,  a  very  different  train  of  thought  is  seething 
in  his  active  brain.  He  is  in  Lyons:  his  own  master,  as 
long  as  his  funds  hold  out.  He  acknowledges  that  this 
sense  of  liberty  so  intoxicates  him  that  he  has  become 
ridiculous.  He  can  settle  down  to  nothing,  not  even  in- 
dispensable visits.  His  book,  his  room,  his  fireside,  and 
the  theatre  alone  have  charms  for  him.  Nevertheless 
there  are  worries;  he  has  made  debts.  It  is  the  begin- 
ning of  that  long  series  of  ever-increasing  and  finally 
crushing  embarrassments  from  which  he  is  destined  never 
to  be  free,  in  spite  of  the  vast  sums  inheritances  and  his 
pen  pour  into  his  purse.  These  "little  debts"  become 
known  to  his  parents,  who  insist  on  immediate  payment. 
If  he  acquiesces  he  must  slink  back  to  his  ''detestable 
patrie,"  for  there  will  not  be  money  enough  left  to  carry 
him  far.  Guichard  must  advise  him,  perhaps  help  him.2 
At  anv  rate,  the  crisis  does  not  worry  him  long;  life  rolls 
on  ecstatically,  and,  all  things  considered,  not  too  un- 
wisely. In  the  choice  of  his  companions  he  seeks  what  is 
"least  bad,  most  liberal,  most  cultured,  and  most  noble 
in  ideals."  "Artists  above  all,  my  dear  friend,"  he  writes 
Virieu,  "  artists!  those  are  the  ones  I  like:  people  who  are 
not  sure  of  a  dinner  to-morrow,  but  who  would  not  barter 
their  ragged  philosophy,  their  brush,  or  their  pen,  for 
1  Correspondance,  L.  *  Ibid.,  u. 

.  •  67  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


heaps  of  gold !  .  .  .  I  am  almost  a  little  Maecenas :  one  in- 
troduces me  to  another,  and  I  get  instruction  gratis.  Ad- 
mire and  you  will  be  welcome.  Of  English  I  do  a  little, 
of  French  a  little,  of  drawing  also  a  little :  and  so  the  days 
are  filled."  1 

The  letters  to  his  two  bosom  friends  are  frequently  in- 
terlarded with  charming,  witty  verse,  descriptive  of  his 
doings  and  feelings,  brimful  of  evidences  of  the  light- 
hearted  insouciance  which  few  would  blame  in  a  lad  in 
his  twentieth  year.  He  loves  his  present  mode  of  life, 
but  if  he  must  leave  Lyons  sooner  than  he  had  expected, 
why,  he  can  always  have  "Milton,  Dryden,  Gray,  or 
Thomson  in  his  pocket";  and  that  will  console  him  for 
many  things.  If  he  finds  himself  in  a  tight  place,  finan- 
cially speaking:  "Mea  culpa,  mea  maxima  culpa!  I  am 
punished  there  where  I  sinned.  If  I  had  been  wise  .  .  . 
but  it  is  too  late.  I  am  now  reduced  to  expedients.  It 
serves  me  right,  I  deserved  it."  2  The  money  goes,  he 
does  n't  know  how:  "  Je  d6pense  sans  rime  ni  raison,  pour 
des  sottises."  There  are  expeditions  into  the  country, 
also,  with  some  English  friends,  "who  fortunately  speak 
very  good  French."  "We  go  off  for  little  poetic  dinners 
to  the  different  caterers  at  Brotteaux  or  Sainte-Juste. 
We  carry  along  with  us  books,  pencils,  and  paper,  and 
whilst  we  empty  some  bottles  of  the  Bordeaux  these 
gentlemen  like  so  well,  their  spirits,  and  mine,  rise:  we 
talk  poetry,  literature,  travel,  and  we  scribble  im- 
promptus. Night  overtakes  us  sometimes  during  these 
pleasant  pastimes,  these  charming  follies."  3 

From  the  grotto  on  the  banks  of  the  Sa&ne  where 
the  penniless  Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  spent  two  lonely 
nights,  the  young  spendthrift  writes  to  Guichard  that 
he  has  come  hither  in  search  of  poetic  inspiration.  But 

1  Correspondence,  Lil.  This  letter  is  undated. 
1  Ibid.,  LIV.  *  Ibid.,  LVU. 

•  •  68  •  . 


MADEMOISELLE  P. 


at  first  he  can  only  find  a  parallel  between  the  great 
philosopher's  plight  and  his  own  pecuniary  difficulties. 
"In  vain  I  try  to  divert  myself,  this  devilish  thought  al- 
ways returns.  How  shall  I  get  out  of  the  mess  into  which 
my  own  folly  has  plunged  me?"  Unless  unexpected  suc- 
cour arrives,  he  must  return  home. 

"A  dix-neuf  ans,  mon  front  sera  convert 
Des  ennuis  d'une  vie  &  peine  commenced, 
Et  d'un  vieux  creancier  la  main  seche  et  glacee 
Le  couvrira  bient6t  d'un  honteux  bonnet  vert! " 

Yet  again  the  Spirit  of  the  grotto  responded  to  the 
poet's  supplication,  vouchsafing  the  following  graceful 
tribute  to  his  absent  friends  (Guichard,  to  whom  the 
verses  are  addressed,  and  Aymon) : 

"Le  Dieu  qui  prend  soin  de  nous  tous 
Fit  trois  lots  qu'entre  nous  partagea  sa  sagesse: 
Dans  ton  coeur  il  mit  la  tendresse, 
Ami,  ton  sort  fut  le  plus  doux! 
Aymon  des  arts  rec.ut  1'heureux  genie; 
Et  moi,  moi,  moins  heureux  que  vous 
J'eus  I'amour  de  1'etude  et  la  melancolie."  * 

A  few  days  later  Alphonse  returned  home,  and  the 
correspondence  is  again  dated  from  MScon,  Milly,  or 
Dijon. 

To  Virieu  he  writes 'on  May  24'(i8io):  "Here  I  am 
once  again  in  my  hole.  .  .  .  How  hard  a  thing  life  seems  to 
me,  and  how  willingly  would  I  give  it  for  an  ounce  of  glory 
or  ar»  hour  of  happiness,  perhaps  even  for  nothing." 2  This 
pessimistic  mood  is  of  short  duration,  however;  the  let- 
ters which  follow  overflow  with  brightness,  interspersed 
with  gentle  philosophical  dissertations  on  the  joys  and 
obligations  of  friendship,  together  with  an  exposition  of 
the  writer's  estimate  of  the  legitimate  ambitions  of  a 

1  Correspondence,  LVIII.  In  his  letter  to  Aymon  two  days  later  he  con- 
fesses that  no  inspiration  came  to  him  while  in  the  grotto,  and  that  the 
verses  were  composed  at  home  next  day. 

»  Ibid.,  LX. 

.  .  69  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


student  who  desires  nothing  beyond  the  rewards  of  study 
for  study's  sake.  We  have  all  lived  such  moments  at 
some  time  or  other  of  our  youth:  we  have  all  mistaken 
naively  egotistical  theories  for  legitimate  ambitions.'  At 
twenty  youth  is  as  generously  egotistic  as  old  age  becomes 
egotistically  generous.  Fallacious  as  the  deductions  are, 
the  thesis  is  charming,  for  the  sincerity  of  the  author  is  un- 
questionable. He  is  writing  to  his  dearest,  most  intimate 
friend ;  not  for  the  world. '  But  the  diapason  is  too  tran- 
scendental even  for  a  Lamartine.  He  comes  to  earth  again 
at  the  Chateau  de  Montculot,  near  Dijon,  the  residence 
of  his  uncle,  the  abbe,  where  he  is  "even  more  at  home 
than  in  his  father's  house."  In  the  neighbouring  town 
he  meets  a  school  friend  who  is  working  at  the  law  and 
has  fallen  upon  evil  times.  Alphonse  presses  six  louis 
upon  him,  this  loan  constituting,  as  far  as  we  know,  the 
first  link  in  the  long  chain  of  lavish  bounties  which  inex- 
tricably entangled  his  finances  through  life ;  for  if  Lamar- 
tine was  a  heedless  borrower  he  was  also  a  reckless 
lender. l 

From  August,  when  Alphonse  returns  to  M&con,  till  the 
end  of  December,  the  correspondence  offers  nothing 
salient.  Expectancy,  vacillation,  vague  visions  of  travel, 
mention  of  desultory  reading  ("La  Nouvelle  Heloise" 
especially),  with  here  and  there  some  sketchy  verses, 
fill  the  letters.  In  one  to  Virieu,  dated  September  30, 
there  is,  however,  a  post-scriptum  which  is  worth  quoting: 
"I  have  just  had  a  serious  discussion  with  my  father, 
the  result  of  which  is  that  he  will  increase  my  present 
allowance  by  four  hundred  francs,  and  that  he  has  given 
me  his  word  to  let  me  spend  five  or  six  months  in  Paris 
every  year.  I  have  renounced  my  law  course  in  Dijon."  2 

This  law  course  had,  as  we  have  seen,  been  the  source 
of  continual  bickering.  Why,  when  the  end  was  in  view, 
1  Correspondence,  LXI.  *  Ibid.,  Lxvn. 

•  •  70  •  • 


MADEMOISELLE  P. 


did  Lamartine  give  it  up?  The  uncle  in  Dijon  had  under- 
taken to  furnish  rooms  for  his  nephew  in  that  town,  and 
to  furnish  all  necessities  during  the  course  of  study.  Is 
it  the  knowledge  that  he  is  only  to  be  allowed  to  be- 
come an  amateur?  In  a  letter  to  Guichard  he  exclaims 
contemptuously:  "To  what  end  will  an  insipid  law  course 
lead?  I  don't  want  to  be  a  barrister,  and  I  prefer  to 
government  employ  an  obscure  liberty,  consecrated  to 
my  tastes."  On  the  other  hand,  he  hesitates  to  throw 
up  this  opportunity,  as  "Dijon  is  a  charming  town,  and 
full  of  resources  for  art  and  study.  It  is  a  pleasant  resi- 
dence while  waiting  for  a  better:  I  should  be  near  an 
uncle  who  refuses  me  nothing,  who  looks  upon  me  as  his 
own  son,  and  who  can  just  as  readily  pay  a  hundred  louis 
of  my  debts  as  he  can  give  one  louis  to  a  poor  devil.  I 
must  think  it  over."  l 

He  does  think  it  over,  with  the  result  that  the  bar 
tempts  him  no  more.  He  has  discovered  by  chance  the 
presence  in  Macon  of  "five  or  six  gentlemen  anglais,11  and 
goes  to  visit  them  as  he  would  "compatriots."  They  re- 
ceive him  well,  and  become  his  inseparables.  With  them 
he  studies  their  "superb  language,"  and  "itches"  to  use 
it  in  his  letters  toVirieu.  "Ossian,"  Young,  and  Shake- 
speare absorb  him  at  intervals;  but  he  is  constantly 
plunged  in  deepest  melancholy,  as  is  apparent  in  the  let- 
ters to  his  friends.  Even  his  unexpected  election  as  a 
member  of  the  "Academic  de  Sa6ne  et  Loire"  fails  to 
dispel  his  gloom.  "I  was  obliged  to  make  a  wearisome 
speech  on  my  reception,"  he  writes,  "on  foreign  litera- 
tures. I  put  into  it  all  I  know  of  Italian,  of  Greek,  and 
above  all  of  English.  Everybody  was  astonished  at  my 
apparent  learning,  and  my  style  at  twenty  years  of  age. 
They  pretended  that  nothing  equal  to  it  had  been  heard 
in  their  sanctuary:  so  much  the  worse  for  them.  I  did  not 

1  Correspondence,  LXVI. 
•  •  71  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


taste  the  slightest  pleasure  in  this  unexpected  triumph. 
Rien  ne  m'est  plus;  plus  ne  m'est  rien;  voila  ma  devise."  1 

A  few  lines  farther  we  note  the  first  indication  of  re- 
ligious resignation  —  speedily  followed,  it  must  be  con- 
fessed, by  fresh  outbursts  of  revolt  against  the  hard  fate 
which  pursues  him.  Without  his  friend's  aid  and  sym- 
pathy Alphonse  feels  helpless  and  abandoned.  "But," 
he  continues,  "have  we  not  elsewhere  a  great  Helper  Who 
does  not  lose  sight  of  us  and  Who  measures  our  sufferings 
to  our  strength,  Who  takes  to  His  bosom  the  child  too 
feeble  to  stand  alone,  and  Who  gives  strength  to  him 
who  perseveres  along  the  sad  road?" 

The  reasons  for  this  melancholy  resignation,  as  well 
as  for  the  disdainful  indifference  to  an  honour  which  a 
few  weeks  earlier  would  have  transported  him  with  de- 
light, are  not  far  to  seek.  A  most  important  crisis  is  pend- 
ing. A  crisis  which  threatens  to  alter  the  course  of 
his  life,  to  estrange  him  from  his  family,  and  to  do  him 
irreparable  harm. 

"  I  love  for  life,"  he  confides  to  Guichard;  "  I  no  longer 
belong  to  myself,  and  I  have  no  hope  of  happiness,  al- 
though my  love  is  most  tenderly  requited.  Everything 
separates  us  while  everything  unites  us.  I  shall  shortly 
take  violent  means  of  obtaining  her  hand  at  twenty-five : 
I  shall  go  to  Paris  this  autumn ;  there  I  shall  solicit  some 

1  Correspondence,  LXXI;  cf.  also  Reyssie,  La  Jeunesse  de  Lamartine, 
p. 121 ;  Nouvelles  confidences,  p.  105.  A.  de  Lamartine  was  received  on  March 
19,  1811;  a  synopsis  of  his  speech  is  to  be  found  in  archives  of  the  Aca- 
demic de  Macon.  (The  name  is  therein  written  "de  la  Martine"  and  "de 
Lamartine.")  M.  Reyssie  has  devoted  a  whole  chapter  in  his  book  to  this 
episode  ("Lamartine  et  1'Academie  de  Macon").  Raising  the  question 
whether  this  election  exerted  any  influence  on  Lamartine's  genius,  while 
not  definitely  answering  the  query  the  author  is  inclined  to  believe  it  did 
much  to  form  his  taste  and  stimulate  his  endeavour.  "L'Academie  fut  le 
lest  qui  le  fixa  en  lui  donnant  une  base.  La,  d'ailleurs,  malgre  certaines 
reticences,  tout  etait  encouragement,  tout  riait  aux  vingt  ans  du  collegue; 
c'etait  1'enfant  gate  de  la  maison,  ce  n'etait  pas  M.  Alphonse  de  Lamar- 
tine, c'etait  M.  Alphonse  tout  court."  Op.  cit.,  p.  140. 

-  •  72  «  • 


LAMARTINE    AT    TWENTY 

From  the  lithograph  by  Grai-vcdon 


MADEMOISELLE  P. 


government  employment,  in  spite  of  my  love  for  freedom. 
Should  I  obtain  nothing  which  holds  out  near  hope  of 
decent  and  easy  means,  I  shall  take  service,  and  try  to 
get  myself  killed  or  at  least  win  a  grade  which  would 
support  me  without  other  help,  my  wife  having  a  fortune 
sufficient  for  herself,  three  or  four  thousand  francs  in- 
come, and  fifty  thousand  crowns  assured  her.  I  say  'my 
wife,'  because  I  look  upon  her  as  such,  and  nothing  in 
the  world  can  separate  us.  ...  This  evening  I  shall  see 
her;  this  evening  I  shall  pass  an  hour  at  her  side;  then 
all  my  ills  will  be  forgotten.  I  shall  leave  her,  and  again 
be  plunged  in  dark  despair."  1 

And  to  Virieu,  the  next  day,  he  repeats  his  determina- 
tion "to  go  and  get  himself  killed  in  Spain  or  in  Russia," 
unless  a  post  in  some  Legation  is  available.  Diplomacy 
tempts  him,  and  he  would  begin  at  the  bottom  and  work 
his  way  up  to  the  higher  grades.  Failing  this  the  army 
is  his  only  resource. 

Neither  in  the  "Confidences"  nor  in  the  "Nouvelles 
confidences"  is  mention  made  of  this  enchantress;  but 
the  "Memoires  inedits"  devote  many  pages  to  the  en- 
tanglement which  caused  such  alarm  to  his  parents  that 
it  resulted  in  the  hot-headed  young  lover  being  sent  off 
to  Italy.  The  identity  of  Mademoiselle  P.,  as  she  is 
invariably  styled  in  the  "M6moires  inedits,"  is  now  well 
established.  She  was  the  daughter  of  a  Monsieur  Pom- 
mier,  a  local  magistrate  (Juge  de  Paix),  and  her  name 
was  Heniiette.  Monsieur  Henri  de  Lacretelle,  secretary 
and  intimate  friend  of  the  poet  in  later  years,  was  the 
recipient  of  interesting  reminiscences  of  Mademoiselle 
P.  (as  he  calls  her).  It  was  in  1854  (Lamartine  then  be- 
ing in  his  sixty-fifth  year)  that  M.  de  Lacretelle  was 
driving  with  the  poet  near  Milly.  "Look  over  there," 
said  his  companion,  "between  the  trees  and  the  vine- 
1  Correspondence,  LXXU. 
•  •  73  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


yards;  it  is  there  that  my  heart  beat  faster  than  any- 
where else  forty-five  years  ago."  And  he  goes  on  to  tell 
of  Mademoiselle  P.,  adding  that  he  will  speak  at  length 
concerning  her  in  his  "M£moires."  l  Lamartine  then 
proceeded  to  confide  to  his  friend  all  the  circumstances  of 
this  affair,  dwelling  at  great  length  on  the  inflexible  op- 
position of  his  uncle,  on  whom  the  entire  family  depended 
morally  and  financially,  and  describing  in  detail  the 
threats  used  by  this  terrible  domestic  despot  in  forcing 
his  nephew  to  obedience  to  his  will.  Of  course  he  yielded : 
there  was  no  other  course  open  to  him,  except  to  seek  a 
commission  in  the  armies  of  Napoleon,  and  by  doing  this 
he  exposed  his  family  to  ruin,  as  the  irate  uncle  pointed 
out.  "For,"  he  thundered,  "I  shall  withdraw  the  allow- 
ance I  make  your  father,  I  shall  refuse  to  dower  your 
sisters,  and  I  shall  certainly  discover,  in  some  hen-roost, 
Lamartines  of  the  younger  branch." 
'  "Next  day,"  continued  Lamartine,  "I  sent  a  fare- 
well letter  to  Mademoiselle  P.;  and  in  order  to  fulfil  all 
the  conditions  imposed  upon  me,  I  left  for  Italy."  To 
Monsieur  de  Lacretelle's  remark  that  the  poet  had  never 
dedicated  verses  to  Mademoiselle  P.  as  he  had  done  to 
others,  Lamartine  replied:  "She  never  knew  it,  but  in  all 
my  portraits,  in  all  my  enthusiasms  for  'Elvire*  and  for 
'Graziella'  there  was  something  of  her."  2  Then  follows 
a  transcendental  rhapsody  setting  forth  the  beauties  and 
perfections  of  his  enchantress,  of  the  "incomparable  vo- 
luptuousness and  languor  of  the  celestial  maiden."  M.  de 
Lacretelle  says  that  a  few  yards  farther  on  their  carriage 
was  stopped  in  the  narrow  road  by  an  old  lady  mounted 
on  a  donkey,  led  by  a  boy.  She  wore  a  "snuff-colored 
dress,  an  impossible  hat,  and  false  hair  sans  digniti. 
'Mademoiselle  P!'  cried  the  poet  with  ecstasy  and  still 
under  the  spell  of  the  poetic  vision  his  imagination  had 
1  Henri  de  Lacretelle,  Lamartine  et  ses  amis.  *  Op.  tit.,  p.  258. 

.  .  74  .  . 


MADEMOISELLE  P. 


evoked.  But  a  moment  later,"  adds  M.  de  Lacretelle,  "he 
drew  back  into  the  carriage,  murmuring:  'I  will  be  more 
generous  toward  her  than  fate  has  been  to  me.  I  will 
spare  her  recognizing  me.' "  l 

It  should  be  remembered  that  M.  de  Lacretelle  here 
reports  an  actual  conversation.  He  gives  us  to  under- 
stand that  the  poet  allowed  himself  to  be  carried  away 
to  realms  of  fantastic  ecstasy  (as  was  his  wont)  when 
recalling  the  charms  of  Mademoiselle  P.  But  there  is  no 
reason  to  doubt  that  Lamartine  was  sincere,  and  that 
the  conversation  was  accurately  transcribed.  Before 
turning  to  the  manifestly  artificial  story  contained  in  the 
"  Memoires  inedits,"  it  will  be  interesting  to  glance  at  the 
bald  and  laconic  note,  inserted  by  Lamartine  himself 
many  years  later,  in  the  "Manuscrits  de  ma  mere." 
Madame  de  Lamartine' s  journal  was,  as  we  know,  edited 
("  expurgated  "  would  be  hardly  too  strong  a  word)  2  by 
her  son.  Explaining  an  interruption  (which  was  in  real- 
ity a  voluntary  omission)  in  the  sequence  of  the  diary, 
the  editor  states,  impersonally:  "There  was  in  Macon  a 
young  person  of  respectable  family,  of  elegant  beauty 
and  cultivated  mind,  who  had  inspired  her  [Madame  de 
Lamartine's]  son  with  one  of  those  inclinations,  almost 
childish  and  very  innocent,  which  are  the  forerunners 
rather  than  the  explosions  3  of  love.  Nevertheless  the  dis- 
parity of  a?e  caused  the  two  families  to  fear  lest  the  slight 
inclination  entail  consequences  not  acceptable  to  either 
house.  It  was  decided  to  send  away  the  young  man  on  a 
trip  to  Italy.  It  was  believed,  with  truth,  that  the  Alpine 
breezes  would  sweep  away  this  phantasy  of  the  imagina- 
tion." « 

1  Op.  cit.,  p.  259;  cf.  also  Mbnoires  inidits,  p.  186. 

1  Cf.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  cit.;  also  Les  Annales  romantiques,  vol. 
vn,  p.  144,  an  interesting  article  on  the  subject  by  the  late  Leon  Sech6. 

1  "Explosion"  is  the  word  used  in  the  French  text.  The  whole  para- 
graph is  translated  as  literally  as  possible. 

*  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  157. 

.  .  75  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


On  reading  this  frigidly  diplomatic  explanation  we  are 
inclined  to  rub  our  eyes,  and  ask  ourselves  if  it  be  pos- 
sible that  the  same  hand  penned  the  passionate  phrases 
of  the  "  Correspondance "  and  the  artistically  pathetic 
legend  of  the  "Memoires  inedits":  whether  it  be  the 
same  heart,  that  beat  so  tumultuously  (at  sixty-five) 
when  recalling  the  idyl  to  M.  de  Lacretelle,  which 
prompted  the  annotation  of  the  dead  mother's  diary  ! 
Furthermore,  the  statement  is  inexact,  since  there  can 
be  little  doubt  that  the  Pommiers,  whose  social  status 
was  humble,  would  have  enthusiastically  welcomed 
an  alliance  with  the  wealthy  and  aristocratic  Lamar- 
tines. 

The  "Memoires  inedits"  were  published  in  1870,  the 
"Manuscrit  de  ma  mere"  in  1871,  both  after  Lamartine's 
death  (1869);  but  the  "composition"  of  the  latter  work 
antedates  the  former  by  several  years.  "The  ' Manuscrit 
de  ma  mere,'"  writes  M.  L.  deRonchaud  in  the  Preface, 
"forms  with  the '  Memoires  inedits '  the  complement  of  the 
narratives  M.  de  Lamartine  has  published  of  his  life.  It 
contains,  concerning  his  childhood  and  youth,  details  all 
the  more  precious  because  they  are  the  more  authentic, 
having  had  as  witness  the  poet's  mother  herself.  .  .  .  "  1 
Had  the  manuscript  been  handed  down  to  us  in  its  origi- 
nal form  this  would  undoubtedly  have  been  the  case.  Yet 
there  would  appear  to  be  no  adequate  explanation  for 
this  disconcerting  coldness,  almost  bitterness  towards  a 
dead  love.  No  other  example  is  to  be  found  in  the  poet's 
writings.  On  the  contrary,  as  Lamartine  advanced  in 
years  he  became  even  more  prone  to  idealize  the  ad- 
ventures of  his  youth;  to  clothe  episodes,  often  trivial 
in  themselves,  with  a  radiance  of  imagination,  a  glow  of 
romance  such  as  he  alone  is  capable  of  imparting  to  the 
most  commonplace  occurrences.  This  psychological  pe- 

1  Cf.  Preface,  op.  tit.,  p.  vi. 


MADEMOISELLE  P. 


culiarity,  of  which  there  will  be  found  ample  demonstra- 
tion throughout  these  pages,  is  evidenced  in  the  above- 
quoted  conversation  with  M.  de  Lacretelle.  "  Je  ne  sais 
pas  bien  si  c'£tait  mon  imagination  ou  mon  cceur,"  he 
frankly  acknowledges  in  concluding  a  fantastic  descrip- 
tion of  a  wholly  imaginary  episode  among  the  Euganean 
Hills,  near  Padua.1  And  the  confusion  repeats  itself 
again  and  again. 

In  the  case  of  Mademoiselle  P.  there  can  be  no  doubt, 
however,  that  his  affections  were  deeply  engaged.  For 
months  after  his  departure  from  Mcicon  his  letters  to 
Virieu  and  Bienassis  contain  allusions  to  his  blighted 
hopes,  and  to  sentiments  impervious  to  the  sensual 
blandishments  of  the  soft  Italian  environment.  Tempo- 
rarily and  conditionally  impervious:  the  "grande  pas- 
sion" is  still  to  come. 

The  story  in  the  "M£moires  in£dits"  of  this  amorous 
entanglement,  to  which  he  owed  the  realization  of  the 
long-cherished  dream  of  an  Italian  wandering,  is  in  itself 
commonplace.  It  owes  the  small  interest  it  possesses 
merely  to  the  accident  that  it  happened  to  Lamartine. 
Half  the  episodes  are  imaginary  as  far  as  Mademoiselle 
P.  is  concerned,  for,  as  in  other  instances,  the  writer's 
reminiscences  are  cumulative  and  the  heroine  composite. 
We  cannot  pretend  to  disentangle  completely  the  net  of 
romance  which  Lamartine  has  woven  about  the  young 
women  (for  there  certainly  were  two)  involved  in  the 
story  of  this  courtship.  M.  de  Riaz  has,  however,  re- 
cently discovered  letters  which  seem  to  prove  that  two 
incidents  therein  described  are  connected,  not  with 
Mademoiselle  P.,  but  with  Mademoiselle  H61ene  Cellard 
du  Sordet,  the  daughter  of  a  gentleman  possessing  a 

1  Cf.  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  x,  p.  41.  In  this  description,  carried  away 
by  the  divine  inflatus,  the  poet  causes  the  sun  to  set  in  the  Adriatic,  due 
east  from  the  spot  he  depicts. 

•  •  77  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


chateau  between  M&con  and  Chalon,  whose  hand  La- 
martine  is  said  to  have  sought.1 

Prefacing  this  momentous  love  story  Lamartine  says: 
"Ce  ne  fut  qu'une  ombre  de  passion,  mais  I'impression 
en  fut  vive  et  durable."  Condensed  and  robbed  of  all 
sumptuous  verbiage,  —  a  sacrilegious  mutilation,  since 
therein  lies  the  ineffable  charm,  —  the  bare  narrative  is 
as  follows: 

Mademoiselle  P.  was,  as  a  matter  of  course,  beautiful, 
talented,  and  modest.  On  her  mother's  side  she  claimed 
connection  with  the  local  nobility,  but  through  her  father 
and  her  family  surroundings  she  belonged  to  the  bour- 
geoisie. The  father  and  brother  were  distinctly  vulgar, 
we  are  told,  and  rigidly  excluded  from  the  social  gather- 
ings to  which  the  mother  and  daughter,  owing  princi- 
pally to  the  latter's  charms  and  graceful  dancing,  were 
somewhat  grudgingly  admitted.  Madame  de  Lamartine 
was  not  amongst  those  who  received  these  ladies,  al- 
though she  knew  them,  having  had  perfunctory  inter- 
course with  them  in  the  official  society  of  the  town  on 
such  occasions  as  the  aristocracy  graced  the  fetes  and 
balls  at  the  Prefecture.  It  was  at  one  of  these  entertain- 
ments that  Alphonse  met  and  promptly  fell  in  love  with 
the  graceful  sylphid.  He  would  seem  to  have  received 

1  Cf.  de  Riaz,  op.  tit.,  p.  19;  also  A.  Dureault,  La  premiere  passion  de 
Lamartine,  passim.  In  his  valuable  volume  Lamartine,  etude  de  morale  et 
d'esthetique  M.  de  Pomairols  confounds  Henriette  P.  with  Lucy  L.  when 
he  says  (after  mentioning  Mademoiselle  P.  and  Lamartine's  meeting  with 
her  at  a  ball  in  Macon):  "Lorsque  Lamartine  dans  les  Confidences,  ce  livre 
de  poesie  et  de  verite,  a  raconte  son  premier  amour,  il  1'a  transporte  dans 
les  montagnes  de  Milly,  1'hiver,  dans  le  bruit  des  torrents,  dans  le  brouil- 
lard  des  vallees;  c'est  pour  mieux  exprimer  une  realite  interieure,  c'est-a- 
dire  le  r6ve  ossianesque  qui  le  hantait  alors,  et  pour  associer  son  premier 
sentiment  a  la  nature  qui  lui  a  toujours  paru  I'accompagnement  harmoni- 
eux  de  l'amour."  Cf.  op.  tit.,  p.  15.  As  has  been  stated,  Henriette  P.  ap- 
pears neither  in  the  Confidences  nor  in  the  Noueelles  confidences.  Doubts 
may  exist  as  to  the  identity  of  Lucy  L. :  there  are  none  concerning  that  of 
Henriette  P.  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  account  of  the  ^courtship  in  the 
Memoir es  inedits  is  "cumulative." 

.  .  78  •  • 


MADEMOISELLE  P. 


decided  encouragement  from  the  outset.  Having  ac- 
companied the  ladies  to  their  door,  he  was  about  to  re- 
tire when  the  girl,  turning  for  a  last  glance  at  her  ad- 
mirer, slipped  on  the  steps  and  twisted  her  ankle.  Of 
course  Alphonse  rushed  forward  and  received  her  in  his 
arms.  Whereupon  he  was  requested  to  enter  for  a  cup 
of  tea,  and,  prompted  by  the  mother,  begged  a  dance  at 
the  next  ball.  Not  only  was  this  favour  accorded,  but 
permission  to  call  the  next  day  was  granted. 

So,  the  ice  being  broken,  acquaintance  soon  ripened 
into  intimacy,  followed  in  its  turn  by  the  more  tender 
sentiment.  Madame  P.  would  certainly  appear  to  have 
lost  no  opportunity  of  throwing  the  lovers  together, 
with  the  inevitable  result  that  one  day,  at  a  picnic  in  a 
friend's  garden  at  Saint-Clement,  young  Lamartine 
breathed  the  fateful  words.1  Shortly  after  the  young 
people  were  surprised  by  the  mother  during  what  seemed 
to  her  an  unnecessarily  intimate  conversation  on  a  sofa 
in  her  own  drawing-room.  Lamartine  frankly  accuses 
the  lady  of  having  her  ear  at  the  key-hole:  perhaps  her 
eye  had  been  there  too.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  door 
opened  with  inconvenient  suddenness,  the  heads  of  the 
lovers  were  separated  by  a  rough  hand,  and  Alphonse  re- 
ceived a  tingling  box  on  the  ears.  Amazed  and  angered 
by  this  unexnected  onslaught,  the  lad  sprang  to  his  feet 
and  prepared  to  beat  a  hasty  retreat,  protesting  the  while 
his  respect  for  the  daughter  and  the  sanctity  of  her  home. 
Madame  P.  realizing  she  had  gone  too  far  (perhaps  fear- 
ing a  scandal),  became  profuse  in  her  apologies,  and  with 
the  daughter's  help  all  was  harmoniously  settled.  "We 
swore  to  keep  silent  concerning  the  incident,"  writes 
Lamartine,  "and  to  continue  to  love  each  other  as 

1  M.  de  Riaz  is  certain  that  on  this  occasion  it  was  not  Mademoiselle 
Pommier,  but  the  aforementioned  Mademoiselle  Helene  Cellard  du  Sor- 
det,  who  received  Lamartine's  confession. 

.  .  79  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


brother  and  sister.  .  .  .  Our  love,  a  perfectly  pure  one,  re- 
mained what  it  had  been  and  was  always  to  be :  the  dream 
of  two  hearts  which  had  nothing  to  reproach  themselves 
with  excepting  their  love."  Still,  the  town  talked  as  pro- 
vincial towns  will  talk;  Madame  de  Lamartine  felt  con- 
strained to  interfere  gently,  and  it  was  decided  to  take 
advantage  of  the  wedding  journey  of  some  cousins  to  send 
Alphonse  with  them  to  Italy. 

Such  is  the  substance  of  the  incident  as  related  in  the 
"Memoires  inedits."  l  But,  as  we  know,  Lamartine  gave 
a  far  more  graphic  account  of  the  family  opposition  to  his 
matrimonial  aspirations  in  his  conversation  with  the  elder 
M.  de  Lacretelle.  It  is  certain  that  this  adventure  was 
much  more  serious  than  it  suited  the  hero's  convenience 
to  admit  in  writing  his  life-story  for  the  general  public, 
when  "literary  copy"  was  his  chief  concern  and  accuracy 
a  minor  consideration. 

The  news  of  the  impending  Italian  journey  was,  of 
course,  immediately  imparted  to  his  friends  Guichard 
and  Aymon.  To  the  latter  Lamartine  confided  his  joy 
at  the  prospect  of  at  last  roaming  this  longed-for  "Sa- 
turnia  tellus,"  and  enthusiastically  outlined  his  pro- 
spective trip.  "This  evening,"  he  continues,  "  I  am  going 
to  announce  my  sad  departure.  How  many  tears  will  be 
shed!  How  many  assaults  I  must  repulse  in  order  not 
to  retract!  But  I  have  courage,  and  all  the  Armides  of  my 
native  land  shall  not  hold  back  a  doughty  Knight  going 
forth  to  seek  adventures,  and  to  see  all  that  has  been  and 
still  is  great  in  the  world.  "I  shall  put  these  travels  to 
profit,  and  lay  up  treasures  of  learning  and  memories  .  .  . 
my  journey  will  be  more  literary  and  poetic  than  instruc- 
tive. .  .  .  Adieu,  my  friend,  I  envy  you  and  I  still  weep. 
It  may  be  my  misfortunes,  which  only  increase  in  the  di- 
rection which  most  interest  me,  will  grow  still  greater 

1  Pages  132-56. 
.  .  80  •  • 


MADEMOISELLE  P. 


and  finally  end  in  despair.  Perhaps,  on  your  first  journey 
you  will  come  to  seek  the  tomb  of  your  friend  in  Rome 
or  Naples."  1 

And  on  June  10  he  writes  to  Guichard:  "As  for  me, 
my  friend,  I  must  perforce  break  most  tender  bonds;  I 
must  condemn  myself  for  seven  or  eight  months  to  suf- 
ferings a  thousand  times  worse  than  death ;  I  must  aban- 
don all  that  is  most  dear  to  me  in  the  world,  after  my 
two  friends.  Let  us  speak  of  it  no  more:  do  not  let  us 
reopen  wounds  which  are  too  recent  and  too  cruel.  May 
the  great  memories  of  this  superb  Italy  distract  my  mind 
from  all  the  troubles  of  my  heart !  That  is  all  I  can  hope, 
for  the  evil  is  without  remedy,  and  even  time  can  only 
render  it  less  unbearable,  but  can  never  cure  it.  You 
smile,  perhaps,  at  my  grand  sentiments  of  constancy,  you 
who  up  to  the  present  judged  me  so  little  susceptible  of 
an  eternal  passion ;  you  are  astonished  to  see  me  dragging 
the  same  chains  for  eight  months,  and  resolved  to  wear 
them  all  my  life:  weep  rather  over  the  eternal  misfor- 
tune of  your  friend."  2 

But  the  love-sick  youth  does  not  mope  for  long,  al- 
though at  intervals  recurrences  of  his  malady  are  dis- 
cernible in  the  sadly  meagre  correspondence  which  has 
survived. 

1  Correspondence,  LXXVII.  *  Ibid.,  LXXVII. 


CHAPTER  VIII 
THE  JOURNEY  TO  ITALY 

LAMARTINE  left  Lyons  on  July  15, 1811,  travelling  with 
Monsieur  and  Madame  Haste,  a  young  couple  on  their 
honeymoon,  whom  business  called  to  Leghorn. 

At  Chambery  he  met,  by  appointment,  his  friend 
Aymon  de  Virieu,  and  together  the  young  men  visited 
"Les  Charmettes,"  where  they  sentimentalized  over 
the  author  of  "La  Nouvelle  Heloise"  and  his  elderly 
protectress  Madame  de  Warens,1  as  befitted  enthusiastic 
admirers  of  a  genius  whose  influence  was  paramount 
with  the  generation  to  which  they  belonged.  Reluc- 
tantly leaving  Virieu  in  Savoy,  after  having  extracted 
from  him  a  promise  that  he  join  him  later  in  Italy,  Al- 
phonse  crossed  the  Mont  Cenis  to  Turin,  travelling  thence 
via  Milan,  Parma,  Piacenza,  Modena,  and  Bologna, 
to  Florence  and  Leghorn.  The  letters  he  sends  to  his 
friends  Aymon  and  Guichard  are  scarcely  what  might 
have  been  expected  from  so  eloquent  a  pen  on  a  first 
visit  to  Italy.  Of  course  he  takes  notes  by  the  way;  but 
he  appears  more  interested,  perhaps,  in  the  social  cus- 
toms of  the  people  than  in  the  historical  buildings  or  the 
pictures  he  somewhat  perfunctorily  describes.  Here  and 
there  mention  is  made  of  the  "bonds  which  are  the  cause 
of  unhappiness  rather  than  of  charm  in  my  sad  life." 
His  dreams  are  haunted  by  the  lovely  vision  left  behind 
in  Macon.  Although  it  would  be  an  exaggeration  to  af- 
firm that  the  memory  of  Mademoiselle  P.  has  become  an 
obsession,  nevertheless  her  image  is  constantly  evoked 

\ l  Correspondence,  LXXX;  cf.  also  Confidences,  p.  321.    For  Lamartine's 
later  criticism  of  Rousseau  cf.  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  II,  p.  407.^ 

.  .  82  •  • 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ITALY 


by  the  romantic  character  of  the  scenes  he  traverses, 
which  to  a  temperament  such  as  his  seem  to  exact  mel- 
ancholy as  a  tribute,  nay,  as  an  indispensable  attribute. 
With  "Corinne"  under  his  arm,  and  the  sufferings  of 
"  Saint- Preux"  not  far  from  his  heart,  he  wanders  over 
the  classic  ground  he  has  so  often  trod  in  imagination, 
either  at  Belley  or  when  musing  over  his  books  at  Milly 
and  Saint-Point.  There  are,  however,  two  men  in  the 
young  Lamartine  of  this  period.  The  dreamy  sentimen- 
talist is  tormented  by  the  mal  du  si&cle  (a  malady  common 
to  passionate  youth  throughout  the  ages);  is  a  prey  of 
his  exuberant  imagination,  with  fits  of  picturesque  de- 
spair and  poetic  ecstasy.  Again  we  find  the  buoyant 
adolescent,  revelling  in  the  mere  joy  of  living,  whose 
careless  philosophy  takes  things  as  they  come,  and 
who  is  hail  fellow  well  met  with  prince  and  pauper, 
and  far  from  averse  to  a  flirtation  when  opportunity 
offers.1 

Of  the  sojourn  at  Leghorn  we  know  but  little.  The 
letters  are  full  of  the  prospective  delight  of  Virieu's 
visit,  which  for  one  reason  or  another  is  exasperatingly 
postponed.  Details  of  the  life  he  is  leading  are  scant.  "  I 
am  working  as  I  never  worked  in  my  life,  and  I  am  making 
good  progress,"  he  writes  Guichard  on  October  13;  "now 
that  I  am  leading  a  sedentary  life  all  my  mind  is  turned 
towards  the  study  of  Italian." 

Although  it  is  four  months  since  he  left  Macon  his 
"heart  bleeds  every  day  at  being  obliged  to  endure  so 
cruel  and  so  long  a  separation."  "Nevertheless,"  he 
continues,  "foreseeing  in  my  return  only  fresh  causes  of 
sorrow,  without  a  ray  of  hope,  I  fear  it  as  much  as  I  de- 

1  Cf.  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  166;  also  Memoir  es  inedits,  pp.  160, 168; 
Camilla  and  Bianca  Boni.  M.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle  has  had  access  to  an  un- 
published Garnet  de  voyage  which  young  Alphonse  kept  in  desultory  fashion 
during  the  earlier  stages  of  his  journey;  cf.  Les  origines  et  lajeunesse  de 
Lamartine,  p.  254. 

.  .  83  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


sire  it,  and  don't  know  what  course  to  pursue."  *  Forty- 
five  years  later  Lamartine  is  able  to  conceive  the  episode 
in  flowery  phrases:  "An  artificial  rose,  dusty  and  soiled, 
torn  from  the  garland  round  a  skirt  at  a  ball,  trodden 
under  the  feet  of  the  dancers,  then  wrapped  in  a  bit  of 
gauze  and  hidden  at  the  bottom  of  my  trunk  as  a  talis- 
man, together  with  some  poor  verses;  it  was  all  mere 
childishness;  but  this  puerility  had  alarmed  a  tender 
mother.  ...  It  was  already  dead,  as  die  all  the  prema- 
ture sentiments  of  childhood;  but  I  owed  to  it  my  exile 
to  Italy."  2  "Mon  cceur  etait  un  enigme  dont  je  cher- 
chais  la  clef,"  he  exclaims  apologetically,  and  in  extenua- 
tion, perhaps,  of  the  inconstancies  to  follow. 

But  if  we  must  look  to  the  "  Correspondance  "  for  accu- 
racy we  must  perforce  go  to  later  compositions  for  the 
details  of  this  eventful  journey.  After  all,  reminiscences 
have  their  value;  and  inaccurate  as  to  time  and  place, 
tinged  with  romance,  and  composite  as  to  circumstance, 
as  those  of  Lamartine  unquestionably  are,  they  are  es- 
sential to  that  equitable  judgment  of  the  man  at  which 
this  life-story  aims. 

Writing  from  Rome  to  Virieu  on  November  18,  1811, 
Alphonse  states:  "Madame  la  comtesse  d' Albany  is  here 
at  present.  I  saw  her  a  fortnight  ago  in  the  Vatican  gal- 
lery, but  as  I  have  no  introduction  to  her  I  did  not  pre- 
sent myself."  3 

In  his  "Cours  de  litterature,"  a  monthly  publication 
which  later  afforded  him  practically  his  daily  bread, 
Lamartine  prefaced  the  account  of  his  introduction  to  the 
widow  of  the  last  of  the  Stuarts,4  with  an  apology  for 

1  Correspondance,  Lxxxn. 

*  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  n,  p.  56.  The  verses  which  accompany  the 
lines  above  quoted  were  unquestionably  composed  during  later  years. 

3  Correspondance,  LXXXIV. 

4  Nee  Countess  Stolberg,  married  Prince  Charles  Edward  and  was 
known  as  Countess  of  Albany. 

.  .  84  .  . 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ITALY 


the  constant  intrusion  of  his  personality  in  the  pages  of 
his  magazine.  He  believes,  however,  that  his  readers' 
interest  will  be  quickened  by  the  confidential  nature  of  his 
essays,  for  after  all,  he  urges,  "it  is  the  human  heart 
we  all  seek  in  literature,  not  mere  ideas."  Like  Montaigne, 
he  adds:  "Je  veux  rhomme  tout  entier."  Agreed:  but 
do  we  get  the  whole  man  when  Lamartine  discourses  about 
himself?  On  the  very  next  page  we  read:  "Ce  n'est  pas 
rhomme  en  moi  gui  park  de  lui,  c'est  V artiste"  1  Thus 
forewarned  we  ought  to  be  forearmed:  yet  the  art  is  so 
cunning,  truth  is  so  inextricably  interwoven  with  fiction, 
that  we  frequently  allow  ourselves  to  be  deceived.  The 
man  is  in  the  letters  of  the  "  Correspondance  " ;  it  is 
the  artist  who  paints  the  captivating  pictures  in  the 
"Confidences,"  the  "Memoires,"  and  the  various  "En- 
tretiens"  of  the  "Cours  de  literature."  Certainly  La- 
martine did  not  mean  to  imply  that  the  artist  is  untrust- 
worthy. When  he  speaks  of  "demi-confidences,"  2  ought 
we  not  to  accept  as  tacitly  understood  that  the  setting 
is  arranged  to  harmonize  with  the  picture?  Nevertheless, 
it  is  disconcerting  —  bearing  in  mind  the  assertion  made 
in  the  above-quoted  letter  to  Virieu  —  to  .read  in  the 
"Cours  de  literature "  a  circumstantial  account  of  a 
visit  to  the  Countess  of  Albany  in  Florence,  and  later, 
in  the  same  publication,  to  note  that  at  the  time  of  his 
arrival  ir  Tuscany,  Madame  d'Albany  was  in  Paris 
"conversing  with  Bonaparte."  * 
Loitering  one  day  in  the  church  of  Santa  Croce  he 

1  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  n,  p.  52.  *  Ibid.,  p.  58. 

'  Cf.  ibid.,  vol.  ri,  p.  76;  also  vol.  xvii,  p.  115.  In  the  first  instance  May 
29,  1810,  is  given  as  the  date  of  his  arrival  in  Florence;  in  the  second, 
September  4,  1810,  as  the  "epoque  precise  ou  j 'arrivals  en  Toscanie." 

The  Correspondence  of  the  Countess  d'Albany  was  published  in  1902, 
by  Leon  Pelissier.  The  only  mention  made  of  Lamartine  is  in  a  letter 
from  the  Countess  to  her  sister,  dated  December  8,  1823,  wherein  she 
refers  to  reading  La  mart  de  Socrate,  and  criticizes  the  work.  Cf.  op.  «/., 
p.  623. 

•  •  85  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


paused  before  the  tomb  of  Alfieri  which  Canova  had  been 
commissioned  to  model  "in  memory  of  a  dead  love" 
(1803).  Suddenly  he  remembered  that  he  had  a  letter 
of  introduction  to  the  Countess,  and,  in  spite  of  shyness, 
decides  to  present  it  at  once.  Although  forty-five  years 
have  intervened,  the  recollection  of  the  costume  he  wore 
on  this  occasion  is  still  fresh  in  his  mind.  "It  was  a 
summer  coat  of  grey  blue,  such  as  then  worn.  ...  I  put  it 
on,  admiring  myself  the  while,  over  trousers  of  yellow 
nankeen  and  a  waistcoat  of  the  same  material  embroid- 
ered in  silk  by  an  aunt."  Somewhat  to  his  relief,  the  lady 
is  out,  so  that  his  presentation  to  this  "Queen  of  Eng- 
land" is  deferred.  "The  next  morning,  on  awakening, 
I  received  a  very  polite  and  cordial  note  from  the  Count- 
ess of  Albany  (a  note  I  still  possess,  although  since  then 
I  have  received  other  letters  from  her)  .  .  .  inviting  me  to 
dinner  on  the  following  day."  When  ushered  into  the 
presence  of  the  "dethroned  Queen  of  Great  Britain,"  he 
found  nothing  in  her  person  suggesting  either  "the  sover- 
eign of  an  Empire  or  the  Queen  of  a  heart."  But  she  was 
gracious,  and  having  heard  that  the  young  man  wrote 
verses,  surmised  that  he  would  like  to  visit  Alfieri's 
library.  As  it  was  by  reason  of  Alfieri's  infatuation  for 
his  hostess  that  her  personality  interested  him,  the 
young  poet  experienced  the  deepest  emotion  on  finding 
himself  midst  the  surroundings  in  which  the  great  Ital- 
ian's last  days  had  been  spent.  The  dinner  was  simple : 
only  a  few  friends  gathered  around  the  table.  In  the 
evening,  as  is  the  Italian  custom,  people  dropped  in  to 
talk,  and  the  youth  lingered  in  a  corner  listening  with 
all  his  ears  to  the  brilliant  conversation.  "Ten  years 
after  this  evening  I  often  saw  the  widow  of  the  last  of 
the  Stuarts,  and  of  Alfieri,"  concludes  Lamartine.1 
From  Florence  on  October  22,  1811,  Alphonse  writes 
1  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  u,  p.  85. 

•  •  86  •  • 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ITALY 


Virieu  that  he  has  been  in  that  town  seven  or  eight  days 
and  has  revisited  with  M.  de  Freminville  everything  he 
had  previously  seen.  He  expects  to  leave  for  Rome  the 
next  evening  but  one,  in  spite  of  all  that  is  said  of  the 
dangers  of  the  road,  of  thefts,  of  murders,  etc.,  and  also 
in  spite  of  the  urging  of  the  Hastes,  who  wish  to  take  him 
back  with  them.  "  I  would  like  to  return  with  them  my- 
self," he  wrote  Virieu,  "but  who  knows  when  another 
opportunity  to  visit  Rome  and  Naples  may  present,  and 
these  I  absolutely  must  see.  Who  knows  what  awaits 
me  on  my  return  home?"  he  significantly  adds.1  The 
young  man  had  evidently  decided  to  remain  in  Italy  as 
long  as  his  funds  held  out,  counting  on  his  mother's 
influence  for  future  remittances  as  well  as  an  extension 
of  leave.2  Nor  was  he  wrong  in  trusting  to  her  indulgent 
devotion.  In  due  time  both  were  forthcoming:  but  they 
had  caused  the  mother  deep  humiliation  and  many  an 
anxious  moment.  "His  uncles  and  aunts  help  us  to  pay 
the  cost  of  his  journey,"  she  writes;  "they  gave  us  yes- 
terday for  him  seventy-two  louis.  If  he  is  economical, 
with  one  hundred  louis  he  can  spend  the  winter  in  Rome 
and  Naples;  but  he  is  young  and  overflowing  with  im- 
agination to  be  left  thus  alone  in  those  distant  lands!  I 
wanted  to  have  him  go,  now  I  want  to  see  him  back;  I 
commend  him  day  and  night  and  twenty  times  during 
the  day  to  uivine  protection.  What  a  misfortune  to  have 
an  idle  son!  In  spite  of  the  family  repugnance  to  have 
him  serve  Bonaparte,  we  ought  to  have  considered  him 
and  not  our  dislike  or  our  own  opinions.  I  hope  his  friend 
M.  Aymon  de  Virieu  will  go  to  join  him:  he  is  a  more 
mature  young  man,  and  one  who  would  be  useful  to  him 
in  many  circumstances."  * 

1  Correspondance,  LXXXIII.  *  Confidences,  p.  142. 

8  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  166;  cf.  also  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  cit.t 
P-  253. 

•  •  87  •   • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


"Quel  malheur  qu'un  fils  inoccupeT'  This  cry  from 
a  mother's  heart  finds  justification  in  a  note  in  her  diary 
many  months  later  (January  31, 1813) :  "  I  have  just  had 
considerable  cause  for  sorrow  concerning  him  [Alphonse]," 
she  writes;  "from  Lyons  and  from  Italy  his  uncles  and 
aunts  have  received  bills  for  the  considerable  debts  he 
incurred  during  his  travels:  the  family,  knowing  I  spoil 
him,  hold  me  responsible  for  these  extravagances;  I  have 
been  much  scolded,  I  have  shed  many  tears,  alas!  in 
truth,  the  faults  of  my  child  are  my  faults.  Why  was  I 
not  more  severe  with  him  at  the  moment  of  his  first  sin?  MI 
It  is  the  knowledge  of  the  troubles  in  store  for  him  which 
prompts  him  to  write  Virieu  from  Rome,  on  November 
18:  "I  would  like  to  spend  the  winter  in  Rome,  but  cruel 
circumstances  torment  me  and  call  me  back.  Come, 
decide  for  me,  help  me,  lend  me  your  counsel,  I  am  a  lost 
man."  2 

Matters  are  not  really  so  bad,  however;  youth,  aided 
by  enthusiasm  and  inherent  optimism,  soon  chases  away 
the  dark  mood.  He  has  had  an  adventure,  a  decidedly 
romantic  adventure,  if  we  credit  the  slender  authority 
of  the  "  Confidences"  and  "  Memoires  inedits,"  for  in  the 
"Correspondance"  no  mention  is  made  of  the  incident. 
Of  the  two  versions  the  story  in  the  "Confidences"  is 
perhaps  the  more  picturesque. 

Lamartine,  as  we  know,  left  Florence  the  last  days  of 
October,  1811;  among  his  fellow-passengers  in  the  lum- 
bering diligence  was  an  elderly  man  accompanied  by  a 
slender,  effeminate  youth  of  singularly  attractive  appear- 
ance. Davide,  who  appeared  to  be  the  father  of  the 
charming  boy,  was  on  his  way  to  Naples,  where  he  was 
to  sing  at  the  San  Carlos  opera  house.  "Davide  treated 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  171.  The  anxious  mother  describes  also  fresh 
gambling  debts  in  Paris,  of  which  mention  will  be  made  in  due  time. 
*  Correspondance,  LXXXIV. 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ITALY 


me  as  a  father,"  writes  Lamartine,  "and  his  young  com- 
panion overwhelmed  me  with  kindness  and  attentions. 
I  responded  to  these  advances  with  the  freedom  and 
naivete  of  my  years.  Long  before  we  reached  Rome  the 
handsome  traveller  and  I  had  become  inseparable.  In 
those  days  the  post  took  no  less  than  three  days  to  cover 
the  road  between  Florence  and  Rome.  At  the  inns  my 
new  friend  was  my  interpreter;  at  table  he  saw  that  I 
was  served  first ;  in  the  coach  he  kept  for  me  the  best  place 
beside  him,  and,  if  I  fell  asleep,  I  was  certain  my  head 
would  be  pillowed  on  his  shoulder.  When  we  walked  up 
the  steep  hills  he  explained  the  country  to  me,  named 
the  towns,  showed  me  the  monuments.  He  even  picked 
beautiful  flowers  for  me,  bought  figs  and  grapes,  fill- 
ing my  hands  and  my  hat  with  fruit.  Davide  seemed 
to  look  with  pleasure  on  the  demonstrative  affection  of 
his  young  companion  for  the  youthful  stranger.  They 
smiled  together  at  times,  looking  at  me  artfully,  slyly, 
and  kindly."  Of  course  the  young  Frenchman  decided  to 
stop  at  the  same  hotel  in  Rome  with  his  new-found 
friends. 

On  waking  the  next  morning  he  dressed  hastily,  and 
descended  for  breakfast.  At  the  table  he  found  Davide 
already  seated,  and  beside  him  a  beautiful  girl  —  his 
companion  on  the  recent  journey!  "The  young  girl  was 
a  singer,"  b^  ~dds,  "the  pupil  and  favourite  of  Davide. 
The  old  artist  took  her  everywhere  with  him,  dressed  as 
a  man  in  order  to  avoid  comment."  On  the  day  after 
their  arrival  the  girl  resumed  her  masculine  attire  and 
acted  as  guide  to  the  young  stranger  in  his  wanderings 
through  the  city  and  its  surroundings.  "La  Camilla," 
he  tells  us,  "was  not  a  savant,  but,  born  in  Rome,  she 
knew  instinctively  all  its  beautiful  sites  and  its  grandeur 
which  had  impressed  her  from  childhood."  l 

1  Confidences,  p.  143;  cf.  also  Memoir es  inedits,  p.  159. 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


No  reference  is  made  to  this  episode  in  the  letters  to 
Virieu.  "I  lead  a  hermit's  life,"  he  writes;  "I  wander 
of  a  morning  midst  vast  solitudes,  more  often  quite 
alone;  I  visit,  a  book  in  my  pocket,  those  beautiful  and 
deserted  galleries  of  the  Roman  palaces;  in  the  evening 
I  work  or  I  go  to  see  some  artists."  l  And  yet  Virieu 
was  his  alter  ego,  the  one  from  whom  no  secrets  were 
withheld.  He  would  scarcely  have  refrained  from  telling 
the  story  to  this  boon  companion.  Most  probably  the 
letter  was  destroyed  with  many  others  containing  de- 
tails of  those  rakish  Italian  days;  some  perhaps  "unfit 
for  publication."  Time  is  a  great  purifier,  and  at  sixty- 
odd  Lamartine  had  acquired  an  incomparable  proficiency 
in  the  art  of  glossing  and  poetizing  the  sins  of  his  youth ; 
imparting,  to  what  in  other  hands  would  smack  of  the 
flavour  of  immorality,  the  impeccable  purity  of  driven 
snow.  "Graziella"  and  "Raphael"  are  salient  examples 
of  the  palliating  processes  he  adopted,  although  in  the 
case  of  "Elvire"  critics  are  still  at  loggerheads. 

This  first  visit  to  Rome  was  not  of  long  duration  — 
five  weeks,  at  most.  Yet  in  the  "Confidences"  Lamar- 
tine assures  his  readers  that  he  passed  there  a  long 
winter,  "from  October  to  April,  without  one  day  of  las- 
situde or  ennui."  2  As  a  matter  of  fact  he  reached  Naples 
early  in  December,  i8n.3 

The  life  he  led  in  the  languorous,  pleasure-loving  me- 
tropolis of  southern  Italy  was  not  particularly  edifying. 
To  one  of  his  temperament,  idle  and  without  restraint, 
the  lax  social  atmosphere,  the  facile  morality  and  mani- 
fold temptations  were  irresistible.  Yet  he  was  probably 
sincere,  or  thought  he  was,  when  he  confided  to  Gui- 
chard:  "As  for  me,  my  friend,  I  drag,  I  carry,  I  hug, 

1  Correspondence,  LXXXIV.  *  Confidences,  p.  150. 

3  Correspondence,  LXXXV  and  LXXXVI;  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  cit., 
P-  259. 

•  •  90-  - 


THE  JOURNEY  TO  ITALY 

through  all  Italy  my  lacerating  sorrows.  Sometimes 
they  seem  to  slumber  an  instant,  but  they  soon  awaken 
with  renewed  strength.  I  am  like  a  sick  man  to  whom 
the  very  intensity  of  his  anguish  at  times  lessens  the  con- 
sciousness of  his  pain,  but  who  all  too  soon  revives  to 
suffering  and  to  life."  l  But,  in  spite  of  these  outpour- 
ings, Mademoiselle  P.'s  influence  was  on  the  wane. 
1  Correspondence,  LXXXVI. 


CHAPTER  IX 
GRAZIELLA 

THE  original  plan  had  been  to  spend  only  a  week  in 
Naples,1  but  the  beauty  of  the  place,  the  charm  of  the  life 
he  led  there,  and  a  circumstance  which,  however  unim- 
portant, trivial  even,  it  may  have  been  at  the  time,  is 
now  closely  allied  with  his  literary  fame,  caused  him  re- 
peatedly to  defer  departure,  and  it  was  only  in  April, 
1812,  that  he  began  the  homeward  journey. 

How  great  a  place  "Graziella"  held  in  Lamartine's 
heart  it  is  impossible  to  say;  but  her  shade  looms  large 
throughout  the  pages  of  his  life's  work.  With  "Elvire" 
she  shares  the  glory  of  having  been  the  poet's  Egeria. 
She,  or  her  prototype,  certainly  inspired  what  are  very 
generally  admitted  to  be  masterpieces  among  the  prose 
and  poetic  writings  of  the  genius  who  immortalized  her. 
To  nine  tenths  of  Lamartine's  readers  to-day,  "Graziella," 
"Le  Lac,"  "Le  Premier  Regret"  are  the  most  familiar 
portions  of  his  work.  The  story  of  the  sentimental  little 
coral-worker  has  been  translated  into  all  the  tongues  of 
Europe.  From  Paris  to  Constantinople,  from  Petrograd 
to  Lisbon,  in  the  Old  World  and  the  New,  tender  hearts 
have  ached  for  her,  seas  of  tears  have  been  shed  over 
the  tribulations  of  her  loving  heart,  maledictions  poured 
upon  the  head  of  the  lover  who  left  her  to  pine  away 
and  die. 

In  the  "  Correspondance  "  no  mention  is  made  of  either 
"Graziella"  or  any  adventure  with  which  she  might 
have  been  connected.  It  is  true  that  between  January  22 
and  the  middle  of  April,  1812,  no  letters  have  been  pre- 

1  Correspondance,  LXXXVIII. 
.  .  92  .  . 


GRAZIELIA 


served.  De  Virieu  joined  his  friend  in  Naples  at  the  end 
of  January,  1812,  and  remained  with  him  until  Alphonse 
obeyed  the  summons  home,  returning  alone.  No  serious 
attachment  had  been  formed  before  Virieu's  arrival, 
for  Alphonse  writes  him  on  January  22:  "We  will  spend 
some  days  together  in  Naples,  and,  as  you  say,  we  will 
return  together  to  Rome,  anywhere  you  like ;  for  my  only 
desire  is  to  be  with  you."  This  would  seem  to  indicate 
that  no  infatuation  chained  him  to  Naples.  On  the  con- 
trary, there  are  evidences  of  profound  ennui  in  his  letters 
to  his  friend:  "I  find  myself  at  this  moment  without  a 
penny,  and  with  debts  here  in  Naples.  I  should  not  be 
able  to  leave  did  I  not  find  a  charitable  soul  who  would 
have  the  kindness  to  lend  me  some  ducats"  (December 
28).  And  again,  on  January  14,  urging  his  friend  to  come 
to  him  at  once  and  leave  Rome  for  the  return  journey: 
"Say  that  you  have  in  Naples  a  friend  who  is  ill,  suffer- 
ing, and  abandoned;  come  in  spite  of  wind  and  tide." 
Ten  days  later  he  complains:  "I  am  penniless.  I  have 
begun  to  gamble.  I  won  about  forty  piasters  in  two  days. 
I  shall  perhaps  lose  them  to-night  in  trying  to  win  more. 
I  curse  everything."  1 

A  love  affair  there  certainly  was,  for  Lamartine  never 
makes  his  stories  out  of  whole  cloth,  although  he  em- 
broiders so  heavily  at  times  that  the  almost  impalpable 
gauze  of  the  r>~ginal  fabric  is  lost  to  view ;  like  those  cob- 
web Eastern  textures  the  women  of  the  harem  cover 
with  heavy  gold  and  silver  traceries.  "Graziella,"  a  pseu- 
donym in  all  probability,  was  the  heroine  of  a  very 
commonplace  intrigue;  such  as  would  be  found  in  the 
life-story  of  countless  young  men  during  their  irrespon- 
sible Wander jahre*  And  Alphonse  de  Lamartine  was  no 
exception  to  the  rule :  for  several  years  he  led  the  life  of  a 

1  Correspondence,  LXXXVHI,  LXXXIX,  and  xc. 
1  Cf.  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  15. 

.  .93  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


rake;  albeit  a  sentimental  one.  Such  follies  are  the  in- 
evitable concomitants  of  unrestrained  youth,  but  the 
idealism  which  formed  the  basis  of  his  impulsive  nature 
soon  taught  him  the  essential  vulgarity  of  promiscuous 
dissipation.  His  was  a  timid  wantonness;  leavened  by 
sentiment  and,  in  one  instance  at  least,  purified  by  pas- 
sion, as  will  be  seen  later.  "L'amour  fut  pour  moi  le 
charbon  de  feu  qui  brule,  mais  qui  purifie  les  levres,"  he 
wrote  in  the  Preface  of  the  "Meditations." 

Aymon  de  Virieu  joined  his  friend  in  Naples  at  the 
end  of  January,  and  their  dissipations  were  doubtless 
collective:  but  Aymon's  Neapolitan  inamorata  found  no 
poetic  genius  to  uplift  her  from  obscurity  and  immortal- 
ize her  name. 

In  his  "  Causeries  du  Lundi"  Sainte-Beuve  analyzes  the 
episode  with  his  usual  directness  and  succinctness :  ' '  The 
charming  coral-worker  of  Naples  is  in  part  a  creation. 
Take  away  the  Italian  sky  and  the  costume  of  Procida, 
and  there  remains  nothing  more  than  an  adventure  with 
a  grisette,  embellished  and  idealized  by  the  artist,  exalted 
later  to  the  realms  of  Beauty,  but  still  one  of  those  in- 
trigues which  leave  only  too  few  traces  in  a  life,  and 
which  are  recalled  later,  from  the  dim  recesses  of  mem- 
ory, only  when  the  poet  or  the  painter  feels  the  need  of 
searching  there  for  the  subject  of  an  elegy  or  a  picture."  1 
"  Beyond  such  testimony  as  Lamartine  himself  offers 
in  his  poetry,  prose,  and  commentaries,  all  of  which  post- 
date the  episode  by  several  years,  no  authentic  records 
exist. 

In  a  footnote  to  his  study  of  Lamartine,  M.  Maurice 
Albert,  referring  to  the  death  of  "Graziella,"  as  de- 
scribed by  the  poet,  writes:  "The  poet  weeps  over  her 
death  in  well-known  strophes,  but  one  of  my  old  Nea- 
politan friends  assured  me  that  the  fisherman's  daughter, 

»  Vol.  i,  p.  63. 
•  •  94  •  v 


GRAZIELIA 


whom  he  had  known,  died  at  the  age  of  sixty,  the  mother 
of  six  children."  The  entire  responsibility  of  this  asser- 
tion must  rest,  however,  with  M.  Albert,  who  vouchsafes 
no  other  than  oral  authority.1  If  this  be  so,  indeed,  po- 
etical license  could  be  carried  no  farther. 

As  has  been  said,  no  reference  is  made  to  this  intrigue 
in  Lamartine's  contemporaneous  correspondence,  as  it 
has  been  handed  down  to  us.  Putting  aside,  for  the 
moment,  the  circumstantial  accounts  of  the  idyl  scat- 
tered throughout  the  poet's  works,  we  quote,  in  extenso, 
the  commentary  to  the  twenty- fourth  "Meditation 
poetique,"  entitled  "Le  Golfe  de  Baia":  "As  will  be 
seen  by  the  note  at  the  bottom  of  page  223,  these  verses, 
which  formed  part  of  a  collection  which  I  burned,  were 
written  in  Naples  in  1813.  I  often  at  that  period  spent 
my  days,  with  the  father  of  'Graziella'  and  'Graziella' 
herself,  in  the  Gulf  of  Baia,  when  the  fisherman  cast 
his  nets.  ...  I  wrote  verses  about  the  coast,  the  monu- 
ments, my  impressions  of  the  shore  and  sea,  while  my 
friend  Aymon  de  Virieu  sketched  in  his  albums  with 
pencil  or  brush.  By  chance  he  had  preserved  a  copy  of 
this  elegy,  and  he  returned  it  to  me  at  the  time  I  was 
printing  the  'Meditations'  (1820).  I  received  it  as  one 
would  a  sea-shell  long  forgotten  and  found  again  in  a 
traveller's  valise,  and  I  strung  it,  along  with  its  graver 
sisters,  on  the  chaplet  of  my  poems."  2 

"Grazielia's"  father  may  have  been  a  fisherman:  the 
girl  herself,  however,  would  appear  to  have  been  em- 

1  La  literature  franyiise  de  1789-1830,  p.  102.  Lamartine  is  also  reported 
to  have  made  the  following  remark  to  M.  Emile  Ollivier:  "I  have  been 
greatly  reproached  for  the  death  of  Graziella;  but  Graziella  did  not  die;  she 
had  many  children."  Cf.  E.  Sugier,  Lamartine,  note  p.  45. 

1  Cf.  (Euvres  completes  (author's  edition  in  40  vols.),  vol.  I,  p.  225. 
M.  Gustave  Lanson,  in  his  critical  edition  of  the  Meditations  (Hachette, 
Paris,  1915),  vol.  ii,  p.  511,  is  sceptical  as  to  the  burning  of  the  collection. 
Lamartine's  assertion  that  the  verses  were  written  in  Naples,  in  1813, 
is  erroneous,  as  he  returned  to  France  in  1812. 

.  .  95  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


ployed  in  the  Royal  Tobacco  Manufactory  of  Naples. 
Alphonse  carried  a  letter  of  introduction  to  the  Director 
of  this  manufactory,  M.  Dareste  de  la  Chavanne,  a  dis- 
tant connection  of  the  Lamartines.  Preferring  probably 
the  freedom  of  independent  quarters  the  young  man 
first  established  himself  in  a  small  hotel.  Six  weeks  later 
he  writes  Virieu:  "I  am  no  longer  at  the  inn.  I  have  a 
small  lodging  in  the  house  of  my  relatives  whom  I  found 
here."  » 

Had  Lamartine  made  the  acquaintance  of  "Graziella" 
before  his  friend's  arrival  in  Naples?  Here  again  we 
have  no  authentic  data.  A  popular  saying  has  it  that  it 
is  best  to  be  off  with  the  old  love  before  one  is  on  with  the 
new.  Lamartine  would  seem  to  admit  the  wisdom  of  the 
maxim  when,  in  his  "  M6moires  inedits,"  he  prefaces  what 
purports  to  be  the  truthful  version  of  his  Neapolitan 
romance  with  documentary  proof  of  the  termination  of 
his  relations  with  Mademoiselle  Henriette  P.  The  letter 
is  cited  in  extenso,  but  the  signature  of  the  writer  is 
omitted.  He  is,  however  (we  are  told),  no  other  than  the 
old  family  friend  of  the  Pommiers  who  originally  encour- 
aged the  affair,  but  who  now  ceremoniously  informs  Al- 
phonse, in  the  name  of  the  girl's  mother,  that  a  suitor  is 
on  the  ground  offering  qualities  and  guarantees  the  absent 
lover  seems  to  lack.  "Be  kind  enough,  Sir,"  he  con- 
tinues, "to  examine  yourself  conscientiously,  and  to  in- 
form me  whether  you  can  assert  that  you  still  cherish  for 
this  young  person  the  same  sentiments  as  at  the  time  of 
your  departure  from  Macon,  and  whether  the  P.  family 
may  be  assured  that  you  will  make  like  promises  to  those 
at  present  offered.  We  will  abide  by  your  affirma- 
tion." 2 

Alphonse  was  greatly  perturbed ;  but  after  a  few  days 
of  reflection  he  realized  that  he  was  not  in  a  position  to 

1  Correspondence,  I.XXXTX.  *  Memoires  inedits,  p.  184. 

.  .  96  •  • 


GRAZIELIA 


undertake  the  engagements  the  young  woman's  family 
required.  So  he  wrote  "a  frank  and  prudent -letter," 
leaving  his  fate,  and  her  own,  in  the  hands  of  Mademoi- 
selle P.  herself.  Shortly  after  he  heard  of  her  marriage 
with  the  new  suitor.  "  I  regretted  her,"  he  writes,  "but  I 
ended  by  appreciating  the  fact  that  her  parents  were 
right  in  not  sacrificing  this  amiable  child  to  the  illusions 
of  her  seventeen  summers."  l 

At  twenty  in  a  gay  and  pleasure-loving  city  such  as 
Naples,  it  is  difficult  to  remain  disconsolate.  The  heart 
which  had  ached  for  Henriette  P.  was  caught  on  the  re- 
bound by  the  charmer  who  figured  as  "Graziella"  in  the 
mature  literary  life  of  the  man  whose  plaything  she  had 
been  in  the  wild,  irresponsible  days  of  his  youth.  Lamar- 
tine  gives  two  versions  of  his  meeting  with  this  "poetic 
vision";  both  abundantly  furnished  with  most  minute 
details  as  to  time  and  place,  yet  neither  offering  a  scrap 
of  trustworthy  evidence.  In  the  "Confidences"  he  finds 
the  fisherman's  daughter  in  a  cabin  on  the  Isle  of  Procida, 
whither  he  and  Virieu  had  been  driven  by  the  tempest 
after  barely  escaping  shipwreck.2  In  the  "M£moires  in- 
edits"  the  little  cigarette-maker  was  first  caught  sight  of 
crossing  the  courtyard  of  the  Royal  Tobacco  Manufac- 
tory, midst  a  bevy  of  sister- workers.  "  I  was  far  from  sus- 
pecting," confesses  Lamartine,  "that  one  of  those  young 
girls  was  to  become  'Graziella,'  change  her  trade,  domi- 
nate my  dec*L:y,  and  exert  an  imperishable  influence  over 
my  whole  life.  It  is  the  truth,  nevertheless.  ...  I  did  not 
dare  admit  it  when,  in  1847,  I  wrote  the  true  romance  of 
'Graziella.'"8 

The  truth  is  certainly  to  be  found  neither  in  the  pathetic 
idyl  entitled  "Graziella,"  nor  in  the  far  more  prosaic 
though  equally  fantastic  reminiscences  of  the  "Memoires 

1  Memoires  incdits,  p.  1 86. 

1  Confidences,  p.  171.  »  Memoires  intdits,  p.  180. 

.  .  97  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 

inedits."  But,  either  on  account  of  the  literary  success 
her  story  achieved,  or  from  the  tender  reminiscences  the 
telling  of  it  reawakened,  Lamartine  is  guilty  of  but  an 
artistic  exaggeration  when  he  writes  that  "Graziella" 
exerted  an  imperishable  influence  over  his  subsequent 
career;  purely  poetic  though  such  influence  was.1 

Replying  to  a  criticism  of  his  poem  "Le  Premier  Re- 
gret," Lamartine  describes  how  on  entering  the  church  of 
Saint-Roch,  in  Paris,  in  i827,2  a  picture  awakened  long 
slumbering  memories:  "This  picture,"  he  writes,  "re- 
called to  me  the  maiden  of  Ischia  3  I  had  so  loved,  and 
who  had  died  of  her  love  for  me  some  time  after  my  de- 
parture from  Naples.  I  had  never  forgiven  myself  this 
hardness  of  heart,  so  regretted  and  so  punished.  Indeed, 
how  much  happier  should  I  have  been  in  the  stormy  days 
to  come,  had  I  yielded  to  her  tears  and  my  love;  had  I 
resumed  my  garb  of  a  young  fisherman,  married  the  girl 
I  loved,  and  lived  with  her  and  this  simple  family  of 
fisher-folk  the  life  wherein  I  had  found  happiness."  4 

"Graziella"  is  a  poetic  fiction  based  on  an  authentic 
and  commonplace  adventure.  But  "Graziella"  reveals 
Lamartine  himself  as  does  no  other  page  of  his  writings, 
"Raphael"  and  "Jocelyn"  not  excepted.  "The  faults 
of  the  'Confidences'  are  in  a  manner  condensed  in  the 
episode  of  'Graziella,' "  writes  Edouard  Rod.  And  that 
critic  finds  ample  justification  for  the  assertion  in  the 
various  processes  of  idealization  to  which  not  only  the 
heroine,  but  the  members  of  her  family,  and  the  author 
of  the  tale  himself,  are  subjected.  "Never,  perhaps,  did 
Lamartine's  imagination  find  a  more  favourable  subject 

1  Cf.  also  "Adieu  a  Graziella,"  eighth  Meditation;  "Ischia,"  second 
Meditation;  and  Le  premier  regret. 

*  1830  in  Confidences,  p.  284. 

1  Procida  in  Confidences  and  Memoires  inedits,  p.  189. 

4  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  xxvm,  p.  162;  cf.  also  Memoires  inedits, 
p.  214:  "J'6tais  decide  a  revenir  vivre  et  mourir  a  Procida." 


GRAZIELIA 


for  the  exercise  of  its  whims;  nowhere  else  are  the  tricks 
his  imagination  played  with  reality  more  aptly  charac- 
terized." 1  The  farther  the  reality  receded  into  the  haze 
of  youthful  memories  the  larger  loomed  the  ideal.  This 
process  of  idealization,  of  which  "Graziella"  offers  a  par- 
ticularly striking  example,  is  apparent  in  all  Lamartine's 
autobiographical  writings.  It  was  in  part  unconscious: 
Lamartine  embellished  everything  that  his  vivid,  fervent 
imagination  touched;  but  there  was  also  the  dominant 
vanity  of  the  man  seeking  to  clothe  the  most  prosaic 
sentiments  and  actions  of  his  life  with  the  radiance  of  a 
romantic  ideal. 

In  absolute  sincerity  he  wrote:  "La  posterity  n'est 
pas  1'egout  de  nos  passions;  elle  est  1'urne  de  nos  sou- 
venirs, elle  ne  doit  conserver  que  des  parfums."  The 
perfume  which  "Graziella"  exhales  to  posterity  is  freed 
from  all  the  grossness  of  passion;  it  is,  in  fact,  so  sub- 
limated and  etherealized  that  the  evanescent  fragrance 
of  a  great  and  pure  love  is  alone  discernible.  Of  the  pun- 
gent odour  of  the  Royal  Tobacco  Manufactory  the  nos- 
trils of  posterity  detect  some  trace,  it  is  true,  for  the 
"Memoires  inedits"  inform  us  that  the  girl  received  the 
wages  of  a  cigar-worker,  which  she  handed  to  her  mother 
at  the  end  of  the  month.  But,  adds  Lamartine's  host, 
M.  de  la  Chavanne:  "She  does  not  work  with  the  other 
girls,  she  eats  with  us  in  order  not  to  leave  Antoniella,  her 
friend  and  pivlectress."  2  Antoniella  was  M.  de  la  Cha- 
vanne's  housekeeper,  but  she  also  superintended  the 
girl's  working  in  the  factory,  and  acts  as  a  sort  of  duenna 
in  the  version'of  the  love-story  now  under  consideration. 
Lamartine  assures  us  in  these  memoirs  (published  after 
his  death)  that  it  was  merely  vanity  which  caused  him  to 
elevate  his  mistress  to  the  dignity  of  a  coral-worker  when 
writing  his  "Confidences."  "Having  acknowledged  this 
1  Lamartine,  p.  187.  *  Mbnoires  intdits,  p.  189. 

.  .  99  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


to-day,"  he  writes,  "all  the  rest  of  the  romance  is  literally 
exact.  She  was  as  young,  as  naive,  as  pure,  as  religious 
as  I  represented  her  in  the  romance.  All  the  scenes  are 
true."  l  Perhaps;  but  the  reality  is  even  here  unrecog- 
nizable, owing  to  the  vivid  colouring  imparted  by  the 
processes  of  idealization  to  which  the  artist  resorts.  Pos- 
terity is  never  lost  sight  of,  and  must  be  propitiated  at  the 
cost  of  exactitude,  when  need  is.  Hence  the  travesty, 
which  is  a  pure  and  poetic  fiction,  a  temperamented 
transmogrification  of  a  licentious  adventure  which  in  its 
crude  nudity  is  bereft  of  the  "perfume "  Lamartine  deems 
so  essential. 

That  there  was  riotous  living  in  Naples  that  winter 
seems  unquestionable.  Gambling  appears  to  have  ab- 
sorbed much  of  the  time  of  the  two  young  men.  An  old 
croupier  initiated  them  into  the  mysteries  of  his  system, 
an  infallible  one  for  trente  et  quarante,  according  to  the 
gamester,  but  which  does  not  seem  to  have  profited  his 
young  pupils.  Lamartine  dwells  at  some  length  in  the 
"M£moires  in6dits"  on  these  card  parties,  at  which 
"Graziella"  is  depicted  as  assisting,  gentle  reproval  visi- 
ble on  her  face,  as,  bending  over  her  needlework,  she 
glances  up  from  time  to  time  to  watch  the  movements  of 
her  lover.2  During  an  expedition  to  Vesuvius,  undertaken 
by  Alphonse  with  Humboldt,  "Graziella,"  leaving  a  let- 
ter in  which  she  declared  her  love,  fled  to  her  parents' 
home  on  the  island  of  Procida.  Lamartine  joined  her 
there,  or  says  he  did  (we  are  following  the  "M6moires 
in6dits"),  and  the  idyl  as  related  in  the  "Confidences" 
began. 

But  news  of  these  irregularities  of  the  son  had  reached 

M^con.  Lamartine  suspects  M.  de  la  Chavanne  of  having 

notified  his  mother  of  his  loose  life.3  A  letter  is  received 

peremptorily  ordering  the  culprit  home.    Virieu  is  the 

1  MSmoires  intdits,  p.  213.  *  Ibid.,  p.  194.  8  Ibid.,  p.  214. 

.  .  100  •  • 


LAMARTINE 


GRAZIELIA 


executioner.  "Graziella"  is  abandoned,  "fainting  and 
in  tears."  1 

We  have  no  authentic  record  of  Lamartine's  departure 
from  Naples,  and  can  only  conjecture  from  the  meagre 
correspondence  the  reasons  which  prompted  the  return 
to  France.  Pecuniary  considerations  were  probably  re- 
sponsible for  his  recall;  we  know  he  left  debts  in  Italy. 
Yet  writing  from  Florence  to  Virieu,  who  had  remained  in 
Rome,  Alphonse  makes  the  remark  that  "les  finances  ne 
sont  pas  encore  trop  alt6r6es."  He  even  talks  of  return- 
ing to  Rome  on  account  of  disquieting  news  which  reaches 
him  concerning  conscription.  On  April  24,  1812,  from 
Milan,  the  traveller  informs  Virieu  that  the  fears  were 
unfounded,  and  that,  after  a  fortnight  spent  in  that  city, 
he  has  engaged  a  seat  in  the  diligence  which  is  to  carry 
him  across  the  Simplon  to  Lausanne.  No  word  of  "Gra- 
ziella," no  single  allusion  to  the  recent  affair  of  the  heart 
by  the  shores  of  the  Bay  of  Naples. 

A  recent  critic,  M.  Sugier,  who  has  studied  Lamartine 
principally  from  the  moral  and  psychological  standpoint, 
believes  that  the  love  for  "Graziella"  was  a  retrospective 
passion.  "If  he  makes  no  reference  to  it  after  his  return 
from  Italy  in  his  letters  to  Virieu,  it  was  perhaps  because 
the  latter,  who  had  been  present  in  Naples,  and  witness  of 
the  adventure,  had  never  taken  it  seriously."  M.  Sugier 
doubts  whether,  hor!  they  been  preserved,  any  trace  of 
his  love  affair  would  have  been  found  in  the  letters  to 
Guichard,  because  Lamartine,  after  all  the  protestations 
of  his  eternal  devotion  to  Mademoiselle  P.,  dreaded  the 
teasing,  perhaps  even  the  reproaches  of  levity,  his  friend 
was  certain  to  inflict.2 

1  Memoires  inedits,  p.  214;  cf.  also  Confidences.  In  a  drawer,  close  to  the 
poet's  writing-table  in  the  Chateau  de  Saint-Point,  a  cotton  kerchief,  such 
as  the  women  of  the  poorer  classes  in  southern  Italy  wear  on  their  heads, 
lies  folded.  Family  tradition  asserts  that  Lamartine  brought  it  back  with 
him  from  Naples  —  a  gift  from  "Graziella." 

1  E.  Sugier,  Lamartine,  p.  44. 

•  •    IOI   •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


For  nine  years  his  writings  show  no  sign  of  the  keen 
remorse  which  in  middle  age,  and  when  he  is  quite  an  old 
man,  is  so  apparent.  Only  in  his  "Ode  a  Virieu,"  com- 
posed in  1821,  do  we  catch  an  echo  of  the  grief  he  is  sup- 
posed to  have  suffered  on  learning  of  "  Graziella's"  death 
after  her  careless  lover's  return  to  France. 

"Reconnais-tu  ce  beau  rivage, 
Cette  mer  aux  flots  argent£s  . . . 
Un  nom  ch6ri  vole  sur  1'onde, 
Mais  pas  une  voix  qui  r6ponde, 
Que  le  flot  grondant  sur  1'ecueil. 
Malheureux!  quel  nom  tu  prononces! 
Ne  vois-tu  pas  parmi  ces  ronces 
Ce  nom  grav6  sur  un  cercueil?"  l 

Not  that  the  verses  prove  anything.  As  Ren6  Doumic 
has  remarked:  "Lamartine  shared  with  his  epoch  the 
prevailing  theory,  that  only  unhappiness  possessed  poetic 
value.  Whether  it  be  Elvire  or  Graziella,  it  is  with  tears 
he  sings  of  them."  * 

It  was  on  April  29,  1812,  that  the  prodigal  set  out  from 
Lausanne  on  the  last  stage  of  the  homeward  journey.  A 
little  char-ti-bancs  conveyed  him  to  Geneva,  whence  the 
diligence  carried  him  over  the  Jura  to  Macon.3  "My 
father  awaited  me,"  he  writes,  "and  welcomed  me  with- 
out any  reference  to  my  follies.  I  had  returned  home;  I 
was  forgiven."  4 

M.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  however,  is  not  of  the  opinion 
that  the  erring  son  was  so  readily  forgiven.  And  his 
authority  is  incontestable,  taken  as  it  is  direct  from  the 
original  manuscript  of  the  mother's  diary.  Alphonse  was 
coldly  received.  Tacit  proof  of  the  family  displeasure  is 
vouchsafed  by  the  fact  that  several  pages  of  the  manu- 
script have  been  ruthlessly  destroyed;  while  the  corre- 

1  Le  Passt.  *  Revue  des  Deux-Mondes,  January  15,  1916. 

1  Correspondence,  XCH.  *  M&moires  inedits,  p.  215. 

.   .    IO2   •   • 


GRAZIELLA 


spending  index  to  the  little  journal  bears  the  mention: 
"Retour  d'Alphonse,  oisivetd,  decouragement."  l 

After  ten  months  of  independence  and  facile  pleasures 
in  Italy  it  was  asking  too  much  of  the  warm-blooded  and 
ambitious  youth  to  settle  down  to  the  dull  monotony  of 
village  life.  He  had  taken  a  violent  dislike  to  M illy.  In- 
capable of  sustained  effort,  he  became  sombre  and  mel- 
ancholy ;  shutting  himself  up  in  his  room  to  weep.  Both 
parents  were  now  seriously  alarmed;  the  mother  finding 
her  son  changed,  "nervous  and  rather  hard-hearted."  2 

The  crop  of  his  wild  oats  was  not  yet  sown,  and  the 
next  few  years  were  to  witness  many  follies,  many  repre- 
hensible acts,  testing  to  the  utmost  the  fond  mother's 
indulgence  and  demanding  her  aid  in  many  a  crisis. 

1  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  cit.,  p.  263. 

1  Unpublished  fragments  of  the  mother's  diary,  cited  by  Pierre  de  Lacre- 
telle, op.  cit.,  p.  264. 


CHAPTER  X 
IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 

THE  presence  of  their  well-set-up  young  son  of  twenty- 
two  now  became  the  cause  of  considerable  embarrass- 
ment to  his  family.  Napoleon's  recruiting  sergeants  were 
especially  active  at  this  period,  for  the  Emperor's  de- 
mands incessantly  prompted  further  effort,  greater  and 
ever  greater  sacrifice  of  men  and  treasure.  Lamartine 
tells  us  that  in  order  to  avoid  conscription  his  father  had 
induced  the  Pr6fet  of  Mclcon,  who  happened  to  be  a  per- 
sonal friend,  to  appoint  him  Mayor  of  Milly.  "  My  duties 
consisted  only  in  maintaining  order  and  in  supplying 
food,  by  means  of  voluntary  contributions  from  my  own 
village  and  those  in  the  neighbourhood,  for  the  Austrian 
and  Italian  troops  which  had  already  invaded  the  coun- 
try." l  To  Virieu  the  youthful  functionary  writes  on 
August  20,  1812:  "I  am  now  quite  alone  at  Milly;  my 
parents  are  near  Dijon  with  my  uncle.  I  am  master  in  the 
house,  mayor  of  the  village,  and  with  my  hand  on  the 
plough"  (by  which  he  means,  we  suppose,  that  he  is  look- 
ing after  his  father's  estate  as  well  as  the  municipal  inter- 
ests confided  to  his  care).  But  he  is  not  happy:  "What 
shall  I  do?  Where  can  I  go,  where  flee  to  escape  this  cruel 
ennui  which  devours  me?"  2 

The  young  man  when  he  penned  these  lines  had  but 
just  returned  from  a  three  weeks'  sojourn  in  Paris, 
whither  he  had  gone  "for  distraction  and  pleasure."  "I 

1  Memoir es  inidits,  p.  221.  Lamartine  was  appointed  Mayor  of  Milly 
in  June,  1812,  and  continued  nominally  to  discharge  his  duties  as  such 
until  1815.  Cf.  Archives  communales  de  Milly;  also  Pierre  de  Lacretelle, 
op.  tit.,  p.  264. 

1  Correspondancc,  xciv. 

.  .   104  •  • 


IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 


bored  myself  there  just  as  I  do  here,  just  as  I  did  at  Dijon, 
from  whence  I  have  this  moment  returned."  But  this 
"ennui"  amounted  to  more  than  boredom,  it  was  soul- 
unrest,  what  the  French  call  "tourment  de  Tame."  The 
"ennui"  was  not  material,  but  intellectual;  the  "soul- 
sickness"  not  amorous,  but  the  reaching-out  of  an  ar- 
dent spirit  towards  the  transcendentalism  alone  capable 
of  assuaging  its  cravings.  Metaphysical  speculations, 
doubts  and  yearnings,  crop  up  continually  in  the  letters 
to  Virieu  which  practically  form  the  sum  total  of  the 
youthful  correspondence  handed  down  to  us.  Of  these 
letters,  beacons  all  too  rare  to  guide  us,  there  are,  between 
October,  1812,  and  the  Abdication  of  Napoleon  at  Fon- 
tainebleau  (April  4,  1814),  but  nine,  addressed  without  a 
single  exception  to  Virieu.  Aymon  de  Virieu,  to  the  end, 
filled  the  role  of  confessor.  Lamartine  trusted  and  con- 
fided in  this  "other  self"  as  he  trusted  and  confided  in  no 
other  human  being.  What  he  wrote  to  him  he  felt,  and 
contradictory  as  these  feelings  often  were,  they  were 
written  in  all  sincerity,  in  obedience  to  the  impulse  of  the 
moment. 

From  the  tangled  skein  of  conflicting  emotions  therein 
portrayed  must  be  unrolled  the  thread  which  guides 
to  the  comprehension  of  his  complex  character.  Para-v^ 
doxes  halt  the  student  at  every  turn,  and  a  too  subtle 
analysis  lands  him  in  a  labyrinth ;  for  like  all  truly  great 
natures  Lamartine's  was  fundamentally  simple.  The  dif- 
ficulty lies  in  segregating  the  man  and  the  artist,  the  poet 
and  the  statesman ;  for  the  simplicity  of  the  one  appears 
inextricably  interwoven  with  the  complexity  of  the  other. 
The  phase  is  common  to  most  men  of  genius,  and  in  fact 
to  youth  in  general.  In  the  present  instance,  however, 
genius  is  engaged  in  a  struggle  with  the  forces  which 
threaten  to  destroy  it.  What  will  his  life  bring  forth? 
The  seven  years  between  1813  and  1820  are  undoubtedly 

•  •  105  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


the  most  painful  of  Lamartine's  existence.  The  period  of 
gestation  is  laborious  and  prolonged.  The  contrasts  and 
contradictions  of  his  double  nature,  material  and  artistic, 
are  nowhere  more  apparent,  nowhere  more  disconcert- 
ing; elusive  pleasures  crowd  on  earnest  effort;  dissipation 
throttles  ambition,  and  is  in  its  turn  floored  by  sentiment. 
"Nous  ne  saurions  trop  regarder  dans  1'ame  de  celui  qui 
devait  devenir  le  poete  de  1'ame,"  writes  M.  Sugier  in  his 
admirable  psychological  study.1  It  is  always  hazardous 
to  attempt  to  decipher  a  soul :  a  young  man's  mode  of  life 
does  not  invariably  mirror  his  inner  self.  In  the  case  of 
Lamartine  the  extraneous  evidences  are  peculiarly  falla- 
cious. For  an  understanding  of  any  psychological  phe- 
nomena we  can  only  proceed  by  deductive  reasoning.  Yet 
the  usual  formulas  of  comparison  and  analysis  avail  but 
little  when  brought  to  bear  on  the  vagaries  of  an  artistic 
temperament;  incomparably  less  when  face  to  face  with 
the  divine  afflatus  of  genius.  Lamartine  was  essentially 
"the  poet  of  the  soul":  soulfulness  in  prose  and  poetry 
alike  account  for  his  marvellous  hold  over  the  imagina- 
tion and  heart  of  his  readers.  During  these  far  from  edi- 
fying years  of  gestation,  soulfulness,  although  not  always 
apparent,  can  yet  ever  be  detected,  even  when  thickly 
overlaid  with  commonplace  and  vulgar  dissipation. 

At  Milly  time  hangs  heavy  on  his  hands.  He  is  a  prey 
to  melancholy;  ambition  teases  him  by  fits  and  starts; 
vague  aspirations  assail  him,  but  he  has  no  definite  object, 
no  plan  of  work,  no  continuity  of  thought.  He  reads 
rather  than  studies,  storing  in  his  mind  a  heterogeneous 
literary  harvest,  ranging  from  "Clarissa  Harlowe"  to  the 
sonnets  of  Petrarca,  whom  since  the  Italian  wanderings 
he  understands  as  he  never  did  before.  This  is  natural, 
but  we  do  not  agree  with  M.  Emile  Deschanel  that  it  was 
"the  eyes  and  the  lips  of  'Graziella'"  2  which  enlarged  his 
1  Lamartine,  p.  48.  *  Ibid.,\ol.  i,  p.  50;  cf.  also  Correspondence,  C. 
•  •  106  •  • 


IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 


comprehension  of  the  charms  of  the  lover  of  Laura;  his 
taste  matured  as  his  mastery  over  the  language  increased, 
and  his  horizon  had  broadened  with  travel.  The  fact  re- 
mains, however,  that  during  these  years  (1813-20)  of 
shiftless  drifting,  interspersed  with  periods  of  prodigality, 
and  marked  by  one  brief  but  absorbingly  passionate  love 
(1816-17),  the  seeds  which  were  to  flower  in  the  "Medi- 
tations poetiques"  were  sown.  During  this  period  the 
young  man  lost  and  found  himself  over  and  over  again; 
traversed  more  than  one  moral  and  religious  crisis,  and 
was  often  within  an  ace  of  shipwreck.  Yet  through  it  all 
is  discernible  the  thread  of  religious  sentiment,  panthe- 
istic in  its  essence,  which  forms  the  fundamental  basis  of 
his  lyrical  genius.  To  Virieu  he  bares  his  perplexities,  his 
yearnings : 

"What  is  this  so-called  sacred  fire  of  the  soul  and  of 
genius  of  which  we  talk?  Of  what  avail  is  it?  Whither 
does  it  lead  us?  Why  do  we  feel  it;  why  do  so  many 
others  not  feel  it;  or  why  do  they  let  it  go  uselessly  to 
waste?  What  profit  do  we  derive  from  it  if  we  nourish 
it?  What  happens  if  we  smother  it?  Should  we  guard  it, 
or  cast  it  from  us?  Is  it  a  blessing  or  a  curse  in  life?  Is  it 
a  celestial  gift,  or  is  it  a  ridiculous  illusion?  "  l  He  is  him- 
self uncertain,  and  professes  himself  carelessly  indifferent. 
"God  grant,"  he  adds,  "that  as  far  as  ambition  is  con- 
cerned, my  heart  remain  in  this  beatific  tranquillity,  for  I 
have  no  longer  a  shadow  of  an  aspiration  towards  fame. 
If  I  deserve  it,  I  shall  have  it;  if  Heaven  wills  it,  I  shall 
deserve  it,  so  here  again  I  am  at  peace.  But  there  are 
things  higher  still  than  ambition  and  glory,  with  which  I 
am  occupied  more  ardently  and  more  often.  But  what 
mists  enshroud  them!  What  dreadful  darkness  reigns! 
And  how  blessed  are  the  careless  ones  who  take  no 
thought  of  all  this !  You  know  of  what  I  speak.  1 1  is  very 

1  Correspondence,  xcv. 
.  •    107  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


easy  to  discard  systems  as  I  have  done,  but,  if  others  are 
to  be  built  up,  where  find  the  foundations?" 

In  February,  1813,  an  attack  of  scarlet  fever,  compli- 
cated with  inflammation  of  the  lungs,  laid  the  young  man 
low,  and  for  a  time  his  life  seemed  in  danger.  A  revival 
of  religious  wavering  and  speculation  is  the  result,  and 
again  he  turns  to  Virieu  with  the  cry:  "Tu  as  la  clef  de 
mon  cceur,  tu  y  lis  mieux  que  moi-m£me."  And  tortured 
with  the  same  doubts  he  continues  later:  "I  have  had  a 
charming  letter  from  Vignet;  he  informs  me  that  he  has 
accepted  Christianity  with  the  most  ardent  faith,  that  he 
communes,  and  that  the  comforting  assurance  he  has 
reached  affords  rest  to  his  soul  and  imparts  happiness  to 
his  life.  And  I,  dear  friend,  I  also  am  now  striving  to  re- 
conquer faith.  Day  and  night  I  am  plunged  in  lugubrious 
reveries  and  thoughts  of  the  future,  and  all  those  things 
it  so  behooves  us  to  comprehend  better.  The  long  suffer- 
ing I  am  undergoing  brings  me  back  to  this  with  greater 
energy:  perhaps  it  will  prove  salutary  and  fortunate,  for 
who  knows  what  the  ends  and  means  on  high  may  be? 
I  only  ask  of  Heaven  the  resignation  which  I  lack  and  the 
strength  and  light  I  need  so  sorely.  Sometimes  I  feel 
sweet  consolation  way  down  in  my  heart,  at  others  all  is 
smothered  in  anguish.  Come  thou  also  to  my  aid.  If  ever 
thy  friendship  can  be  useful  and  consoling  to  me,  ah !  it  is 
during  these  painful  periods  when  I  sink  without  energy 
and  often  without  hope  beneath  the  weight  of  physical 
pain  and  distress  of  soul."  l 

Meanwhile,   beneath  all  these  gloomy  meditations, 

these  vague  and  fitful  yearnings  and  see-saw  ambitions, 

the  passionate  fires  of  youth  burn  unquenched.  The  old 

Adam  is  seething  in  his  blood,  and  although  he  is  hardly 

convalescent  a  projected  visit  to  Paris  absorbs  him,  to  the 

detriment  of  his  poem  "Saul,"  on  which  he  works  but 

1  Correspondence,  xcvm  and  c. 

•  •   108  •  • 


IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 


intermittently.  The  marriage  of  his  eldest  sister *  and  his 
own  precarious  condition  of  health  retard  the  journey. 
For  two  months  he  neither  writes  nor  reads  verses;  his 
head  is  too  weak;  yet  once  in  Paris  he  confidently  believes 
he  can  finish  his  "Saill."  Three  weeks  later  (April  18, 
1813)  it  is  from  Paris  he  writes  the  faithful  Aymon:  "I 
am  still  ill  and  obliged  to  be  in  at  nightfall  on  account  of 
my  chest  and  throat.  It  is  very  sad ;  but  I  am  patient  and 
happy  enough  at  present,  or  at  least  resigned.  My  native 
air  is  good  for  me  neither  physically  nor  morally :  it  should 
not  be  breathed  for  more  than  six  months  of  the  year, 
that  is  sufficient,  otherwise  it  benumbs  and  causes  one  to 
drowse."  2 

Apparently  Paris  produced  no  such  soporific  effects. 
In  spite  of  enforced  early  hours,  the  young  man's  life  was 
not  an  exemplary  one.  His  friends  are  all  young  and  fond 
of  pleasure.  His  head  is  still  too  weak  for  work,  but  the 
race-course  at  Longchamps  attracts  him.  He  yearns 
for  the  guidance  and  moral  support  Virieu  never  fails  to 
give,  and  pathetically  urges  him  to  join  him.  "Oh!  my 
friend,"  the  letter  continues,  "come  to  me;  never  did  I 
need  you  more.  I  don't  know  what  possesses  me;  but  I 
am  seriously  trying  to  be  virtuous,  excepting  on  one  or 
two  points  on  which  I  capitulate.  You  would  help  me ;  I 
am  well  intentioned,  and  if  Heaven  aids  me  to  keep  my 
good  resolutions,  I  will,  I  trust,  one  day  become  a  man."  5 
Dissipated  and  frivolous  his  present  mode  of  life  certainly 
is,  but  the  closing  paragraph  of  this  same  letter  denotes 
how  little  real  hold  it  has  on  his  mind,  what  small  impor- 
tance he  attaches  to  the  opinions  of  his  boon  companions. 

"X vient  tous  les  matins  me  precher  deux  doigts 

d'atheisme;  mais  il  y  perd  son  latin,  j'en  suis  trop  loin." 

Nevertheless  rumours  of  the  young  man's  extrava- 

1  Cecile,  who  married  M.  de  Cessiat,  and  was  the  mother  of  Valentine. 
1  Corre$pondance,  ci.  *  Ibid.,  ci. 

.  .   109  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


gances  had  reached  Macon.  Madame  de  Lamartine  notes 
in  her  diary  *  that  M.  de  Larnaud  has  written  to  Al- 
phonse's  uncle  that  his  nephew's  health  was  giving  his 
friends  serious  cause  for  worry.  His  friends  have  imbued 
him  with  the  passion  for  gaming:  he  passes  his  nights  at 
the  house  of  a  M.  de  Livry,  a  den  where  fortunes  were 
lost.  The  boy  is  working  well  and  showing  talent,  the  let- 
ter adds,  but  says  that  gaming,  study,  and  insomnia  are 
ruining  his  youth,  and  that  the  time  has  come  to  recall 
him  at  all  costs.  "I  left  immediately  for  Paris,"  writes 
the  anxious  mother,  "with  my  second  daughter,  Eugenie, 
whom  I  took  into  my  confidence ;  I  took  all  the  money  my 
husband  had  left  in  his  bureau  when  he  went  to  stay  with 
the  Abb£  de  Lamartine  in  Burgundy.  My  friend  Madame 
Paradis,  my  brother-in-law  M.  de  Lamartine,  and  my 
sister-in-law  gave  me  more."  2 

The  devoted  mother  then  wrote  her  husband  to  inform 
him  of  her  actions,  and  to  mitigate,  as  far  as  in  her  power 
lay,  the  scolding  she  knew  was  in  store  for  her  idolized 
son.  The  rest  is  best  given  in  her  own  words:  "On  reach- 
ing Paris  I  avoided  going  to  the  hotel  where  he  lodged, 
fearing  too  great  and  too  painful  an  emotion  for  him ;  be- 
sides, I  feared,  from  the  good  M.  de  Larnaud's  letter,  lest 
I  find  my  child  so  changed  that  I  should  faint  if  I  saw  him 
unprepared.  I  decided  first  to  see  Monsieur  and  Madame 
de  Larnaud  secretly  in  order  to  explain  and  prepare  mat- 
ters. I  went  to  an  hotel  in  the  rue  de  Richelieu,  close  to 
his  hotel;  it  was  still  early:  God!  how  I  suffered  retard- 
ing thus  the  pleasure  of  embracing  him ;  forced  to  await, 
perhaps,  until  the  morrow  a  visit  or  a  reply  from  the 
De  Larnauds.  I  was  overcome  by  anxiety,  weeping  and 

1  The  date  of  this  entry  is  January  31, 1813,  and  the  mother  notes  that 
"Alphonse  is  in  Paris."    There  is  certainly  confusion  of  dates,  for  the 
Correspondance  contains  letters  dated  from  Macon  as  late  as  March  28. 
Alphonse  probably  left  MScon  for  Paris  the  first  days  of  April,  1813. 

2  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  172. 

.  .  no  •  • 


IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 


praying  on  the  sofa  beside  the  open  window.  Eugenie 
stood  by  the  window  watching  the  carriages  pass  on  their 
way  to  the  Opera  or  the  Thdatre  Francois.  Of  a  sudden 
she  cried :  '  Mamma,  come,  I  think  I  see  Alphonse ! '  I 
rushed  to  the  window  and  recognized  him.  He  was  in  an 
elegant  cabriolet  which  he  drove  himself,  another  young 
man  beside  him.  He  seemed  very  gay  and  animated, 
which  reassured  me  greatly.  All  my  anxiety  vanished  at 
the  sight  of  him:  I  did  not  desire  to  spoil  his  evening.  I 
passed  a  fairly  good  night.  I  was  up  betimes,  impatient 
to  see  my  son,  worried,  nevertheless,  concerning  the 
effect  my  unforeseen  advent  might  have  upon  him,  in 
fear  lest  I  find  him  ill  and  disinclined  to  return  with  me, 
and  perhaps  in  a  serious  predicament.  Finally  I  wrote 
him  of  my  journey  and  its  reasons.  He  came  immedi- 
ately; he  seemed  delighted  to  see  us,  and  very  apprecia- 
tive of  the  steps  we  had  taken.  His  health  appeared  to 
me  less  bad  than  I  had  been  led  to  expect.  He  told  me 
that  for  my  sake  he  would  return  to  M^con,  but  he  would 
have  refused  to  do  so  with  any  one  else.  He  begged  a 
few  days  to  arrange  his  affairs.  I  gave  him  a  week,  as 
I  am  not  sorry  of  the  opportunity  of  showing  Paris  to 
Eug6nie."  1 

On  June  8,  1813,  Lamartine  wrote  Virieu,  from  Paris: 
"  I  have  just  received  a  famous  scolding  from  my  family: 
I  have  quarrelled  with  them,  at  least  with  my  uncles  and 
aunts,  for  with  my  father  and  mother,  never;  but  it  is  im- 
possible for  me  to  return  for  some  time  yet  to  Macon;  I 
should  be  received  there  like  a  dog."  2  The  next  letter  to 
his  friend  is  dated  from  Milly  on  November  9,  and  in  it  he 
writes : ' '  I  have  just  arrived  from  Paris.  I  am  ill  here  with 
the  same  malady  I  suffered  from  in  Paris,  and  which  all 
remedies  only  aggravate.  I  see  myself  declining  little  by 
little,  and,  as  if  physical  ills  were  not  sufficient,  all  manner 
1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mbe,  p.  173.  •  Correspondence,  CO. 

.  .   HI   .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


of  misfortunes  have  taken  possession  of  my  unhappy 
person,  and  on  all  sides  total  ruin  threatens."  1 

Not  a  word  of  his  mother's  visit  to  Paris:  no  indication 
of  the  date  of  her  arrival  there  or  of  the  length  of  her  so- 
journ. In  the  "Manuscrit  de  ma  mere"  the  editor  (who 
as  we  know  was  Lamartine  himself)  has  grouped  frag- 
mentary entries  under  the  general  heading  of  January  31, 
1813.  We  can  only  conjecture  the  reasons  for  the  mani- 
fold suppressions  and  total  disregard  of  chronological 
sequence.  Vanity  dictated  his  actions,  perhaps,  yet  he 
does  not  spare  himself  when  quoting  his  mother's  words. 
"I  gave  all  my  money  to  Alphonse,"  she  writes,  "in  order 
to  free  him  from  the  debts  he  contracted  in  gambling 
after  having  won  considerably  at  first."  And  again:  "At 
last  I  tore  Alphonse  from  this  pit  of  seductions" :  and  far- 
ther on:  "The  reception  accorded  me  by  my  husband  and 
the  family  was  very  tender,  but  very  cold  for  Alphonse. 
He  has  resigned  himself  to  our  solitude;  he  works,  he 
reads,  he  writes  all  day  in  his  room."  2 

From  November,  1813,  to  May  of  the  following  year  no 
letters  have  been  handed  down  to  us.  The  spectre  of  war 
was  stalking  through  the  land,  and  for  a  time  M&con  was 
the  centre  of  important  military  operations.  On  Decem- 
ber 31,  1813,  the  mother  notes  in  her  journal:  "We  have 
taken  refuge  in  M&con :  every  day  the  enemy  is  heralded ; 
they  are  said  to  have  already  passed  Geneva.  I  went  to 
Milly  to  hide  a  little  wheat  as  a  last  resource  in  our  emer- 
gency." 3  And  again  on  January  9,  1814:  "The  enemy  is 
at  Besangon  and  near  Lyons :  it  is  expected  that  this  place 
will  become  a  battlefield."  A  battlefield  it  did  become. 
French  and  Austrian  troops  disputed  the  possession  of 
the  town  and  surrounding  villages,  until  on  March  10 
the  Austrians  under  General  Bianchi  drove  out  D'Auge- 

1  Correspondence,  cm. 

*  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  175.  *  Ibid.,  p.  177. 

.  .   112  •  • 


IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 


reau's  forces,  and  established  themselves  in  Macon.  On 
the  1 7th,  Madame  de  Lamartine  writes:  "  Alphonse  is  at 
Milly,  where  there  are  also  three  hundred  troopers:  four 
officers  with  their  servants  and  horses  are  lodged  in  the 
house.  .  .  .  Alphonse  went  on  the  loth,  with  the  son  of 
M.  de  Pierreclos,  to  see  the  great  battle  near  Villefranche. 
For  a  moment  they  were  surrounded  by  an  Austrian  corps 
advancing  under  shelter  of  a  hill.  The  speed  of  their 
mounts  saved  them,  but  their  clothing  was  pierced  by 
bullets,  and  one  of  their  horses  wounded.  They  were  able 
to  reach  Pierreclos  and  thence  Milly,  which  had  been 
evacuated  by  the  enemy."  Again,  on  April  7,  the  mother 
notes:  "Alphonse  was  able  to  come  to  see  us  from  Milly 
and  Saint- Point,  where  his  father  had  left  him  to  protect 
our  property  and  act  as  administrator  for  the  two  villages 
of  which  he  has  been  appointed  Mayor.  He  has  succeeded 
well,  and  made  himself  beloved  by  the  peasants,  whom  he 
has  reassured  and  protected:  there  have  been  no  mis- 
fortunes." 

The  Abdication  of  Fontainebleau  (April  4)  was  only 
known  at  Macon  on  Easter  Sunday,  April  10.  From 
Milly  on  the  I5th,  the  pious  woman  offers  thanks  for  the 
protection  which  has  been  vouchsafed  her:  "In  the 
midst  of  all  that  has  happened  I  have  experienced  no 
personal  loss.  My  children  are  all  with  me.  I  have  kept 
my  son  when  so  many  have  lost  theirs.  His  health  is  im- 
proving; he  is  even  very  well  now.  All  that  I  ask  of  God 
is  to  make  a  good  Christian  of  him.  I  suppress,  as  far  as 
I  can,  all  thoughts  of  ambition  which  rise  in  my  heart:  all 
that  I  ask,  I  repeat  it,  is  the  welfare  of  his  soul."  l 

The  return  of  the  Bourbons  filled  all  the  Lamartine 
family  with  joy.  They  had  been  staunch  and  faithful 
adherents  to  an  apparently  lost  cause,  and  there  now 
seemed  every  possibility  that  their  fidelity  would  be  re- 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  186. 
•  .    113  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


warded.  With  the  advent  of  Louis  XVIII  a  future,  and  a 
brilliant  one,  might  with  some  show  of  reason  be  counted 
on  for  the  only  son  of  their  house.  Alphonse  himself 
shared  this  general  expectancy  of  benefits  to  come.  But 
there  is  discernible,  underlying  his  enthusiasm,  a  lack  of 
definite  purpose,  conveying,  paradoxical  as  it  must  ap- 
pear, almost  an  impression  of  indifference.  To  Virieu, 
who  was  surveying  the  ground  in  Paris,  and  who  had 
apparently  undertaken  to  urge  his  friend's  claims  for 
some  berth  in  the  new  government,  Alphonse  wrote  (May 
6,  1814): 

"How  are  things  going;  what  can  we  hope  for?  Must 
I  start  without  delay  to  join  you?  Can  I  remain  a  few 
months  longer  in  the  peace  of  the  country  to  reestab- 
lish my  health?  How  do  you  think  the  scales  will  turn? 
Are  we  to  become  lazy  musketeers  or  important  diplo- 
matists? Is  any  glimmer  of  a  useful  occupation  percepti- 
ble, or  are  we  destined  to  remain  lost  in  and  slowly  crawl- 
ing with  the  mob  of  solicitants?  This  is  what  I  am  in- 
clined to  fear,  at  least  as  far  as  I  am  concerned.  Write  me 
quickly  about  all  this."  l  Ten  days  later  this  impatience 
had  subsided:  possibly  on  account  of  less  encouraging 
news  from  Virieu,  who,  we  gather,  is  pushing  their  joint 
claims  in  rather  a  half-hearted  manner.  "What  you  say, 
my  dear  friend,  is  only  too  true,  we  are  already  burnt  out, 
we  have  no  longer  the  passions  of  our  eighteenth  year,  we 
are  exhausted  and  have  become  philosophers.  Is  it  a  mis- 
fortune? I  don't  know,  but  certainly  it  is  going  to  be  det- 
rimental to  our  present  plans.  We  don't  put  into  them 
that  tenacity  which  is  necessary  for  success;  we  go  to 
sleep,  and  then  we  quietly  accept  things;  a  state  of  affairs 
which  could  not  have  existed  four  years  ago."  And  in  the 
next  paragraph  the  lack  of  determination,  the  floating 
hesitancy,  are  apparent:  "As  far  as  I  am  concerned  I 

1  Correspondence,  civ. 
.  .   114  .. 


IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 


retire  already  from  the  ranks.  My  father  tells  me  that 
excepting  a  place  in  the  Gardes  du  Corps  nothing  can  be 
hoped  for;  and  I  have  lost  no  time  in  letting  him  know 
that  I  don't  care  about  it,  unless  it  prove  a  stepping- 
stone  after  five  or  six  years  to  a  place  in  the  civil  service." 
M.  de  Lamartine  pere  was  in  Paris  at  this  time,  a  member 
of  the  provincial  deputation  sent  to  convey  expressions 
of  loyalty  to  the  Throne.1  It  is  to  be  supposed  that  he 
was  vexed  at  his  son's  lack  of  enthusiasm  to  embrace  a 
career  in  which  the  family  had  distinguished  itself  for 
generations.  "We  can  do  better  than  that  insipid  me- 
chanical trade,"  had  been  Alphonse's  disdainful  comment 
to  Virieu.2  Yet  within  two  months  Fate  had  decreed  that 
this  despised  "trade"  was  to  be  his  after  all.  Virieu  him- 
self had  joined  the  Gardes  du  Corps  and  was  garrisoned 
at  Versailles:  his  example  probably  fired  the  reluctant 
Alphonse  to  follow  suit.  When  next  we  hear  from  him  it 
is  from  Beauvais  —  a  place  he  heartily  detests. 

Madame  de  Lamartine  in  her  journal  tells  a  wholly 
different  story  of  her  son's  martial  ardour:  "Alphonse," 
she  writes,  "had  himself  enrolled  in  the  Gardes  du  Corps 
with  all  the  young  men  of  the  nobility  and  royalist  bour- 
geoisie of  the  provinces.  He  went  off  enchanted  to  enter 
the  service,  and  I  am  happy  to  know  he  is  occupied,  at 
least  for  a  time.  His  garrison  is  at  Beauvais,  when  he  is 
not  on  service  at  the  Tuileries.  He  will  return  in  two 
months  to  spend  his  leave  with  us.  I  don't  believe  he  will 
remain  long  in  this  corps  in  spite  of  his  military  ardour; 
he  has  too  much  imagination  and  too  active  a  mind  for 
this  discipline  in  time  of  peace.  But  his  father,  his  uncles, 
and  I  are  very  glad  that  he  should  do  as  everybody  else 
and  prove  his  devotion  to  the  Bourbons:  it  will  always 
be  some  years  passed:  afterwards  we  shall  see.  The 
Prince  de  Poix,  who  commands  his  company,  was,  they 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  n£rct  p.  189.  *  Correspondancc,  cv. 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


say,  enchanted  with  his  appearance.  He  was  immediately 
appointed  instructor  in  the  riding-school :  there  he  will  be 
in  his  element,  for  what  he  loves  best  after  books  are 
horses."  l 

Lamartine  himself  gives  a  fatuous  description  of  the 
reception  accorded  him  by  the  Prince  de  Poix  when  he 
arrived  at  headquarters  in  Paris  and  was  presented  by  his 
father  to  his  chief.2  Two  days  after  his  enrolment  in  the 
Gardes  du  Corps  the  young  man  was  selected  to  accom- 
pany Louis  XVIII  through  the  galleries  of  the  Louvre. 
Alphonse  walked  on  the  left  of  the  rolling-chair  in  which 
the  King  was  seated,  a  crowd  of  courtiers  and  officials 
following,  and  for  four  hours  the  young  guardsman  was 
privileged  to  listen  to  the  conversation  between  the  old 
monarch  and  those  who  showed  him  the  artistic  treasures 
of  his  palace.3 

After  a  few  weeks  of  service  at  the  Tuileries  Lamartine 
was  transferred  to  Beauvais,  headquarters  of  the  De 
Noailles  Regiment,  to  which  he  was  attached.  For  three 
months  he  fulfilled  his  military  duties,  which,  if  we  are  to 
credit  the  "  Correspondance,"  were  not  as  congenial  as  he 
painted  them  many  years  later  in  the  "  M£moires  inedits." 

"Ah!  what  a  bitter  punishment  the  gods  have  inflicted 
upon  me,"  he  wrote  Virieu  on  July  26,  1814,  from  Beau- 
vais. "O!  per  dio  Bacco,"  he  continued,  "che  m'  ha 
butato  qui?  Che  cosa  aveva  fatto  io  al  cielo  per  devenir 
una  macchina  militare!"  A  few  days  later,  August  3:  "I 
console  myself  in  this  wearisome  place  and  still  more 
wearisome  trade  by  taking  walks  of  five  or  six  hours 
every  day  in  the  surrounding  country,  a  book  and  a  pencil 
in  my  hand."  These  excursions  were  productive  of  nu- 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  193;  cf.  also  Memoires  inedits,  p.  251. 

1  Cf.  Memoires  inedits,  p.  229;  also  Memoires  politiques,  p.  22.  Lamar- 
tine's  commission  in  the  Gardes  du  Corps  was  dated  July  15,  1814;  cf. 
Archives  of  the  Ministry  of  War. 

3  Memoires  inedits,  p.  247;  cf.  also  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  i,  pp.  25,  26. 

•  •  116  .  . 


IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 


merous  verses,  for  the  "five or  six  hours"  were  most  fre- 
quently passed  in  some  quiet  nook  stretched  at  full  length 
on  the  soft  turf,  in  stockinged  feet,  "one  long  cavalry  boot 
serving  as  a  desk,  the  other  as  a  pillow."  The  letters  to 
Virieu  written  from  Beauvais  are  full  of  delicate  verses, 
inspired  partly  by  the  peaceful  rural  surroundings.  But 
the  garrison  life  is  not  to  his  liking,  and,  from  his  letters, 
would  seem  to  have  been  solitary,  although  in  the  "M6- 
moires  in6dits"  he  speaks  of  evenings  spent  with  com- 
rades discussing  "literature,  philosophy,  and  poetry." 
And  he  adds  that  it  was  at  Beauvais,  with  these  compan- 
ions, that  he  completed  the  studies  which  were  one  day  to 
bring  him  fame.  Nevertheless,  he  was  much  alone,  and 
from  preference.  "Rien  ne  vaut  la  conversation  avec 
soi-meme,"  he  wrote  in  his  old  age  when  describing  from 
memory  the  scenes  of  long  ago.1 

The  verses  are  now  and  then  suggestive  of  Italy,  but 
the  letter  of  August  3  contains  a  post-scriptum  which  re- 
futes the  more  sentimental  allusions  in  the  "Memoires 
inedits":  "I  am  seeking  to  fall  in  love,"  he  writes,  "but 
all  the  women  are  so  ugly."  2  In  the  retrospective  senti- 
mentalism  of  the  "M6moires  in£dits"  he  asserts  that  he 
was  immune  to  the  blandishments  of  the  charmers  who 
fascinated  his  martial  companions,  because  "le  souvenir 
de  Graziella  me  gardait."  3  And,  explaining  his  reasons 
for  his  avoidance  of  the  dissipated  life  of  a  garrison  town, 
he  adds:  "J'£tais  melancolique  depuis  mon  depart  de 
Naples  et  la  mort  de  Graziella."  In  the  anacreontic 
verses  immediately  preceding  this  period  Graziella's  in- 
spiration is,  in  truth,  still  palpable:  but  the  passionate 
ring  of  a  great  love  is  lacking.  The  poetic  effusions  of  the 
young  guardsman,  enclosed  in  his  letters  to  Virieu,  show 
no  trace  of  tearful  lamentation  over  the  loss  of  the  little 

1  Correspondence,  cvui,  cix;  Memoires  inSdits,  p.  252. 

*  Correspondence,  cue.  .-I     *  Memoires  inedits,  p.  251. 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

cigar-worker  whose  image,  seen  in  retrospect,  filled  the 
emotional  outpourings  of  his  later  years.  Alas!  for  the 
frailty  of  youthful  passions !  Many  of  the  elegies  "inspired 
by  Graziella  and  whispered  in  her  ear"  were  a  couple  of 
years  later  dedicated  to  "Elvire."  l 

The  garrison  life  at  Beauvais  lasted  three  months. 
Thence  the  young  soldier  went  to  Paris  and  home  to 
Macon  on  a  more  or  less  indefinite  leave.  "  I  confess  that 
I  returned  home  very  proud  of  my  apprentissage  and  very 
vain  about  my  uniform,"  2  he  wrote  in  his  old  age;  and 
social  triumphs  would  seem  to  have  awaited  the  dashing 
young  fellow  in  his  martial  accoutrement.  Yet  the  ear- 
nestness of  his  nature,  the  melancholy  of  his  genius,  were 
not  long  in  reasserting  their  influences.  In  the  "Corres- 
pondance"  there  is  a  very  beautiful  letter  to  Virieu, 
dated  from  Milly  on  .November  30,  1814,  which  paints 
in  harmonious  colours  the  yearnings  of  his  soul. 

"  You  are  the  only  one  who  really  understands  me,"  he 
writes,  "and  by  whom  I  want  to  be  thoroughly  under- 
stood. Oh!  of  what  immeasurably  greater  worth  one 
becomes,  even  in  three  days,  in  the  peace  of  the  fields! 
How  one  rediscovers  sentiments  one  thought  forever 
lost !  How  greatly  the  soul  is  strengthened  and  the  heart 
invigorated!  How  the  imagination  spreads  and  warms 
itself!  I  am  full  of  it,  I  have  re-found  all  this.  ...  All 
that  we  felt  so  deeply  in  our  happy  times,  I  feel  again 
in  the  last  three  days.  I  recognize  myself,  and  I  discover 
round  about  me  a  thousand  forgotten  sensations.  I  shall 
not  attempt  to  paint  them  for  you,  they  are  too  strong, 
too  fleeting,  too  unseizable.  Can  you  appreciate  the 
rainy,  cloudy,  stormy  days  here  on  our  hills?  Can  you 
understand  the  charm  of  those  harmonious  winds  which 
rattle  my  windows  and  cause  our  already  leafless  trees 
to  groan  and  hiss  ?  Can  you  picture  to  yourself  the 
1  Reyssi£,  op.  tit.,  p.  161.  *  Mtmoires  inSdits,  p.  258. 


IN  THE  GARDES  DU  CORPS 


joy  I  experience,  wrapped  in  my  cloak  and  striding  like 
a  man  hard-pressed  by  the  storm,  through  our  dismantled 
vineyards?  Can  you  conceive  the  pleasures  which  habits, 
even  disagreeable  ones,  afford  us  when  reassumed?  Do 
you  understand  how  I  even  find  a  great  charm  in  the 
smoke  which  fills  my  little  room,  and  the  cold  air  which 
filters  through  my  badly  closing  casements,  simply  be- 
cause things  were  so  formerly?  In  truth,  there  are  five  or 
six  men  in  us;  but  the  old  self  never  dies,  one  re-finds  it 
when  least  expecting  it.  Yes,  I  have  become  again,  midst 
all  these  things,  all  that  I  was  five  years  ago,  all  that  we 
were  as  we  came  fresh  from  the  hands  of  admirable,  ador- 
able Nature.  Would  you  believe  it?  I  feel  my  heart 
as  full  of  delicious  and  sad  sentiments  as  during  the  first 
feverish  attacks  of  my  youth.  I  hardly  know  what  vague 
and  sublime  and  infinite  ideas  pass  through  my  brain 
every  moment,  expecially  at  night,  when  I  am  shut  up  in 
my  cell  and  hear  no  other  noises  than  those  of  rain  and 
wind.  Yes,  I  believe  that  if,  for  my  sins,  I  were  to  find 
one  of  those  woman's  faces  I  used  to  dream  about,  I  could 
love  her  as  our  hearts  could  love,  as  much  as  mortal  man 
ever  loved.  My  heart  leaps  in  my  breast,  I  feel  it,  I  hear 
it.  God  knows  all  it  holds,  all  that  it  desires !  As  for  me  I 
both  suffer  and  enjoy  this  state,  and  I  feel  the  tears  well 
up.  ...  Who  would  have  thought  that  I  should  become 
again  as  I  was  before  my  heart  had  felt  aught  here  be- 
low?" 

The  epistle  finishes  as  follows:  "  I  have  just  re-read  this 
letter  and  beg  you  to  keep  it  in  order  that  we  may  com- 
pare it  with  future  days."  1 

1  Correspondence,  cxiv. 


CHAPTER  XI 
AN  EXILE  IN  SWITZERLAND 

THE  winter  of  1814-15  passed  quietly  enough  between 
Milly  and  sojourns  with  members  of  his  family  in  Macon. 
There  is  a  lapse  in  the  "Correspondance"  extending  over 
three  months,  but  M.  Reyssi6  has  published  a  letter  ad- 
dressed to  M.  de  Freminville,  whom  Lamartine  had 
known  and  liked  during  his  Italian  wanderings,  written 
from  M^con  on  January  25, 1815.  From  this  it  is  appar- 
ent that  the  young  student  had  interested  himself  in 
politics  during  the  interval,  in  spite  of  the  "sad  state  of 
apathy  and  moral  slackness"  which  makes  the  writer 
"a  burden  unto  himself."  He  complains  of  "floating  be- 
tween ennui  and  the  stress  of  passions,"  but  gives  only 
vague  and  indefinite  hints  as  to  facts. 

M.  de  Freminville,  in  his  reply  on  February  27,  offers 
advice  and  clears  up  some  problems  concerning  consti- 
tutional rights  and  privileges  which  had  perplexed  his 
young  friend.1  But  on  March  3,  1815,  Alphonse,  en- 
closing an  elegy  on  Parny  to  Aymon  de  Virieu,  an- 
nounces his  impending  departure  for  Paris,  and  his  re- 
turn to  Beauvais,  there  to  bury  himself  for  fourteen 
months  and  to  live  on  his  pay  alone.  "I  am  hardly  in 
love  any  more,  perhaps  not  at  all,"  he  writes,  "but  I 
suffer  greatly  since  those  fair  days.  I  don't  know  what 
to  do  or  whither  to  turn."  The  phrase  is  enigmati- 
cal: is  it  to  "Graziella"  he  refers,  and  to  the  careless 
Neapolitan  days?  One  is  almost  inclined  to  think  so,  for 
he  incontinently  lapses  into  Italian:  "Ma  mi  burlo  di 
tutto :  da  due  anni  ho  preso  un  poco  di  corragio,  e  ne  ho 

1  Cf.  Jeunesse  de  Lamartine,  pp.  179-81;  also  Correspondance,  cxv., 
.  .    120  •  • 


AN  EXILE  IN  SWITZERLAND 


gran  besogno.  Ama  mi  come  ti  amo,  e  non  saro  affatto 
infelice."  * 

Alphonse  had  applied  for  an  extension  of  his  leave  of 
absence,  but  before  receiving  an  answer  events  occurred 
which  necessitated  his  hurried  and  immediate  return. 
On  March  I,  1815,  Napoleon  landed  at  Fr6jus  and  began 
his  progress  to  Paris.  The  news  reached  Macon  a  few 
days  later,  bringing  consternation  to  those  who  had 
rallied  around  the  standard  of  the  Bourbons.  On  Easter 
Day  (March  26)  Madame  de  Lamartine  notes  in  her 
journal:  "Ah!  what  a  difference  between  this  Easter 
and  that  last  year!  Our  peace  was  only  a  dream."  A  few 
months  later,  after  a  long  interval  of  silence,  she  re- 
capitulates the  stirring  events  of  the  Hundred  Days,  and 
mentions  that  "at  the  first  news  of  the  arrival  of  Bona- 
parte, Alphonse  started  for  Paris,  where  his  duty  and 
his  heart  called  him.  He  accompanied  the  King  to  Be- 
thune  under  unimaginable  difficulties  and  hardships."  * 

In  the  "  Memoires  inedits"  Lamartine  states  that  after 
waiting  several  days,  no  orders  to  rejoin  his  regiment 
having  reached  him,  he  started,  with  the  Chevalier  de 
Pierreclos,  for  Paris.  On  the  road  a  Polish  officer  at- 
tempted to  persuade  him  to  join  the  Emperor's  forces. 
Lamartine  fought  with  him  in  the  garden  of  the  inn,  and 
wounded  him  in  the  breast.  While  his  companions  car- 
ried the  disabled  combatant  to  his  bed,  the  young  royal- 
ist, surrounded  by  the  brother-officers  who  had  joined 
him,  hastened  on  to  Paris.3  He  found  the  capital  in  a  state 
of  enthusiasm,  determined  to  perish  rather  than  re- 
ceive the  fugitive  from  Elba  within  their  walls.  As  the 
Emperor  approached,  however,  this  enthusiasm  evapo- 
rated, and  when  the  moment  for  action  arrived  opposi- 
tion melted  away.  Eternally  awaiting  orders  which 

1  Correspondance,  cxv.  *  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  193. 

1  Memoires  inedits,  p.  264;  cf.  also  Mimoires  politiques,  vol.  i,  p.  27. 

.  .   121    •  . 


LIFE 'OF  LAMARTINE 


never  came,  the  Gardes  du  Corps  were  finally  hustled 
along  behind  the  royal  carriages  and  remnants  of  loyal 
troops  on  the  road  to  Lille  and  the  Belgian  frontier. 

Stricken  with  fever  and  overpowered  by  fatigue,  the 
young  guardsman  was  nursed  by  peasants  in  their  hovel ; 
but  twenty-four  hours  later  he  rejoined  his  comrades 
and  with  them  entered  the  town  of  Bethune,  two  leagues 
distant  from  the  Belgian  frontier.1  There  they  were 
informed  that  the  King  had  crossed  into  Belgium,  and 
that,  freed  from  their  oath  of  allegiance,  they  might 
either  follow  Louis  XVIII  into  exile  or  return  to  their 
homes.  There  were  considerable  hesitation  and  debate 
among  the  young  enthusiasts  as  to  what  course  to  pur- 
sue. Lamartine  took  part  in  the  discussion.  "It  was  the 
first  time  I  spoke  in  public,"  he  says.  "Beloved  by  many 
of  my  comrades  and  honoured,  in  spite  of  my  extreme 
youth,  with  a  certain  authority  among  them,  I  climbed, 
at  the  request  of  some  of  my  friends,  on  a  gun-carriage, 
and  refuted  the  arguments  of  a  musketeer  who  had 
strongly  and  brilliantly  advocated  emigration.  To  emi- 
grate," I  argued,  "is  to  confess  ourselves  beaten  on  the 
ground  where  we  must  fight.  We  are  more  useful  to  our 
cause  as  friends  within  the  frontier  than  we  could  be 
as  soldiers  beyond  the  limits  of  our  country.  It  is  by 
influencing  public  opinion  that  we  must  wage  battle." 
Five  or  six  young  men  followed  the  King  of  Belgium ;  the 
others  adopted  the  opinions  of  the  orator  whose  maiden 
speech  had  convinced  them  that  true  patriotism,  as  well 
as  efficient  loyalty  to  the  cause  they  served,  dictated 
passive  resistance  at  home.  "A  step  farther,"  he  had 
urged,  "would  denationalize  us,  and  leave  us  only  re- 
grets, perhaps  one  day  remorse."  2 

In  the  "Confidences"  Lamartine  relates  that  a  few 

1  Confidences,  p.  294. 

1  Ibid.,  p.  295;  cf.  also  Memoires  inedits,  pp.  273,  296. 

.  .    122  •  • 


AN   EXILE  IN   SWITZERLAND 


days  later  they  capitulated  to  the  Bonapartist  general 
when  he  entered  B6thune,  and  were  permitted  by  him  to 
return  singly  to  their  homes.  In  the  "M6moires  in- 
£dits"  he  writes  that  an  acquaintance  who  had  been 
driven  by  circumstances  to  enlist  in  the  imperialist 
forces,  came  to  him  and  offered  him  a  horse,  civilian 
dress,  and  money,  wherewith  to  effect  his  escape  to 
Paris  and  Micon.  Disguised  as  a  horse-dealer  the  ex- 
guardsman  set  forth.  At  Abbeville  the  fever  seized  him 
anew,  and  for  several  days  he  lay  ill,  carefully  nursed  by 
the  landlady  and  her  daughters,  who  had  easily  pene- 
trated his  disguise.  His  new  friends  refused  all  payment 
for  their  attentions,  professing  themselves  amply  re- 
warded by  the  privilege  of  ministering  to  the  wants 
of  an  officer  of  the  King.1  Having  reached  the  out- 
skirts of  Paris  the  fugitive  was  met  with  the  problem  of 
how  to  enter  the  capital  without  exciting  suspicion.  He 
made  his  presence  known  to  a  livery-stable  keeper  who 
had  on  former  occasions  hired  him  carriages  and  horses, 
and  sometimes  lent  him  money.  This  friend  in  need  re- 
sponded to  his  appeal,  and  meeting  him  at  Saint-Denis, 
drove  him  without  difficulty  to  Paris.  During  the  few 
days  he  passed  incognito  in  the  capital  Lamartine  saw 
the  Emperor  as  he  reviewed  his  troops  in  the  place  du 
Carrousel.  "It  needed  the  prism  of  glory  and  the  illu- 
sion of  fanaticism,"  he  wrote,  "to  discern  in  his  person, 
at  this  period,  the  ideal  of  intellectual  beauty,  of  innate 
royalty,  by  which  marble  and  bronze  have  later  flattered 
his  image  in  order  that  it  be  adored.  His  sunken  eye  wan- 
dered anxiously  over  troops  and  people.  His  mouth 
smiled  mechanically  on  the  crowd,  his  thoughts  being 
obviously  elsewhere.  A  certain  appearance  of  doubt 
and  hesitancy  was  noticeable  in  all  his  movements.  One 
saw  that  he  felt  the  ground  was  not  solid  under  his  feet, 

1  Mtmoires  inedits,  p.  277;  cf.  also  Mtmoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  29. 
.  .   123  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


and  that  he  doubted  his  luck  even  now  when  he  again  sat 
on  the  throne."  1 

Lamartine  spent  a  week  in  Paris  mingling  with  the 
crowd  and  observing  the  strangely  mixed  aspects  of  the 
political  situation.  Mounting  the  horse  which  had  car- 
ried him  from  B6thune,  the  young  traveller  at  length  set 
out  again  to  reach  his  uncle's  chateau  of  Montculot,  near 
Dijon.  In  Burgundy  he  found  the  population  much 
less  royalist  than  in  the  north,  and  was  not  free  from  in- 
sults and  even  molestation  on  the  part  of  the  labourers 
in  the  fields.  On  one  occasion  he  was  even  driven  to  show 
fight  and  make  a  display  of  the  sword-stick  he  carried 
on  his  arm,  breaking  the  weapon  at  the  hilt.  His  aggres- 
sors took  to  their  heels,  and  the  traveller,  throwing  away 
the  compromising  remnant  of  his  sword,  reached  the 
neighbouring  town  of  Chcitillon-sur-Seine,  he  hoped 
unperceived.  But  his  action  had  been  observed,  and 
scarcely  had  he  installed  himself  at  the  inn  before  the 
captain  of  gendarmerie  appeared  and  demanded  explana- 
tions. Fortunately,  he  proved  to  be  a  friend  of  the  elder 
Lamartine,  who,  taking  in  the  situation  at  a  glance,  con- 
nived at  the  young  traveller's  escape.  Next  day,  after 
weary  wanderings  in  an  unfriendly  country,  he  reached 
Montculot  in  safety,  and  after  a  long  rest  proceeded  with- 
out further  adventure  to  Micon.  It  was  speedily  apparent, 
however,  that  he  would  not  be  left  long  unmolested,  for 
the  Emperor's  agents  were  uncomfortably  active.  Urged 
by  his  family  he  decided  to  seek  shelter  in  Switzerland.2 

For  a  while  the  fugitive  lay  concealed  with  friends  in 
the  isolated  chateau  belonging  to  M.  de  Maizod,  near 
Saint-Claude  in  the  Jura,  within  a  stone's  throw  of  the 
frontier.  But  news  having  reached  him  that  the  Em- 
peror's agents  were  scouring  the  country  for  recruits,  he 

1  Confidences,  p.  298;  cf.  also  Mbnoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p  30. 
1  Mimoires  inidits,  pp.  278-81.   ' 

.  .   I24  .  . 


AN  EXILE  IN  SWITZERLAND 

hastily  donned  the  rough  dress  worn  by  the  local  peas- 
antry, and,  a  gun  slung  over  his  shoulder,  passed  unchal- 
lenged through  the  cordon  of  frontier  guards  to  Saint- 
Cergues,  within  Swiss  territory.  "I  had  neither  credit 
nor  letters,  nor  recommendations,  nor  papers  of  any  kind 
wherewith  to  open  to  me  any  doors  in  Switzerland," 
he  writes  in  the  "Confidences."  1  But  this  was  not 
strictly  the  case,  since  he  mentions  in  the  "Memoires 
in6dits"  that  he  carried  a  letter  to  M.  Reboul,  a  well- 
known  inhabitant  of  Saint-Cergues.2  Reboul  had  fre- 
quently acted  as  guide  to  Madame  de  Stael  and  her 
friends  during  the  Revolution,  assisting  them,  with  his 
intimate  knowledge  of  the  surrounding  country,  in  their 
secret  comings  and  goings  between  the  neighbouring 
Chateau  de  Coppet  and  France.  To  Reboul  Lamartine 
turned  not  only  for  a  night's  lodging,  but  for  advice  and 
counsel.  A  stranger  in  a  strange  land,  with  but  the  few 
gold  pieces  his  mother  had  given  him  in  his  pocket,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  find  some  one  who  would  answer 
for  him  in  case  he  became  an  object  of  suspicion  to  the 
local  police  on  the  lookout  for  emissaries  Napoleon  was 
supposed  to  have  despatched  to  undermine  the  author- 
ity of  the  Bernese  in  the  Canton  de  Vaud.  Reboul  men- 
tioned Madame  de  Stael,  at  Coppet,  but  on  further 
consideration  urged  rather  an  appeal  to  Baron  de  Vincy, 
whose  chateau  glistened  in  the  sunshine  a  few  leagues  dis- 
tant. The  Baron  had  formerly  been  in  the  French  serv- 
ice, and  still  acted,  Lamartine  asserts,  as  "superior 
agent  of  France  in  Switzerland."  *  To  him  the  young 
exile  determined  to  address  himself  in  order  to  receive 
the  documents  he  lacked,  or  some  sort  of  recognition 
which  would  enable  him  to  avoid  molestation  on  the  part 
of  the  local  authorities. 

1  Page  300.  *  Page  296. 

1  Cf.  Confidences,  p.  301,  and  Mtmoires  intdits,  p.  300. 

.  .    I25  •  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


It  was  the  month  of  May:  a  glorious  sunrise  in  a  cloud- 
less sky.  A  few  steps  from  Saint-Cergues  the  magnifi- 
cent and  boundless  panorama  of  lake  and  Alps  burst 
upon  the  young  traveller.  "  I  was  intoxicated  by  the  Al- 
pine scenery  I  had  for  the  first  time  had  a  mere  glimpse 
of  some  years  previously  (April,  1812).  I  halted  at  every 
turn  of  the  steep  descent;  I  rested  at  every  spring,  in  the 
shade  of  the  most  beautiful  chestnuts,  to  drink  in,  so 
to  speak,  this  splendid  landscape  through  my  eyes."  1 
Dawdling  thus  it  was  midday  before  he  reached  the 
Chateau  de  Vincy,  which  nestled  under  aged  trees,  its 
sweeping  lawns  affording  entrancing  perspectives  of 
shimmering  water  and  soft-hued  distant  snows.  Dusty, 
roughly  clad,  and  friendless,  the  exile  hesitated  to  knock 
at  the  imposing  portals.  Needs  must,  however;  for  a 
passport  of  some  description  would  be  imperative  for 
a  prolonged  sojourn. 

The  Baron  received  the  wayfarer  courteously,  but 
without  enthusiasm,  although  he  detected  without  dif- 
ficulty that  his  visitor  belonged  to  a  station  in  life  other 
than  that  indicated  by  his  attire.  In  his  "Confidences" 
Lamartine  states  that,  after  questioning  him  politely, 
but  closely,  M.  de  Vincy  prepared  a  letter  of  introduc- 
tion to  a  Bernese  magistrate;  but  in  the  "Memoires  in- 
edits"  he  writes  that  the  Baron  gave  him  a  vise  for  Neu- 
chatel.  From  the  latter  souvenirs,  often  more  explicit, 
we  'gather  that  the  young  guardsman  entertained  some 
scheme  of  joining  the  Prince  of  Polignac,  who  was  sup- 
posed to  have  organized  an  armed  force  near  Neuchatel, 
at  La  Chaux  de  Fonds,  where  a  certain  Abbe  Lafond  was 
in  charge.  Be  this  as  it  may,  on  receipt  of  the  paper  the 
Baron  handed  him  the  young  man  took  his  leave.2 

1  Confidences,  p.  301 ;  cf.  also  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  i,  p.  35. 
1  Memoires  inedits,  p.  302,  and  same  page  in  Confidences;  cf.  Memoires 
politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  35. 

•  •    126  •  • 


AN  EXILE  IN  SWITZERLAND 


As  Lamartine  was  thanking  his  host  on  the  doorstep, 
two  ladies  appeared,  evidently  the  wife  and  daughter  of 
the  house.  They  scanned  the  well-set-up  youth  atten- 
tively, but  merely  bowed  as  he  went  on  his  way.  Hardly 
had  he  reached  the  village  street,  however,  before  he  was 
recalled  (by  a  servant,  in  the  account  given  in  the  "Con- 
fidences"; by  Madame  de  Vincy  herself,  according  to  the 
"M6moires  in6dits")  and  invited  to  remain  for  the  mid- 
day meal.  After  dinner,  accompanied  by  Monsieur  and 
Madame  de  Vincy  and  their  son  and  daughter,  Lamar- 
tine again  set  forth,  but  on  taking  leave  of  his  hosts  was 
urged  to  stay  a  few  days  at  the  chateau.  Although  the 
name  which  was  later  to  become  so  famous  was  totally 
unknown  to  them,  Lamartine  had  mentioned  mutual 
friends  during  the  conversation  at  the  dinner  table,  and 
it  was  easy  to  discern  under  the  rough  disguise  he  wore 
a  gentleman  born  and  bred.  The  young  man  interested 
his  hosts;  his  hatred  of  Bonaparte  appealed  to  their  po- 
litical prejudices;  but  strongest  of  all  would  seem  to  have 
been  Madame  de  Vincy's  sympathy  with  the  exiled 
youth,  who  reminded  her  of  a  son,  about  his  age,  then 
fighting  with  the  Dutch  troops.  So  it  was  decided  he 
should  be  their  guest  awhile,  and  under  their  roof  await 
the  turn  of  events.  To  this  day  Lamartine's  bedchamber 
is  shown  to  visitors  at  the  Chateau  de  Vincy,  together 
with  relics  of  his  sojourn  and  subsequent  intercourse 
with  the  family.1 

Not  far  from  Vincy,  down  towards  Geneva  and  on 
the  lake  shore,  lies  Coppet,  then  occupied  by  Madame 
de  Stael.  Lamartine  was,  as  we  know,  an  ardent  ad- 
mirer of  this  gifted  woman,  whose  books  had  charmed 
his  solitude  at  Milly.  It  was  natural  he  should  wish  to  see 
this  heroine  of  his  dreams.  There  was  a  difficulty,  how- 

1  The  Chateau  de  Vihcy,  near  Rolle,  now  belongs  to  M.  Gabriel  de  Les- 
sert,  to  whom  the  author  is  indebted  for  interesting  details. 

»  .    127  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


ever;  political  opinions  divided  the  households  of  Vincy 
and  Coppet,  and  Lamartine  as  the  guest  of  the  one  hesi- 
tated to  present  himself  at  the  gates  of  the  other.  Ma- 
dame de  Vincy  had  herself  hinted  that  it  would  distress 
her  should  he  do  so  while  under  their  roof.  But  his  desire 
to  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  famous  authoress,  at  least,  was 
legitimate,  and  might  be  indulged  without  giving  of- 
fence. Early  one  morning  the  young  man  left  the  Chateau 
de  Vincy  and  posted  himself  on  the  roadside,  as  he 
had  heard  that  Madame  de  Stael,  accompanied  by  her 
friend  Madame  Rdcamier,  often  passed  that  way  on 
their  daily  drives.  After  hours  of  patient  waiting  he  was 
rewarded  with  a  fleeting  glimpse  of  the  two  celebrated 
women  —  one  the  cleverest,  the  other  the  most  beauti- 
ful, in  Europe  —  as  the  carriage  flashed  past.  "I  had 
hardly  time  to  see,  through  the  dust  of  the  wheels,  a 
woman  with  black  eyes  who  talked  with  gesticulations 
to  another  whose  face  might  have  served  as  the  type  of 
the  only  real  beauty,  the  beauty  which  charms  and 
holds."  » 

Of  the  impressions  left  by  this  fleeting  glimpse  of  the 
inhabitants  of  Coppet,  that  produced  by  the  lovely  face 
of  Madame  Recamier  was  the  deepest  and  most  lasting. 
Lamartine  disliked  literary  women,  although  his  affec- 
tion and  admiration  for  Delphine  Gay,  afterwards  Ma- 
dame de  Girardin,  was  sincere.  In  a  letter  to  Mademoi- 
selle de  Canonge  he  criticized  his  friend's  opinion  of  a 
recent  political  work  by  the  author  of  "Corinne,"  ex- 
claiming: "  In  philosophy  and  literature  I  regard  Madame 
de  Stael  as  a  great  man :  in  politics  as  a  most  insignificant 
little  woman."  2 

In  the  "  Memoires  inedits,"  on  what  authority  we  know 

1  Confidences,  p.  308;  cf.  also  Memoires  inedits,  p.  318;  Cours  de  litter ature, 
vol.  ii,  p.  255. 
*  Correspondance,  CXLIX;  cf.  also  Cours  de  liUerature,  vol.  iv,  p.  470. 

.  .   128  •  • 


AN  EXILE  IN  SWITZERLAND 


not,  Lamartine  states  that  the  Chateau  de  Coppet  had 
been  purchased  by  his  grandfather  early  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  but  that  the  Bernese  authorities  forbidding 
Catholics  to  hold  property  in  the  Canton  de  Vaud,  he 
had  resold  it.1 

After  three  weeks  of  this  pleasant  life,  the  young 
Frenchman,  fearing  his  continued  presence  might  em- 
barrass his  kind  hosts,  reluctantly  decided  to  continue 
his  wanderings.  In  the  "Confidences"  he  tells  us  that 
alone  and  dressed  as  a  workman  he  visited  some  of  the 
most  beautiful  and  wildest  portions  of  Helvetia;  but  in 
the  "Memoires  inedits"  he  refers  only  to  his  desire  to 
join  the  French  refugees  supposedly  assembled  at  La 
Chaux  de  Fonds.2  In  this  he  was  disappointed,  however, 
for  the  army  he  had  heard  about  consisted  of  the  Abbe" 
Lafond,  neither  more  nor  less.  Duped  in  his  expectations 
of  aiding  to  overthrow  the  hated  Napoleonic  regime, 
Lamartine  continued  his  journey  to  Berne,  thence  return- 
ing to  Vincy,  and  finally  settling  for  a  couple  of  weeks  in 
a  fisherman's  hut  at  Nernier,  on  the  southern  shore  of 
Lake  Leman.  The  fifty  louis  3  his  mother  had  provided 
him  with  had  dwindled  alarmingly  during  these  weeks  of 
travel,  and  he  foresaw  the  necessity  of  seeking  a  tutor- 
ship in  England  or  Russia  should  the  political  situation  in 
France  prolong  his  exile.  For  the  time  being  the  strict- 
est economy  was  imperative.  At  Nernier  the  boatman 
provided  a  room  in  an  outhouse,  overhanging  the  waters 
of  the  lake,  at  the  moderate  charge  of  five  sous  per  day, 
while  at  the  cost  of  seventy-five  centimes  he  undertook 
to  feed  his  guest.  The  menu  consisted,  writes  Lamartine, 
of  good  bread,  eggs,  lake  trout,  and  goat-cheese,  washed 
down  with  country  wine,  and  the  total  of  his  expenses 

1  Memoires  inedits,  p.  316. 

*  Confidences,  p.  310;  Memoires  inedits,  p.  321. 

*  Twenty-five  according  to  Confidences,  p.  312. 

•  •   129  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


was  a  franc  a  day.1  At  this  rate  his  funds  might  be  ex- 
pected to  hold  out  until  the  Allies  had  driven  the  Emperor 
from  France :  and  they  did.  Charming  descriptions  of  this 
simple  life  are  to  be  found  in  both  volumes  of  souvenirs ; 
highly  coloured  and  in  part  imaginative  as  is  his  wont,  but 
substantially  true.  There  is  the  inevitable  romance  with 
the  boatman's  lovely  daughter,  —  no  poetic  description  of 
Lamartine's  is  complete  without  it,  —  but  it  was  a  naive 
and  innocent  romance  wherein  no  hearts  were  broken. 

In  the  "Memoires  inedits"  he  states  that  it  was  the 
end  of  June  when  he  crossed  the  lake  on  a  stormy  day  to 
take  up  his  quarters  at  Nernier,  and  that  a  month  later 
he  was  still  musing  and  loafing  about  the  secluded  neigh- 
bourhood. But  there  is  an  evident  confusion  of  dates. 
It  is  probable  that  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Waterloo 
reached  him  within  a  week  after  that  event  (June  18, 
1815),  for  the  Chateau  de  Vincy  was  just  across  the  lake 
and  he  was  in  communication  with  its  well-informed  in- 
habitants. Nor  could  he  long  have  remained  in  igno- 
rance of  the  second  abdication  (June  22),  which  opened 
the  door  to  the  restoration  of  the  dynasty  he  served.  He 
tarried  on  at  Nernier  a  fortnight  after  having  been  ap- 
prised of  these  momentous  tidings,  it  is  true,  but  the 
middle  of  July  at  the  latest  must  have  seen  him  in 
France.  In  the  "Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,"  under  date 
of  July  22,  we  note  the  entry:  "Alphonse  est  encore  a 
Paris."  2  Unreliable  as  this  much-edited  "Journal"  often 
is,  it  would  appear  more  than  probable  that  the  young 
guardsman  lost  no  unnecessary  time  in  hastening  to 
place  his  sword  at  the  disposal  of  the  sovereign  whose 
cause  he  had  been  anxious  to  espouse  a  few  weeks  earlier 
at  La  Chaux  de  Fonds. 

1  Cf.  Memoir es  intdits,  p.  330;  also  Confidences,  p.  310,  and  Mtmoires 
politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  37. 
*  Manuscrit  de  ma  mbre,  p.  195. 

.  .   130  •• 


K  I 

_  i 

*  I 

a  H 

2  S 

Qj  ^ 


AN  EXILE  IN   SWITZERLAND 

"These  first  months  of  my  political  life,"  pompously 
wrote  Lamartine  in  later  years,  when  describing  his 
few  weeks  of  exile  in  Switzerland,  "were  romantic, 
sad,  full  of  dreams  and  sometimes  of  the  joys  of  creative 
imagination."  He  did  not  believe  in  the  lasting  success  of 
Napoleon's  attempt  to  reconquer  the  imperial  throne, 
for  he  considered  that  the  constitutional  liberties  guar- 
anteed by  the  restored  Bourbons  must  prevail  over  the 
military  tyranny  of  the  Empire.  France  dreaded  a  victory 
almost  as  much  as  a  defeat,  for  the  one  spelt  the  ruin 
of  liberal  institutions  and  the  other  humiliation  to  the 
nation.1  Moved  by  these  considerations  the  young  exile 
addressed  a  political  letter  to  Carnot,  Minister  of  the 
Interior.  "I  reproached  him,"  states  Lamartine,  "in 
bitter  terms,  imbued,  nevertheless,  with  a  remnant  of 
esteem  and  hope,  with  having  accepted  from  the  tyrant 
the  task  of  repudiating  the  republic,  and  of  allying  him- 
self, he,  the  military  Tribune  of  the  Terror,  guilty  of  con- 
descension towards  the  lictors  of  the  Committee  of 
Public  Safety,  with  the  author  of  the  i8th  Brumaire, 
and  with  decorating  himself  with  the  title  of  Count  — 
a  refutation  of  all  his  principles.  I  took  him  to  task  for 
his  concessions  to  the  reborn  tyranny;  I  urged  him  to 
raise  his  voice,  and  at  least  to  impose  certain  civic  re- 
straints on  the  prostration  at  all  costs  which  was  scan- 
dalizing alike  royalists  and  republicans.  France,  then, 
might  believe  in  him  and  rise,  not  at  the  word  of  a  tainted 
leader,  but  on  her  own  account."  2  It  is  probable  that 
Lamartine  cites  from  memory  when  transcribing  this 
political  effusion,  and  that  it  was  never  actually  forwarded 
to  its  address.  He  doubts  it  himself,  although  he  had 
confided  it  to  the  sure  and  friendly  hands  of  M.  de 
Lamarre,  whom  he  had  met  at  the  Chateau  de  Vincy, 
and  who,  although  formerly  a  republican,  had  become 
1  Memoires  poliliques,  vol.  I,  p.  38.  *  Ibid.,  vol.  I,  p.  39. 

•  •   131   •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


an  ardent  royalist,  and  was,  moreover,  an  active  conspira- 
tor against  the  restoration  of  Bonaparte. 

The  writing  of  political  pamphlets,  however,  did  not 
occupy  all  the  exile's  time.  A  mild  flirtation  with  the  boat- 
man's daughter,  long  excursions  in  the  neighbourhood, 
books,  and  the  companionship  of  a  dog  which  had  at- 
tached itself  to  the  solitary  young  philosopher,  filled  the 
glorious  summer  hours.  "Partout  ou  il  y  a  un  malheu- 
reux,  Dieu  envoie  un  chien,"  l  wrote  the  poet  in  later 
years,  and  certainly  few  men  have  loved  dogs  as  he 
did,  or  understood  them  more  thoroughly.  "Since  being 
adopted  by  this  dog,"  he  adds,  "my  solitude  has  ceased. 
He  never  left  me;  we  loved  each  other,  we  walked,  we 
slept  together.  He  had  divined  me  and  I  understood  him." 
Alas!  this  devotion  was  to  cost  the  poor  animal  its  life. 
When  the  hour  came  for  the  inevitable  separation  La- 
martine  started  out  to  row  to  Geneva  with  the  boatman's 
daughter,  leaving  the  faithful  dog  behind.  Hardly  were 
they  a  hundred  yards  from  shore  when  they  discerned 
"Zerbois"  swimming  after  them.  The  effort  proved  too 
much  for  the  faithful  beast,  and  he  expired  at  his  friend's 
feet  when  drawn  into  the  skiff. 

Before  leaving  Nernier,  Lamartine,  as  a  token  of  grati- 
tude for  the  charming  hospitality  he  had  received  at  her 
home,  sent  Mademoiselle  de  Vincy  the  verses  entitled 
"1'Hirondelle,"  which  for  some  unexplained  reason  are 
not  inserted  in  his  poetical  works,  but  which  figure  in  the 
"Confidences"  and  of  which  the  original  manuscript  is 
jealously  preserved  in  the  family  archives  at  Vincy.  In 
after  years  he  never  passed  along  the  road  leading  be- 
tween Lausanne  and  Geneva,  he  says,  without  casting  a 
grateful  glance  towards  the  eighteenth-century  mansion 
which  crowns  the  vine-clad  slopes  midway  between  the  pine 
forests  of  the  Jura  and  the  gleaming  waters  of  the  lake.2 
1  Memoir es  inedits,  p.  347.  *  Confidences,  p.  313. 

.  .   132  .  . 


AN  EXILE  IN  SWITZERLAND 


From  Geneva,  or  its  neighbourhood,  the  wanderer  set 
out  for  Chamb£ry,  threading  his  way  through  the  lanes 
of  Chablais  and  the  picturesque  passes  of  Savoy.  Cor- 
dially received  by  his  old  school-friend,  Louis  de  Vignet, 
he  became  for  a  while  one  of  the  household  of  the  Maistre 
family,  whose  representatives,  Counts  Joseph  and  Xa- 
vier,  were  and  are  among  the  literary  glories  of  France. 
Charmed  with  the  young  poet,  who  recited  some  of  the 
verses  he  had  recently  composed  in  the  boatman's  hut 
at  Nernier,  Count  Joseph,  late  Sardinian  Ambassador 
to  Russia,  consulted  him  concerning  his  own  work,  and, 
so  Lamartine  assures  us,  readily  accepted  his  correc- 
tions of  style  and  taste.1 

Lamartine  in  this  retrospective  vision  pictures  him- 
self as  remaining  "some  weeks"  in  the  bosom  of  the 
Maistre  family,  until  a  letter  from  his  mother  informed 
him  that  he  could  safely  venture  home.  The  regiments 
of  the  Gardes  du  Corps  had  been  re-formed,  and  after 
a  hasty  visit  to  his  family,  who  had  taken  refuge  during 
the  Hundred  Days  at  the  secluded  country-seat  at  Milly, 
Alphonse  proceeded  to  Paris  to  rejoin  his  comrades. 

Transferred  again  to  Beauvais,  the  dull  garrison  life 
soon  palled,  and  within  a  few  weeks  the  young  soldier 
definitely  resigned  his  commission.2 

1  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  42. 

1  Memoires  inedits,  p.  368;  also  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  47. 


CHAPTER  XII 
THE  INFLUENCE  OF  BYRON 

LAMARTINE'S  interest  in  politics  had  been  awakened. 
Too  young  as  yet,  and  too  inexperienced,  he  could  not 
aspire  to  public  life ;  but  his  ambitions  were  now  centred 
on  entering  on  a  political  career  through  the  portals  of 
diplomacy.  While  still  fulfilling  his  military  duties  at 
Beauvais,  his  mind  was  active  over  the  social  and  eco- 
nomic problems  of  the  hour.  A  highly  significant  letter  to 
his  uncle,  the  venerated  head  of  the  family,  gives  us  an 
inkling  of  the  new  interests  which  were  seething  in  his 
restless  brain. 

He  writes:  "You  have  been  forced,  like  every  one 
else,  to  turn  your  thoughts  toward  politics;  it  is  at  pres- 
ent the  universal  theme,  and  even  youths  have  taken  it 
up  enthusiastically.  I  must  confess  to  you,  but  I  beg 
that  it  remain  exclusively  between  us,  that  I  have  my- 
self written  on  these  subjects;  at  first  some  insignificant 
general  impressions,  afterwards  more  comprehensive  es- 
says adapted  to  present  circumstances.  I  had  intended 
them  merely  for  personal  use,  but  having  read  them  to 
several  distinguished  persons,  they  strongly  urged  me  to 
print  them.  I  had  no  money,  and  publishers  don't  accept 
the  maiden  writings  of  unknown  authors  at  their  own 
risks.  I  did  chance,  however,  submitting  my  manuscript 
to  a  publisher.  He  had  it  examined  by  several  literary 
men  of  his  acquaintance,  and  on  reading  it  himself  imme- 
diately accepted  it  at  his  own  expense,  agreeing  to  share 
profits ;  an  extremely  rare,  almost  unheard-of  bargain  for 
a  beginner.  'What  age  is  the  author?'  he  asked  the  per- 
son who  submitted  the  manuscript.  'He  is  not  yet 

•  -  134  •  • 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  BYRON 


twenty-four,'  was  the  answer.1  'He  will  be  somebody  at 
forty,'  cried  the  publisher.  My  manuscript  was  conse- 
quently in  press;  but  as  the  secret  of  my  name  was  al- 
ready known  to  five  or  six  people,  and  as  the  subject  was 
an  extremely  delicate  one  likely  to  cause  some  stir,  per- 
haps even  scandal,  I  decided  in  time  to  withdraw  it  and 
to  bury  it  in  obscurity."  2 

In  "Raphael"  Lamartine  speaks  of  a  pamphlet  of  a 
hundred  pages  or  so  which  he  wrote  about  this  time  en- 
titled: "Quelle  est  la  place  qu'une  noblesse  peut  occuper 
en  France  dans  un  gouvernement  constitutional?"  He 
treated  his  subject,  he  tells  us,  "with  the  clear,  instinctive 
good  sense  with  which  nature  endowed  me,  and  with  the 
impartiality  of  a  young  independent  mind  which  rises 
without  difficulty  above  the  vanities  of  the  upper  classes, 
the  envy  of  the  lower,  and  the  prejudices  of  his  time.  I 
spoke  lovingly  of  the  people,  intelligently  of  the  institu- 
tions, with  respect  of  that  historical  nobility  whose  names 
were  for  long  identical  with  France  herself  on  battlefields, 
in  the  magistracy,  and  abroad."  The  writer  urged  the 
suppression  of  all  privileges  of  the  nobility  and  demanded 
an  elective  peerage  on  the  British  lines.3  In  this  account 
the  opinion  of  the  publisher  to  whom  his  work  was  sub- 
mitted becomes  that  of  M.  Monnier,  who  had  been  shown 
the  pamphlet  by  "Julie"  (Madame  Charles):  "M.  Mon- 
nier," writes  Lamartine,  "after  reading  my  work,  asked 
Julie  who  was  the  politician  who  had  written  these  pages. 
She  smiled  and  acknowledged  that  it  was  the  work  of  a 
very  young  man  who  had  no  reputation,  no  experience, 
nor  previous  training." 

Count  Fremy,  in  his  "Lamartine  diplomate"  (1820- 
30),  affirms  that  at  M.  Monnier's  desire  Lamartine  under- 

1  As  the  letter  is  dated  November  n,  1815,  Lamartine  had  attained 
his  twenty-fifth  year  on  the  2 1st  of  the  preceding  month. 
1  Correspondence,  cxvi.  '  Raphael,  p.  321. 

.  .    135  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


took  the  task  of  expounding  the  r61e  the  old  French  nobil- 
ity might  be  called  upon  to  play  under  a  representative 
government.  But  he  gives  no  information  as  to  whether 
the  manuscript  ever  reached  the  printer's  hands.1 

Be  this  as  it  may,  it  is  certain  that  the  young  man's 
ambitions  were  deeply  stirred.  The  desire  for  a  diplo- 
matic appointment  as  attache  to  some  embassy  in  Italy 
or  Germany  was  becoming  paramount.  "  Nous  avons 
beaucoup  d'esperances,"  wrote  his  mother  on  the  subject 
during  the  autumn.2  It  is  obvious  that  the  fear  of  jeop- 
ardizing these  hopes  through  the  publication  of  truths  or 
theories  unpalatable  to  the  Government  of  the  Restora- 
tion counselled  the  sacrifice  of  other  ambitions.  Perhaps 
his  "royalism,  mixed  with  Greek  and  Roman  conceptions 
of  tyranny"  played  a  prominent  part  in  the  essay.  "Al- 
though a  royalist,"  he  writes  in  his  political  souvenirs 
(published  in  1863),  "I  strongly  combated  in  the  salons 
where  I  was  beginning  to  be  received,  the  implacable 
resentment  of  some  young  fanatics  who  exacted  from  the 
King  and  his  Government  a  bloody  vengeance,  possessing 
no  consolidating  virtues  for  the  Restoration.""3  And  he 
goes  on  to  lament  the  weakness  displayed  by  Louis  XVIII 
in  yielding,  against  his  better  judgment,  to  the  "frenzy" 
of  the  leading  royalists  in  the  Chamber  and  political 
salons.  This  "gilded  Reign  of  Terror,"  as  he  pictur- 
esquely describes  it,  gradually  estranged  him  from  the 
political  party  which  would  have  enrolled  him  had  it 
shown  itself  less  implacable  and  vindictive.  He  yearned 
for  an  active  life,  it  is  true,  but  individual  liberty  played 
and  continued  to  play,  throughout  his  career,  a  predomi- 
nating r61e.  Diplomacy  seemed  to  offer  the  scope  best 
adapted  to  the  development  of  the  talents  he  felt  he 
possessed:  "J'avais  le  sentiment  de  mon  aptitude,"  he 

1  Cf.  op.  «'/.,  p.  12.  *  Manuscrit  de  ma  m£re,  p.  194. 

»  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  47. 

•   .    I36  •  • 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  BYRON 


writes,  "la  volontd  ferme  d'y  parvenir,  et  un  sentiment 
politique  invincible  qu'on  pouvait  appeler  ma  destin£e." 

Before  following  our  hero  through  the  mazes  of  the 
most  serious  sentimental  passion  of  his  life,  which  was 
to  ripen  and  mould  his  poetic  genius,  we  must  examine 
an  episode,  insignificant  in  itself,  yet  too  highly  charac- 
teristic to  be  overlooked.  As  we  have  seen,  reality  and 
romance  were  one  and  inseparable  to  Lamartine.  The 
dividing  line  between  fact  and  fiction  was  to  his  eyes 
imperceptible.  On  the  flimsiest  foundations  he  erected 
sumptuous  structures,  lavishly  furnishing  them  with  illu- 
sions and  peopling  them  with  fantastic  replicas  of  flesh 
and  blood  realities.  A  recent  French  writer  has  aptly 
termed  Lamartine's  adroitness,  when  enlarging  on  the 
hazy  memories  of  the  past,  "hallucinations  retrospec- 
tives." l  The  phenomenon  we  are  about  to  examine  is 
characteristic  of  this  frequent  inversion  of  facts.  In  the 
commentary  which  follows  the  "Meditation"  entitled 
"1'Homme,"  which  is  addressed  to  Lord  Byron,  Lamar- 
tine states:  "  I  heard  him  mentioned  for  the  first  time  by 
one  of  my  old  friends  who  returned  from  England  in  1819. 
The  mere  recital  of  some  of  his  poems  set  my  imagination 
on  fire.  I  knew  English  but  imperfectly  then,  and  nothing 
of  Byron's  had  as  yet  been  translated.  The  following 
summer,  being  in  Geneva,  one  of  my  friends  who  resided 
there  pointed  out  to  me  one  evening,  on  the  shore  of  Lake 
Leman,  a  young  man  who  disembarked  from  a  skiff  and 
mounted  his  horse  to  return  to  one  of  the  delicious  villas 
reflected  in  the  waters  of  the  lake.  My  friend  told  me 
that  this  young  man  was  a  famous  English  poet  called 
Lord  Byron."  And  he  adds:  "  I  was  then  quite  unknown, 
very  poor,  a  wanderer,  very  discouraged  with  life."  2 

Lamartine  was  certainly  in  Geneva  in  June,  1820;  but 

1  Edmond  Est&ve,  Byron  et  le  romaniisme  fran$ais,  pp.  56  and  318. 
*  (Euores  competes,  vol.  I,  p.  88. 

•   •    137  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Byron  was  not.  Moreover,  Lamartine  was  at  this  date  on 
his  honeymoon,  already  celebrated  through  the  recent 
publication  of  the  "Meditations  poetiques,"  and  on  his 
way  to  take  up  his  duties  as  Secretary  of  Legation  at 
Naples  —  consequently  neither  unknown,  poor,  nor  dis- 
couraged. Yet  in  this  same  commentary  he  affirms  that 
on  his  return  to  Milly  that  winter  he  shut  himself  in  his 
room  and  wrote  in  pencil,  on  his  knees,  almost  without  a 
single  hesitation,  and  in  ten  hours,  his  "Meditation"  on 
Lord  Byron.  But  when  we  turn  to  the  "Memoires  poli- 
tiques"  it  would  seem  that  the  poem  was  written  in  1816, 
and  that  it  was  his  recital  of  these  same  verses  which  first 
impressed  his  father  with  a  true  appreciation  of  his  son's 
talent.  As  a  result  of  his  father's  enthusiasm,  "Je  me 
sentis  maitre  de  mon  instrument,"  he  writes  when  de- 
scribing the  scene.1  Fortunately  these  dates  may  be  more 
or  less  accurately  controlled  by  reference  to  the  "Cor- 
respondance."  From  Milly,  under  date  of  October  20, 
1819,  Lamartine  enclosed  in  a  letter  to  Virieu  a  series  of 
fragments  of  his  "Meditation"  on  Lord  Byron  (entitled 
"Meditation  Dix-septieme,  a  Lord  Byron"),  on  which  he 
had  been  working  for  "over  a  month."  The  poem  opens 
with  lines  substantially  the  same  as  in  the  final  version 
published  in  the  "CEuvres  completes"  in  i86o.2 

The  "Cours  de  litt£rature"  contains  what  must  be 
accepted  as  a  purely  apocryphal  account  of  a  vision  (it 
^  was  hardly  more)  of  Byron,  which  the  author  leads  us  to 
suppose  was  vouchsafed  him  in  1816.  Mentioning  on  the 
same  page  his  fleeting  glimpse  of  Madame  de  Stael  (1815), 
Lamartine  relates:  "The  following  summer  circumstances 
which  had  nothing  to  do  with  literature  forced  me  to  seek 
a  hidden  retreat  in  the  mountains  and  most  secluded  val- 
leys of  pastoral  Savoy.  At  the  end  of  October,  I  ventured 

1  Memoires  politicoes,  vol.  I,  p.  56. 

2  Cf.  Correspondence,  ccv;  also  ccvu. 

•  •    I38  •  • 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  BYRON 

forth,  in  the  disguise  of  a  German  student,  a  knapsack  on 
my  shoulder,  leather  gaiters  on  my  feet,  and  a  book  in  my 
hand,  to  be  nearer  Geneva.  I  asked  hospitality  in  an 
abandoned  chalet  in  Chablais,  on  the  edge  of  deep  woods 
and  on  the  most  lonely  shores  of  Lake  Leman."  The  de- 
scription which  follows  is  practically  that  of  his  retreat  at 
Nernier  during  the  Hundred  Days,  and  leads  us  to  sup- 
pose that  he  had,  perhaps  unwittingly,  selected  the  same 
scene  depicted  in  "Les  Confidences"  and  the  "Memoires 
inedits." 

Long  solitary  walks  filled  his  days.  On  one  occasion, 
when  he  had  wandered  farther  than  usual  on  the  road 
leading  towards  Evian,  a  sudden  terrific  thunder-storm 
burst  over  the  mountains  and  swept  across  the  lake,  lash- 
ing its  waves  to  fury.  Together  with  an  old  beggar  and 
two  shepherd-boys,  Lamartine  took  shelter  under  a  pro- 
jecting rock  at  the  very  edge  of  the  seething  lake.  Sud- 
denly he  heard  voices  out  on  the  water,  and  tossed  on  the 
angry  waves  a  boat  came  in  view.  "A  beautiful  young 
man,  with  a  foreign  face  and  rather  queer  dress,  was 
seated  in  the  stern  of  the  yacht.  He  held  in  one  hand  the 
rope  attached  to  the  sail,  in  the  other  he  grasped  the  tiller; 
four  rowers,  drenched  with  spray,  bent  over  the  oars. 
The  young  man,  although  pale  and  his  locks  buffeted  by 
the  wind,  seemed  more  attentive  to  the  majesty  of  the 
scene  than  to  the  danger  his  boat  ran."  A  few  seconds 
later  the  skiff  and  its  crew  was  swallowed  up  in  the  inky 
blackness  of  the  storm,  but  to  Lamartine's  questions  as 
to  who  the  stranger  might  be,  the  old  beggar  replied  that 
he  was  a  noble  English  lord  residing  in  Geneva.  "A  few 
days  later,"  continues  Lamartine,  "  I  read  in  the  'Journal 
de  Geneve'  that  it  was  a  young  and  great  poet  of  the 
name  of  Byron  who  had  run  great  peril  during  this  stormy 
evening."  l 

1  Cours  de  litttratwe,  vol.  n,  pp.  256-61. 
•  •   139  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Readers  of  Thomas  Moore's  "Notices  of  the  Life  of 
Lord  Byron"  will  remember  the  passage  in  Byron's  letter 
to  Mr.  Murray,  dated  from  Ouchy,  June  27,  1816,  in 
which  he  describes  a  perilous  adventure  on  the  lake. 
"Three  days  ago,"  he  writes,  "we  were  most  nearly 
wrecked  in  a  squall  off  Meillerie,  and  driven  to  shore.  I 
ran  no  risk,  being  so  near  the  rocks,  and  a  good  swimmer; 
but  our  party  were  wet,  and  incommoded  a  good  deal. 
The  wind  was  strong  enough  to  blow  down  some  trees,  as 
we  found  at  landing;  however,  all  is  righted  and  right,  and 
we  are  thus  far  on  our  return."  x  Byron  spent  the  months 
of  June,  July,  and  September,  1816,  at  the  Villa  Diodati, 
near  Geneva,  but  on  October  9  he  was  at  Martigny: 
"Thus  far  on  my  way  to  Italy." 

It  is,  of  course,  within  the  bounds  of  possibility  that 
Lamartine  visited  the  southern  shore  of  Lake  Leman  dur- 
ing the  autumn  of  1816.  In  a  letter  to  Virieu,  dated  from 
M&con  on  December  8,  he  mentions  his  return  from  Aix- 
les-Bains,  where  he  had  gone  for  the  cure.2  Yet  the  entry 
in  his  mother's  journal  of  October  16  describes  the  mar- 
riage of  her  daughter  Eugenie,  and  specifically  states:  "I 
had  all  my  children  round  me;  Cecile  and  Alphonse  had 
arrived  shortly  before."  3  Again,  Byron's  adventure  took 
place  on  June  24,  in  all  probability,  and  on  June  28  La- 
martine wrote  to  M.  de  Vaugelas  from  his  uncle's  chateau 
at  Montculot,  near  Dijon,  where  he  has  been  "depuis  une 
quinzaine."  4 

When  in  1856  Lamartine  wrote  the  dramatic  account 
of  this  glimpse  of  Byron,  it  is  permissible  to  presume  that 
he  had  already  perused  Moore's  "Life "of  the  author 
of  "Childe  Harold,"  accessible  to  readers  familiar  with 
English  in  1832.  As  early  as  1818,  however,  fragments  of 

1  The  Works  of  Lord  Byron,  edited  by  Thomas  Moore,  vol.  in,  p.  246. 
Shelley  was  his  companion  on  the  tour  round  the  lake.    Cf.  op.  tit.,  p.  282. 
1  Correspondance,  cxxi. 
1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  196.  *  Correspondance,  cxx. 

.  .    140  •  • 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  BYRON 


"Childe  Harold,"  "The  Corsair,";' Lara,"  etc.,  had  been 
translated  and  had  appeared  in  the'"  Bibliotheque  Univer- 
selle,"  a  literary  magazine  then  published  in  Geneva.1 

"Hallucinations  retrospectives"  these  purely  imagi- 
nary visions  of  Byron  certainly  were.  But  the  influence  of 
the  English  bard  can  hardly  be  exaggerated.  Lamartine 
wrote  a  "Life  of  Byron"  which  is  not  included  in  the 
"(Euvres  completes,"  but  has  remained  buried  in  the 
columns  of  the  "  Constitutionnel "  (September  26  to  De- 
cember 2, 1865).  There  is  no  question  of  a  personal  meet- 
ing, but  the  French  poet  describes  at  length  the  manner 
in  which  Byron  was  "revealed"  to  him.  Composed  at  a 
date  considerably  posterior  to  either  the  "Commentary" 
on  the  "Ode  to  Byron"  (1849),  or  the  "Entretien"  in  the 
"Cours  de  litt£rature"  (1856)  which  mention  the  "vi- 
sion," it  discloses,  nevertheless,  the  germ  from  which  both 
these  fantastic  anecdotes  sprang.  It  was  in  1818,  during 
"the  last  five  days  of  October."  *  Alphonse  was  at  Milly 
when  he  received  a  letter  from  his  friend  Louis  de  Vignet, 
who  had  been  taking  the  waters  at  £vian  and  had  re- 
cently visited  Geneva.  "He  [Vignet]  had  heard  speak  of 
a  young  English  lord,  whose  life  was  a  mystery  one  dared 
not  probe,  but  whose  verses  were  a  marvel  one  could  not 
tire  of  admiring.  Knowing  with  what  distaste  I  read  the 
insipid  poetry  of  the  Empire,  and  with  what  prophetic 
yearning  I  awaited,  as  did  he  also,  the  revelation  of  a  new 
poetic  era,  Louis  sent  me  to  Milly  everything  of  the  Eng- 
lish poet  which  the  publisher  Paschoud,  of  Geneva,  could 

1  Ren6  Waltz,  Lamartine,  (Euvres  choisies,  p.  4.  In  1817  and  1818  the 
Bibliotheque  Universelle  translated  and  published  extracts  of  "Childe  Har- 
old," "The  Prisoner  of  Chillon,"  "The  Corsair,"  "Lara,"  "The  Giaour," 
etc.,  etc.  But  as  early  as  1809  Lamartine  had  begun  the  study  of  English, 
and  in  i8n  he  had  in  his  speech  before  the  Academy  of  Macon  dwelt  on 
the  advantages  of  intellectual  communion  between  nations  by  means  of 
their  literatures.  Cf.  also  Gustave  Lanson,  Lamartine,  vol.  i,  p.  21. 

*  Le  Constitutionnel  (Paris),  September  26,  1865.  Cf.  also  Byron  et  U 
romaniisme  fran&is,  p.  519  et  seq. 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


get  for  him.  I  had  myself  vaguely  heard  while  in  Italy  of 
a  young  man  whose  name  was  not  precisely  known,  but 
whose  private  life  caused  much  whispering  in  London, 
and  whose  genius  filled  that  town  with  amazement.  They 
had  even  repeated  to  me  some  of  his  verses,  of  which  the 
mere  intonation  transported  me  to  a  new  world  of  poetry 
and  imagery."  "Childe  Harold"  was  the  first  revelation 
Lamartine  had  of  Byron's  genius,  and  the  night  was 
passed  in  ecstatic  communion  with  the  magician  who  held 
him  with  a  spell  rendering  him  oblivious  to  time  and 
place.1 

Yet  pessimist  and  fatalist  as  Lamartine  could  be 
during  the  psychological  crises  of  his  youth,  he  was  at 
heart  too  much  the  optimist  to  go  far  with  Byron's 
philosophy.  He  admired,  but  was  frightened.  He  recog- 
nized in  Byron  what  he  might  himself  have  become,  had 
he  persisted  in  the  attitude  of  revolt  he  had  for  a  time 
assumed;  and,  strong  in  his  own  budding  genius,  con- 
vinced also  that  another  might,  as  he  himself  had  done, 
overcome  scepticism  and  attain  faith,  he  undertook  to 
"convert"  the  great  English  poet  "to  less  satanic  ideas."2 
Byron  was  in  Italy  when  the  "Meditations  po6tiques" 
appeared,  but  the  French  poet's  opinion  of  him  was 
brought  to  his  notice  in  a  letter  from  Wedderburn  Web- 
ster, who  was  in  Paris  at  the  time.  On  June  I,  1820,  he 
wrote  to  Moore,  from  Ravenna,  mentioning  Webster's 
letter:  "He  asks  me  if  I  have  heard  of  'my'  laureate  at 
Paris,  —  somebody  who  has  written  '  a  most  sanguinary 
fipitre*  against  me;  but  whether  in  French,  or  Dutch,  or 
on  what  score,  I  know  not,  and  he  don't  say  —  except 
that  (for  my  satisfaction)  he  says  it  is  the  best  thing  in 
the  fellow's  volume.  If  there  is  anything  of  the  kind  that 

1  Cf.  Le  Constitutionnel,  October  14-18,  1865. 

1  Est&ve,  Byron  et  k  romantisme  fran^ais,  p.  325;  cf.  also  Corrcspon- 

dance,  ccvn. 

•  •  142  •  • 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  BYRON 


I  ought  to  know,  you  will  doubtless  tell  me.  I  suppose  it 
to  be  something  of  the  usual  sort;  —  he  says  he  don't  re- 
member the  author's  name."  And  on  July  13,  from  the 
same  place,  the  irate  bard  adds:  "Not  actionable!  — 

'Chantre  d'enfer!'  By  that's  'a  speech,'  and  I 

won't  put  up  with  it.  A  pretty  title  to  give  a  man  for 
doubting  if  there  be  any  such  place."  *  But  some  months 
later  Byron  was  not  only  pacified,  but  expressed  sincere 
admiration  when  Medwin  showed  him  a  translation  of 
the  French  poet's  "Ode."  Medwin  states  that  Byron, 
when  he  had  read,  in  a  translation  made  by  a  friend 
in  Pisa,  some  of  the  "Meditations  poetiques,"  sent  his 
compliments  through  the  translator  to  Lamartine  and 
thanked  him  for  his  verses.2  Lamartine,  on  the  eve  of 
Byron's  departure  for  Greece,  sent  him  a  presentation 
copy  of  his  works :  but  this  was  the  extent  of  their  inter- 
course, for  the  two  great  romantic  poets  never  met.3 

Some  time  after  Byron's  death  Lamartine  met,  in 
Rome,  the  Countess  Guiccioli.  "I  had,"  he  wrote,  "cer- 
tain reasons  for  desiring  to  avoid  this  meeting;  some 
verses  of  mine  in  the  fifth  canto  of  'Childe  Harold,' 
which  had  just  appeared,  painted  this  seductive  woman 
as  a  Venetian  Aspasia,  binding  with  her  venal  chains  the 
genius  and  the  virtue  of  a  great  man.  It  was  an  involun- 
tary calumny  of  the  imagination."  4 

When,  about  1856,  Lamartine  considered  his  plan  of 
writing  a  biography  of  his  great  rival,  the  Countess,  who 
had  then  become  Marquise  de  Bussy,  furnished  him  with 
many  details.  Yet,  when  the  biography  was  published, 
she  criticized  it  harshly:  "The  sentiments  it  arouses," 
she  is  reported  as  exclaiming,  "are  those  of  astonishment 

1  The  Works  of  Lord  Byron,  edited  by  Thomas  Moore,  vol.  iv,  pp.  318-30. 
*  Conversations  with  Lord  Byron. 

1  Cf.  Marquise  de  Bussy  (comtesse  Guiccioli),  Lord  Byron  jug£  par  Us 
temoins  de  sa  vie,  vol.  n,  p.  76. 

4  "Vie  de  Byron,"  in  Le  Constitutionnel,  November  16,  1865. 

.  .   I43  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


and  regret.  .  .  .  Historical  truth  is  completely  absent  or 
disfigured."  1 

But  although  Lamartine  repudiated  Byron's  philos- 
ophy, although  he  at  times  judged  him  harshly,  he  was, 
nevertheless,  continually  dazzled  by  the  prestige  of  the 
man,  fascinated  by  the  charm  of  the  poet,  and  bewitched 
by  the  cunning  of  the  artist.  A  thousand  times  Lamartine 
has  been  compared  to  Byron,  and  a  resemblance  there 
certainly  is,  although  more  apparent  than  real.  Lamar- 
tine himself  loved  to  foster  the  comparison,  even  where 
trivialities  were  concerned.  Thus,  in  the  biography  of  the 
poet  he  published  in  the  "Constitutionnel,"  recalling  the 
passion  his  hero  had  nourished  at  eight  years  of  age  for  a 
little  girl  in  Aberdeen,  he  compares  his  own  sentimental 
precocity:  "  I  myself  recollect  the  violent  love  I  conceived 
at  the  age  of  ten  for  a  shepherdess  of  our  mountains.  .  .  . 
I  used  to  help  her  with  a  lover's  tenderness  to  watch  over 
her  goats  on  the  slopes  round  our  village."  His  friends 
also  drew  parallels  between  him  and  the  English  bard. 
Describing  in  her  journal  the  success  his  poems  achieved 
in  a  circle  of  friends  at  Chamb6ry,  Madame  de  Lamartine 
notes  on  September  4,  1819,  that  Louis  de  Vignet  com- 
pared her  son  to  "a  young  English  poet,  whose  name  I 
don't  well  know,  but  who  writes  fantastic  and  mysterious 
poems  which  are  in  great  vogue  just  now." 2 

To  Lamartine  Byron  incarnated  "the  greatest  poetic 
nature  of  modern  times."  If  he  disapproved  his  philos- 
ophy, and  termed  it  "satanic";  if  he  frowned  at  his  fla- 
grant immorality;  he  secretly  admired  and  imitated  his 
aristocratic  prodigality,  the  splendour  of  his  life,  the  care- 
lessness of  the  grand  seigneur  who  openly  professed  his 
contempt  for  the  profession  of  letters.3  Like  Byron, 

1  Cf .  Lord  Byron  jugi  par  Us  temoins  de  sa  vie,  vol.  i,  pp.  2  and  34. 

*  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  226. 

1  Cf.  Preface  (1849)  to  Mtditations  poitiques. 

•  •   144  •  • 


THE  INFLUENCE  OF  BYRON 

Lamartine  was  naively  vain  of  his  person:  both  suffered 
from  what  a  recent  critic  has  termed  "une  sorte  de  nar- 
cissisme  ravi."  *  But  great  as  Byron's  literary  and  per- 
sonal influence  undoubtedly  was,  there  can  be  no  ques- 
tion of  master  and  disciple.  Affinity  and  rivalry  of  genius, 
lyrical  sympathy  combined  with  romantic  admiration, 
alone  attracted  and  held  the  French  poet.  Lamartine  had 
already  struck  his  own  note  before  Byron's  dazzling  and 
versatile  genius  came  within  his  ken.  In  the  course  of  this 
study  there  will  be  occasion  to  mention  an  incident  con- 
nected with  the  publication  of  Lamartine's  "Fifth  Canto 
of  Childe  Harold,"  which  the  author  frankly  admits  was 
"  imit6  assez  servilement  du  beau  poeme  de  Lord  Byron." 2 
Doubtless  here  and  there  in  the  Frenchman's  work  a  close 
examination  will  disclose  analogies  of  theme  and  style, 
due  to  real  and  unfeigned  admiration.  But  the  "Chantre 
d'enfer,"  with  his  doubt  and  pessimism,  was  at  bottom 
the  antithesis  of  the  optimistic  and  essentially  religion- 
ary author  of  "  Jocelyn."  Nevertheless,  "Childe  Harold " 
ever  remained  his  hero.  When  "La  Chute  d'un  Ange" 
appeared  in  1838,  Lamartine's  contemporaries  insisted  on 
reading  "Byron"  for  "Cedar,"  and  Madame  de  Girardin 
wrote  him:  "Pourquoi  cet  ange  ne  serait-il  pas  lord 
Byron?"  3 

In  the  tiny  study  at  Saint- Point,  where  in  his  old  age 
the  ruined  poet  toiled  for  his  daily  bread,  Byron's  portrait 
occupied  a  conspicuous  place,  and  his  works  lay  upon  the 
writing-table.4 

1  Pierre  Lasserre,  Le  romantisme  franfais,  p.  175. 

1  Souvenirs  et  portraits,  vol.  u,  p.  67.  *  Lettres  a  Lamartine,  p.  167. 

4  Charles  Alexandra,  Souvenirs  sur  Lamartine,  p.  346. 


CHAPTER  XIII 
RAPHAEL  AND  JULIE 

IN  February,  1816,  Lamartine  was  again  in  Paris,  in 
quest  of  a  diplomatic  appointment,  but  willing  to  accept, 
should  his  ambition  be  defeated,  a  modest  berth  in  the 
Ministry  of  the  Interior.  To  while  away  the  idle  hours  he 
set  about  writing  political  articles  in  the  daily  papers.  He 
makes  no  mention  of  the  titles  of  the  journals  in  which  his 
writings  appeared,  nor  does  he  give  any  clue  as  to  the  sub- 
jects treated ;  but  we  know  that  his  opinions  at  this  mo- 
ment favoured  the  adoption  of  more  conciliatory  inter- 
course between  the  adherents  of  the  old  regime  and  those 
of  the  Constitutional  Party.  "...  We  always  seek  to 
weed  out,  as  did  formerly  the  Jacobins,  our  enemies,  a 
process  which  ruined  them,"  he  writes  to  M.  de  Vaugelas, 
on  March  I.  "...  Let  us  be  careful.  By  dividing,  and 
continually  subdividing,  don't  we  reach  zero,  or  at  least  a 
mathematical  point  which  cannot  be  indefinitely  subdi- 
vided? That  is  what  the  Royalists  without  blemish  and 
without  tolerance  are  aiming  at,  who  cast  forth  all  those 
they  deem  less  white  than  themselves."  * 

In  June  he  writes  the  same  correspondent  that  his 
efforts  to  enter  diplomacy  have  been  fruitless,  and  that  he 
has  thrown  himself  in  despair  into  the  arms  of  the  Muses, 
who,  he  trusts,  may  be  less  cruel.  Disappointments,  per- 
haps a  rather  dissipated  life  in  Paris,  have  brought  on  an 
obstruction  of  the  liver  which  threatens  to  be  serious.  He 
can  only  write  standing,  and  the  doctor  counsels  a  sojourn 
in  a  warmer  climate.  But  in  spite  of  his  sufferings  he  med- 
itates printing  for  private  circulation  a  small  volume  of 
.  l  Correspondance,  cxvii. 
.  .  146  •• 


RAPHAEL  AND  JULIE 


elegies  —  "juvenilia  ludibria,"  as  he  styles  them.1  No 
improvement  having  resulted  from  the  medical  treatment 
followed  at  Montculot  and  Macon,  a  cure  at  Aix-les- 
Bains  was  decided. 

In  "Raphael,"  that  chef  d'ceuvre  of  sentimental  ro- 
mance, Lamartine  mentions  that  when  he  reached  the 
little  watering-place  the  season  was  far  advanced,  and  the 
usual  gay  throng  had  departed.  "It  was  the  season  when 
the  leaves,  touched  by  frost  during  the  night,  and  col- 
oured a  rosy-red,  fall  in  showers  in  the  vineyards,  in  the 
orchards,  and  from  the  chestnuts."  2  An  unpublished  en- 
try in  Madame  de  Lamartine's  diary  reads: " Milly,  Octo- 
ber n,  1816.  .  .  .  Alphonse  left  on  September  30,  to  go 
and  take  some  douches  at  Aix  for  liver  trouble  —  and  to 
spend  some  time  with  an  intimate  friend  of  his  who  re- 
sides at  present  near  Aix.  This  friend  is  M.  Vignet." 8 

It  was  at  the  Pension  Perrier,  a  small  inn  recommended 
by  Vignet,  still  existing  opposite  the  Baths,  that  Lamar- 
tine took  up  his  quarters.  Here  he  met  Madame  Charles, 
the  young  wife  of  the  celebrated  physicist  and  aeronaut 
who,  as  early  as  1783,  had  made  the  first  balloon  ascents, 
and  whose  feats  created  such  widespread  notice  that  hats 
a  la  Montgolfitre,  and  ribbons  and  cravats  a  la  Charles, 
became  the  vogue.4  The  friendship  would  seem  to  have 
ripened  very  rapidly  into  a  far  more  tender  sentiment.  As 
early  as  October  12,  Alphonse  wrote  his  friend  De  Vignet: 
"Since  your  last  letter,  in  which  you  announce  your 
forthcoming  visit,  a  great  joy  has  befallen  me.  The  day 
before  yesterday  I  saved  a  young  woman  from  drowning 
on  the  lake,  and  now  she  fills  my  days.  I  am  no  longer 

1  Correspondance,  cxx.   There  is  no  record  of  such  publication. 

2  (Euvres  completes,  vol.  xxxn,  p.  193. 

1  Cf.  also  Les  Annales  romantiques,  vols.  VI  and  vii,  articles  by  the  late 
L£on  S6ch£;  also  S£ch6,  Le  Roman  de  Lamartine,  p.  44. 

4  J.  A.  Charles  (1746-1823)  was  the  first  to  use  hydrogen  gas  success- 
fully in  balloons. 

•  •    147  •  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


alone  in  the  old  doctor's  house,  I  am  no  longer  ill,  I  feel 
myself  rejuvenated,  cured,  regenerated!  When  you  see 
this  good  and  sweet  creature,  you  will  think  with  me  that 
God  has  placed  her  on  my  path  in  order  to  disgust  me  for- 
ever with  my  past  life.  Come  quickly  to  share  our  happi- 
ness and  make  acquaintance  with  her.  I  have  told  her 
who  you  are:  we  await  you." 1 

It  was  consequently  on  October  10  that  Lamartine 
made  the  momentous  friendship  with  the  woman  who  was 
so  greatly  to  influence  not  only  his  life,  but  his  genius. 
She  had  only  "filled  his  days"  during  forty-eight  hours, 
however,  when  he  wrote  the  above  letter.  Up  to  that 
time,  although  his  fellow-boarder  in  the  Pension  Perrier 
had  interested  him,  as  she  did  all  those  who  dwelt  under 
the  same  roof,  by  reason  of  her  frailty  and  threatened 
decline,  he  had  no  desire  to  make  her  personal  acquaint- 
ance. "My  heart  full  of  ashes,  wearied  by  unworthy  and 
haphazard  attachments,  not  one  of  which  had  left  a 
serious  impression,  ashamed  and  repentant  over  light 
and  irregular  adventures ;  my  soul  ulcerated  by  my  faults 
and  withered  with  disgust  of  vulgar  passions,  faint- 
hearted and  reserved  both  in  character  and  bearing,  with 
none  of  that  self-confidence  which  prompts  some  men  to 
seek  acquaintances,  adventuresome  intimacies,  I  cared 
neither  to  see  nor  to  be  seen.  Still  less  did  I  dream  of  love. 
I  rejoiced,  on  the  contrary,  with  a  bitter  and  false  pride, 
at  having  forever  smothered  such  puerilities  in  my  heart, 
believing  I  could  suffice  unto  myself  in  this  world  both  in 
suffering  and  in  feeling.  As  for  happiness,  I  no  longer 
believed  in  it."  2 

But  he  had  caught  a  glimpse  of  the  attractive  invalid 

1  Cited  by  Seche  in  his  article  "Lamartine  et  Elvire,"  Annales  roman- 
tiques,  vol.  vm,  p.  41.  The  old  doctor  mentioned  in  the  letter  was  Dr. 
Perrier,  a  physician  in  whose  house  Lamartine  and  Madame  Charles  were 
boarders.  Cf.  Raphael,  p.  195. 

1  Raphael,  p.  196. 

.  .   148  •• 


RAPHAEL  AND  JULIE 


one  fine  afternoon  as  he  returned  from  a  lonely  walk,  and 
his  curiosity  had  been  awakened  by  hearing  her  voice 
when  she  had  conversed  with  her  maid  in  the  room  ad- 
joining his  own;  a  voice  which  "resounded  through  half- 
closed  teeth,  like  those  little  metal  lyres  which  the  chil- 
dren in  the  isles  of  the  Archipelago  twang  between  their 
lips  of  an  evening  by  the  seashore."  l  The  vision  haunted 
him.  He  described  it  as  the  "apparition  of  a  soul  on  linea- 
ments of  the  most  delicate  beauty."  Nevertheless,  he 
bowed,  and  passed  on  without  speaking.  Again  and  again 
he  met  the  sad-looking  consumptive,  for  it  was  that  ter- 
rible malady  which  racked  her;  but  whether  the  meeting 
took  place  in  the  garden,  on  the  hillside,  or  on  the  waters 
of  the  lake  where  she  often  spent  the  still  warm  after- 
noons, a  grave  and  respectful  salute  was  all  the  lady 
vouchsafed  her  silent  admirer.  One  day,  however  (Octo- 
ber 10,  as  we  now  know),  when  the  first  snows  had  already 
whitened  the  surrounding  mountains,  but  when  warmth 
still  lingered  in  the  valley,  the  boatman  had  imprudently 
urged  his  fair  client  to  cross  the  lake  and  visit  the  ancient 
Abbaye  of  Haute-Combe.  Hardly  had  the  boat  accom- 
plished two  thirds  of  the  crossing  when  a  sudden  and 
furious  squall,  tearing  down  the  lake  from  the  narrow 
gorges  of  the  Rh6ne  Valley,  lashed  the  waters  into  short 
and  foaming  billows.  The  little  bark,  its  sail  in  shreds, 
with  difficulty  kept  from  capsizing  by  the  vigorous  use  of 
the  oars,  was  tossed  about  like  a  nutshell  on  the  seething 
waters.  To  return  was  impossible:  the  only  alternative 
was  to  make  for  the  sheltered  cove  under  the  cliffs  on 
which  Haute-Combe  stands.  This  the  boatman,  who 
alone  accompanied  the  young  invalid,  determined  to  at- 
tempt. 

As  luck  would  have  it,  Lamartine  was  himself  on  the 
lake,  with  a  crew  of  four  sturdy  rowers,  in  a  large  and 

1  Raphael,  p.  198. 
-   -    149  '  ' 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


strong  boat.  Although  widely  separated  from  the  smaller 
skiff  when  the  storm  burst  over  the  lake,  he  saw  the  dan- 
ger its  occupants  ran,  and  immediately  turned  about  and 
hurried  to  their  assistance.  The  struggle  with  the  furious 
elements  was  a  long  and  laborious  one.  At  times  the  ob- 
ject of  his  anxious  search  was  lost  to  view,  sinking  in  the 
hollow  of  some  towering  wave,  at  others  the  blinding 
spray  blotted  out  the  horizon  and  prevented  him  from 
keeping  a  straight  course.  After  an  hour's  toil  the  rescu- 
ing crew  reached  the  skiff  just  as  a  huge  wave  tossed  it  to 
safety  on  the  sandy  beach  at  the  foot  of  the  ruined  walls 
of  the  abbey.  With  cries  of  joy  the  rescuers  leaped  from 
their  boat  to  reach  the  sooner  the  stranded  skiff  and  carry 
ashore  the  shipwrecked  invalid.  The  frightened  boatman 
shouted  to  them  from  afar,  making  frantic  signs  for  help 
as  he  pointed  to  the  bottom  of  his  bark.  On  reaching  the 
spot  Lamartine  found  the  young  woman  lying  lifeless,  her 
limbs  and  body  immersed  in  the  icy  water  which  filled  the 
skiff,  her  head  resting  on  the  rough  wooden  chest  which 
serves  to  store  the  fishing  tackle  and  food.  Her  hair, 
drenched  with  foam  and  spray,  covered  her  neck  and 
shoulders  "like  the  wings  of  some  black  bird  lying  half- 
submerged  on  the  edge  of  a  pool."  *  Her  face,  from  which 
all  colour  had  not  faded,  had  assumed  the  calm  of  pro- 
found sleep. 

Lifting  the  limp  body  at  once  from  its  bed  of  foam, 
they  carried  it  to  a  fisherman's  hut  hard  by.  While  the 
peasant  women  undressed  and  warmed  the  unconscious 
stranger,  chafing  her  body  with  the  poor  rags  they  heated 
on  the  hearth,  Lamartine  and  his  companions  waited  out- 
side the  miserable  cabin.  After  resorting  to  all  the  arti- 
fices known  to  their  humble  station,  the  distracted  peas- 
ants began  to  weep  and  wail,  crying  out  that  the  beautiful 
young  lady  was  indeed  dead,  calling  for  a  priest.  Rushing 
1  Raphael,  p.  207. 
.  .  150  •  • 


RAPHAEL  AND  JULIE 


in,  Lamartine  was  soon  convinced  that  life  still  remained 
in  the  fair  body,  and  learning  that  a  doctor  resided  among 
the  mountains  some  leagues  distant,  he  despatched  a 
sailor  to  summon  him.  Meanwhile,  he  prepared  to  pass 
the  night  at  the  invalid's  side.  Many  pages  are  devoted  in 
"Raphael"  to  minute  descriptions  of  every  incident  con- 
nected with  this  momentous  vigil,  and  Lamartine  has  re- 
told in  the  beautiful  stanzas  of  "Le  Lac,"  and  in  numer- 
ous other  poems  and  fragments  of  his  reminiscences,  the 
story  of  the  love  then  born. 

Such  are,  in  brief,  the  circumstances  of  the  meeting  be- 
tween "Raphael"  and  "Julie";  or  in  plain  prose  between 
Lamartine  and  Madame  Charles,  who  in  the  "M6dita- 
tions"  shared  the  name  of  "Elvire"  with  "Graziella" 
and,  later,  with  the  poet's  wife.  We  know  that  there  is  a 
foundation  of  truth  underlying  the  romantic  tale.  But 
what  a  contrast  between  the  laconic  mention  of  the  fact 
in  the  letter  to  Vignet  and  the  voluminous  and  obviously 
imaginary  details  supplied  in  "Raphael"!  The  book  is 
an  autobiographical  fragment ;  a  romantic  account  of  an 
undeniably  romantic  adventure ;  the  idealized  version  of  a 
real  and  human  passion,  the  flesh  and  blood  realities  of 
which  were  glossed  over  and  poetized  thirty-three  years 
later  to  meet  the  literary  requirements  of  the  artist. 

Criticizing  this  chef  d'ceuvre  of  Romanticism,  M.  Ana- 
tole  France  writes:  "Le  faux  Raphael  fait  une  confession 
arrangee,  ou  la  passion  prend  soin  de  s'echeveler  avec  art, 
ou  rarement  le  poete  oublie  de  surveiller  1'attitude  de  son 
extase  ou  de  son  d6sespoir.  Le  livre  lui-meme,  a  la  fois 
memorial  et  roman,  est  d'un  genre  mixte:  circonstances, 
sentiments,  caracteres,  tout  s'y  joue  sur  les  confins  ind6- 
termines  de  la  fiction  et  de  la  realiteV' 1  As  in  "Graziella," 
soin  "Raphael,"  although  in  a  lesser  degree,  the  figures 
are  made  to  fit  the  stage  on  which  they  posture.  But 

1  L' Elvire  de  Lamartine,  p.  2. 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


whereas  in  the  case  of  "  Graziella  "  we  have  no  single  scrap 
of  paper  constituting  documentary  evidence,  correspond- 
ence and  memoranda  are  available  which  permit  the  re- 
construction of  the  drama  which  was  born  on  the  storm- 
tossed  waves  of  Lake  Bourget,  on  lines  of  scientific 
historical  research.  Moreover,  M.  L£on  S6ch£  has  had 
the  good  fortune  to  discover  a  charming  miniature  of 
Julie  Bouchaud  des  Herettes  (Madame  Charles)  and 
has  traced  her  ancestry  and  early  life  with  absolute 
precision.1 

Again,  M.  Anatole  France  has  included  in  his  study 
on  "Elvire"  contemporaneous  documents  bearing  on  his 
subject,  together  with  letters  from  the  hand  of  Madame 
Charles.2  While  last,  but  by  no  means  least,  M.  Ren£ 
Doumic  has  given  to  the  world  several  burning  love- 
letters  written  by  Julie  to  Lamartine.3 

Following  the  main  lines  of  the  romantic  autobiogra- 
phy entitled  "Raphael,"  with  these  and  other  beacon 
lights  to  adjust  the  course,  an  accurate  reconstruction  of 
facts  is  possible.  Leaving  the  beautiful  invalid  in  the 
hands  of  the  doctor,  who  arrived  shortly  after  sunrise, 
"Raphael,"  or,  to  give  him  his  real  name,  Lamartine 
wandered  off  in  the  woods  to  collect  his  thoughts  after  the 
turmoil  of  the  night.  Alone  with  nature  he  felt  as  if  a 
weight  had  been  taken  from  his  shoulders:  but  "this 
weight  of  which  I  had  been  relieved  was  my  own  heart. 
In  giving  it,  it  seemed  to  me  that  for  the  first  time  I  had 
attained  the  fulness  of  life.  Man  is  so  essentially  created 
for  love,  that  he  only  feels  himself  really  a  man  when  he 
knows  that  he  loves  absolutely."  4  When  the  fair  stranger 

*  Cf .  Lamartine  et  Elvire,  pp.  50  et  seq. 
1  Op.  tit.,  pp.  39,  51,  56,  passim. 

*  Lettres  d' Elvire  <J  Lamartine;  cf.  France,  L 'Elvire  de  Lamartine,  p.  65; 
also  Reyssie,  La  Jeunesse  de  Lamartine,  p.  198,  and  Ch.  Alexandra,  Sou- 
venirs sur  Lamartine. 

*  Raphael,  p.  216. 

•  •   152  •  • 


RAPHAEL  AND  JULIE 


was  sufficiently  recovered,  Lamartine  half  supported,  half 
carried  her  to  his  own  larger  and  safer  boat,  and  laid  her 
at  full  length  on  one  of  the  benches,  covering  her  with  his 
cloak.  A  small  curtain  such  as  is  used  in  Venetian  gon- 
dolas separated  the  passengers  from  the  crew.  As  they 
sat  on  the  turf  before  the  cabin  where  the  night  had  been 
passed,  waiting  for  the  boat  to  be  made  ready,  Julie  had 
told  her  story,  and  with  its  recital  the  intimacy  had 
grown  by  leaps  and  bounds. 

The  tale  Julie  unfolded  is  substantially  a  statement 
of  facts,  although  Lamartine  has  overlaid  prosaic  reality 
with  picturesque  details,  omitting,  as  was  his  wont,  dates 
or  documentary  evidence  of  any  kind.  We  now  know, 
however,  that  Julie  Franchise  Bouchaud  des  H£rettes  was 
born  in  Paris  on  July  4,  I784.1  She  was  consequently  six 
years  Lamartine's  senior,  as  he  was  born  October  21, 
1790.  Her  mother  was  of  Creole  origin,  the  family  having 
large  estates  in  the  island  of  San  Domingo;  and  Julie  her- 
self resided  in  that  island,  whither  she  had  accompanied 
her  parents  shortly  after  her  birth,  until  1792.  When  the 
Revolution  broke  out  in  San  Domingo,  Lamartine  states 
that  Madame  Bouchaud  des  H6rettes  was  drowned  in 
attempting  to  escape  from  the  island,  and  that  Julie, 
thrown  up  on  the  shore  by  the  waves,  was  rescued  and 
suckled  by  a  negress.2  But  the  authentic  documents  now 
at  our  disposal  tend  to  disprove  this  romantic  assertion. 
It  is  certain,  however,  that  his  wife  did  not  accompany 
M.  Bouchaud  when  he  disembarked  at  Nantes  towards 
the  end  of  the  year  1792,  accompanied  only  by  his  daugh- 
ter Julie,  whose  sister,  some  ten  years  her  senior,  had  also 
remained  in  the  West  Indies.*  On  their  arrival  Julie  was 
taken  into  the  family  of  an  uncle,  also  Bouchaud  by 

1    l  Cf.  Sech6,  Lamartine  de  1816  a  1830,  p.  51,  who  cites  declaration  made 

on  his  daughter's  marriage  by  S6bastien-Raymond  Bouchaud,  her  father. 

*  Raphael,  p.  225.       »  She  died  there  in  1795;  cf.  Seche,  op.  tit.,  p.  53. 

.  .  153  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


name,  and  remained  under  his  care  all  through  the  Reign 
of  Terror.  Her  father  was  ruined,  as  were  nearly  all  his 
relatives,  but  an  uncle  and  aunt,  De  Bergey,  who  had 
escaped  the  general  financial  disaster,  adopted  the  home: 
less  girl  and  took  her  into  their  luxurious  home  in  Paris, 
where  every  opportunity  was  afforded  her  of  mingling 
with  the  cultured  society  of  the  day.1 

Julie  Bouchaud  des  HeYettes  was  twenty  years  of  age 
when  in  1804  she  married  the  celebrated  physicist, 
Jacques  Alexandre  Cesar  Charles,  who  was  thirty-eight 
years  her  senior.  Doubtless  it  was  no  love  match,  at  least 
on  Julie's  side,  although  M.  Charles  looked  much  younger 
than  he  was ;  but  the  statements  which  Lamartine  puts 
into  his  inamorata's  mouth  must  not  be  taken  too  liter- 
ally. "I  entered  my  husband's  home,"  confesses  "Julie" 
to  "Raphael,"  "not  as  his  wife,  but  as  his  daughter.  To 
the  world  he  was  my  husband,  but  he  himself  never  al- 
lowed me  to  call  him  by  any  name  but  that  of  father."  2 
The  "Julie"  of  "Raphael"  would  have  her  young  lover 
believe  that  M.  Charles  had  never  been  more  to  her  than 
an  indulgent  and  considerate  parent,  who  during  the 
twelve  years  of  their  married  life  had  never  aspired  to  a 
more  tender  relationship.  Yet  M.  Seche  is  authority  for 
the  statement  that  M.  Charles  had  won  the  girl's  heart 
even  before  he  requested  her  hand.3 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  life  that  she  led  under  her  hus- 
band's roof  would  seem  to  have  been  a  very  happy  and 
contented  one,  except  for  her  health,  which  was  never 
good  and  which  as  the  years  passed  gave  more  and  more 
cause  for  anxiety.4  Lamartine  would  have  us  believe  that 
Madame  Charles  had  been  travelling  in  Italy  and  else- 
where, in  search  of  health,  with  a  "foreign  family"  for 

»  Raphael,  p.  225.  »  Ibid.,  p.  229.  *  Cf.  Seche,  op.  tit.,  p.  63. 

4  Cf.  letters  cited  by  M.  Anatole  France  in  I'Elvire  de  Lamartine,  pp.  36, 
40,  41,  56;  also  Raphael,  p.  231. 

•  -    154  •  • 


RAPHAEL  AND  JULIE 


two  years  before  they  met  at  Aix-les-Bains.1  But  a  letter 
from  Julie  to  Baron  Mounier,  dated  from  Paris  on  June 
24,  1816  (a  Monday),  specifically  fixes  her  departure  for 
Aix  on  the  following  Thursday.2  "  Don't  quite  forget  me, 
Sir,"  she  writes,  "during  this  journey,  which  I  now  no 
longer  desire  to  undertake."  M.  Charles  would  have  ac- 
companied his  wife,  but  the  infirmities  of  age  (he  was  then 
seventy)  and  his  duties  at  the  Institut  de  France  pre- 
vented his  leaving  Paris.  That  Julie  should  have  felt  re- 
luctance to  leave  her  home  is  comprehensible.  Her  salon 
in  the  Institut  was  a  favourite  haunt  of  her  husband's 
associates,  and  she  had  gathered  around  her  a  circle  of 
savants  and  political  men,  who  spoilt  and  petted  the  inva- 
lid. Her  surroundings  were  perhaps  rather  austere  for  so 
young  and  so  attractive  a  woman ;  but  she  was  well  edu- 
cated and  serious-minded,  and  her  delicate  health  forbade 
the  unavoidable  fatigue  of  a  more  worldly  life.3  As  be- 
came a  scientist  of  the  eighteenth  century  M.  Charles 
was  a  Voltairian,  and  his  wife  possessed  no  rigid  religious 
convictions.4  This  laxity  —  for  it  in  reality  amounted  to 
little  more  —  was  destined  to  stir  profoundly  "  Raphael  "- 
Lamartine,  and  give  rise,  both  in  fiction  and  in  reality,  to 
philosophical  discussions  between  the  lovers  at  Aix  and 
on  their  return  to  Paris. 

But  we  must  retrace  our  steps  and  take  up  again  the 
thread  of  the  narrative,  seeking,  in  "Raphael"  and  the 
authentic  documents  at  our  disposal,  to  unravel  truth 
from  fiction  in  the  romance  which  played  so  important  a 
part  in  the  life  of  our  hero. 

If  we  credit  "Raphael,"  the  intimacy  resulting  from 
the  romantic  shipwreck  and  the  night's  vigil  had  made 
rapid  strides  when  they  reembarked  on  the  homeward 
journey.  As  they  glided  over  the  now  placid  surface  of 

1  Raphael,  p.  231.  *  France,  op.  cit.,  p.  56. 

»  Cf.  Seche,  op.  cit.,  p.  68.  «  Cf.  France,  op.  cit.,  p.  46. 

.  .   155  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


the  lake  towards  the  little  harbour  of  Pertuis,  the  con- 
versation became  more  and  more  confidential.  The  eve- 
ning was  serenely  beautiful;  the  full  moon  hanging  over 
the  jagged  peak  of  the  Dent  du  Chat.  Inspired  by  their 
surroundings  the  crew,  as  they  bent  to  the  oars,  began  a 
monotonous  chant,  and  the  passengers,  screened  by  the 
awning  which  enclosed  the  stern,  gradually  fell  into  closer 
spiritual  communion,  the  transcendentalism  of  which 
was,  on  Julie's  part,  intended  to  demonstrate  the  purely 
platonic  nature  of  her  feelings  for  the  "brother"  who 
had  thus  suddenly  entered  her  life.  Carried  away  by  his 
emotions  "Raphael"  would  appear  to  have  betrayed  too 
crudely  the  tumult  of  his  senses.  "Instead  of  giving 
utterance  to  the  chaste  and  ineffable  sentiments  which 
surged  in  my  heart,"  he  writes,  "I  clumsily  replied  with 
a  commonplace  phrase  of  vulgar  adoration,  implying 
that  such  happiness  as  I  then  enjoyed  could  only  satisfy 
me  when  taken  as  a  promise  of  a  greater  felicity  to  come. 
She  understood  me,  and  blushed  for  me  far  more  than 
for  herself." 

Yet,  after  a  lofty  romantic  peroration,  Julie  came 
suddenly  down  to  earth  again:  "  I  love  you,"  she  faltered ; 
"all  nature  would  proclaim  it  for  me  did  I  not  admit  it: 
rather  let  me  be  the  first  to  say  it  aloud,  and  to  say  it  for 
us  both:  we  love  each  other!"  In  ecstasy  "Raphael" 
threw  himself  at  her  feet.  But  Julie  sought  to  calm  the 
passionate  ardour  her  imprudent  words  had  excited,  and 
in  her  qualifying  disquisition  lies  the  very  essence  of  the 
Lamartinian  philosophy  of  pantheistic  sentiment.  "I 
have  told  you,  or  rather  I  have  not  told  you,  I  love  you! 
I  love  you  with  all  the  expectancy,  with  all  the  impatience 
of  a  sterile  life  of  twenty-eight  years.  But,  alas!  I  shall 
have  known  and  loved  you  too  late  if  you  understand  love 
as  other  men  do,  and  as  you  yourself  appeared  to  under- 
stand it  ajnoment  since  when  making  use  of  that  impure 

.  .  156  •  • 


RAPHAEL  AND  JULIE 


and  inconsiderate  phrase.  Listen  to  me,  and  understand 
my  meaning;  I  am  yours,  I  belong  to  you;  I  belong  to 
myself,  and  I  can  say  so  without  wronging  in  any  sense 
the  adopted  father  who  never  desired  to  see  in  me  any- 
thing but  a  daughter.  .  .  .  Reared  with  a  philosopher  for 
a  husband,  in  the  midst  of  a  society  of  independent  think- 
ers, freed  from  the  beliefs  and  practices  of  the  religion 
which  they  have  sapped,  I  have  none  of  the  superstitions, 
none  of  the  scruples,  which  cause  ordinary  women  to  bow 
the  head  before  another  judge  than  their  conscience.  The 
God  of  their  childhood  is  not  mine.  I  believe  only  in  the 
invisible  God  who  has  graven  his  symbol  in  nature,  his 
laws  in  our  instincts,  his  morality  in  our  reason.  Reason, 
sentiment,  and  conscience  are  my  only  revelations.  None 
of  these  three  oracles  of  my  life  forbid  me  to  be  yours:  my 
whole  soul  would  prompt  me  to  throw  myself  at  your  feet, 
could  you  be  happy  only  at  that  price.  But  must  we  not 
believe  more  in  the  immateriality  and  permanence  of  our 
attachment  while  it  remains  on  the  lofty  level  of  pure 
sentiment,  midst  regions  inaccessible  to  change  and 
death,  than  if  we  abase  it  to  the  abject  nature  of  vulgar 
sensations  which  profane  and  degrade  it?"  After  a 
breathless  pause,  during  which  "Raphael"  conquers  his 
baser  instincts,  he  replies:  "I  understood  you  and  the 
oath  of  the  eternal  purity  of  my  love  was  registered  in  my 
heart  before  you  had  finished  asking  it  of  me."  l 

Did  Lamartine  keep  his  oath?  The  discovery  and  pub- 
lication of  several  exceedingly  ardent  letters  written  by 
Julie  to  her  lover  have  given  rise  to  a  controversy  as  to 
the  character  of  the  relationship  which  the  author  of 
"Raphael"  would  have  the  world  accept  as  purely  pla- 
tonic.2  Two  distinct  camps  have  been  formed;  but  as 

1  Raphael,  p.  237. 

1  Ren6  Doumic,  Lettres  d'Elvire  a  Lamartine;  L6on  Sech6,  Le  Roman  de 
Lamartine;  Emile  Faguet,  Amours  d'hommes  de  lettres. 

.  .    157  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


arguments  for  and  against  are  based  on  purely  presump- 
tive evidence  and  the  personal  interpretation  of  texts,  a 
clear  statement  of  facts,  with  such  documentary  testi- 
mony as  is  available,  will  best  aid  an  individual  opinion. 
The  moral  thesis  sustained  by  Lamartine  in  his  romance 
"Raphael"  does  not  follow  imaginary  lines.  The  epi- 
sodes are  fundamentally  true;  this  we  know  by  virtue  of 
contemporaneous  evidence.  The  dissertations  have  been 
clothed  in  literary  form,  but  Julie's  letters  prove  that  the 
essence  of  the  discussions  as  described  in  "Raphael"  is 
faithfully  rendered  in  that  ultra-sentimental  romance. 
"Raphael"  was  published  in  1849,  thirty -odd  years  after 
the  events  depicted  therein  took  place.1 

Madame  Charles,  wife  of  a  free-thinking  scientist, 
and  companion  of  savants,  was  deeply  imbued  with  the 
scepticism  of  the  eighteenth  century,  and  tinged  with  the 
atheistic  doctrines  of  the  Revolution,  the  intellectualism 
of  which,  during  the  Directoire,  she  had  imbibed  under 
the  roof  of  Monsieur  and  Madame  de  Bergey.2  Her  mental 
calibre  was  not  remarkable  for  its  individuality,  but  re- 

1  In  December,  1847,  Lamartine  wrote  £mile  de  Girardin,  owner  and 
editor  of  La  Presse,  with  whom  he  had  signed  a  contract  for  the  issue  in 
serial  form  of  his  Confidences,  informing  him  of  the  termination  of  Raphael 
and  of  his  desire  that  the  latter  work  appear  in  book  form  before  the  news- 
paper began  the  publication  of  the  Confidences.  His  reasons  were  as  fol- 
lows: "It  [Raphael]  is  a  romance,  or  rather  an  episode  of  more  passionate 
sentiment  than  the  first  volume  of  childish  memories,  and  those  of  the  first 
flush  of  youth.  It  would  excite,  methinks,  a  lively  desire  to  know  the  be- 
ginnings of  this  same  individuality.  Les  Confidences,  perhaps  rather  juve- 
nile, would  gain  by  the  reflection  of  the  former."  (Correspondence,  DCCCCXII.) 
To  this  suggestion  De  Girardin  readily  assented:  but  it  was  not  till  January, 
1849,  that  Raphael  appeared  in  print.  For  Lamartine's  later  appreciation 
of  this  book,  cf.  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  xvm,  p.  521.  Criticizing  Balzac's 
Le  Lis  dans  la  Vallee,  he  says:  "It  certainly  resembles  me  when,  desiring 
to  associate  the  hypocrisy  of  the  world  with  the  delirium  of  passion,  I 
wrote  the  book,  half  true,  half  false,  entitled  Raphael.  The  public  felt  it- 
self deceived,  and  abandoned  me.  I  deserved  it:  passion  is  beautiful,  but 
only  on  the  condition  that  'it  is  sincere.'"  And  he  adds:  "Either  make 
no  attempt  to  paint  love,  or  sacrifice  it  to  virtue.  Ces  caracteres  herma- 
phrodites commencent  par  le  charme  et  finissent  par  le  degotit." 

1  Cf.  Seche,  Roman  de  Lamartine,  p.  120. 

•  «    158  •  •  ^ 


RAPHAEL  AND  JULIE 


fleeted  rather  her  environment.  The  jargon  of  the  intel- 
lectual salons  of  the  period  had  been  her  daily  portion, 
and  although  not  herself  an  esprit  fort,  constant  associa- 
tion with  men  and  women  who  prided  themselves  on  the 
materiality  of  their  philosophy  had  made  her  a  proficient 
exponent  of  its  tenets.  Lamartine  had  no  need  of  Madame 
d'Agoult1  as  a  source  of  inspiration  for  the  dialogues 
in  "Raphael":  his  own  memories  of  the  past  sufficed. 
"Elvire  n'etait  pas  du  tout  lamartinienne,"  observes 
Ren£  Doumic.2  She  never  possessed  feeling  for  poetry,8  it 
is  true,  and  she  was  a  real  daughter  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, as  we  have  said.  But  she  was  capable  of  what  has 
been  termed  "religious  sentimentality."  She  was  a  living 
example  of  those  women  to  whom  Rousseau  revealed  the 
manifold  wells  of  the  emotions,  and  whom  he  led  to  mel- 
ancholy musings  in  the  face  of  Nature  and  of  God.  As 
Lamartine  painted  her,  and  as  we  discern  her  in  her  cor- 
respondence with  her  lover,  she  is  impregnated  with  the 
influence  of  the  Genevese  philosopher:  it  is,  indeed,  the 
essential  trait  of  her  psychology.  Read  the  letters  of  Ma- 
dame Charles,  and  Madame  de  Warens  appears  con- 
stantly between  the  lines:  read  "  Raphael,"  and  the  chate- 
laine of  "  Les  Charmettes"  steps  out  from  its  pages.  The 
fascination  exerted  by  Rousseau  over  the  boy  Lamartine 
has  been  noted.  Turn  again  to  "Raphael,"  and  the  hero 
becomes  Saint-Preux,  while  the  outline  of  "Julie"  is 
blurred  with  that  of  her  homonyme  in  the  "Nouvelle 
Heloise."  Lamartine,  as  was  his  wont,  costumed  his 
characters  for  their  parts,  and  adapted  the  circumstance 
of  his  facts  to  fit  his  fancies;  but  the  disguise  is  so  thin 

1  In  a  letter  to  Madame  Juste  Olivier,  Sainte-Beuve  expressed  the  opin- 
ion that  Lamartine  had  put  into  "Julie's"  mouth  the  conversations  he  had 
had  the  previous  winter  with  Madame  d'Agoult  ("un  peu  athee  et  panthe- 
iste,  vous  le  savez");  cf.  Correspondo.net  inedite  de  Saint- Bewoe  avec  M.  et 
Mme.  Juste  Olivier,  p.  411. 

1  Letlres  d'Elvire  d  Lamartine,  p.  50. 

1  "Elle  etait  la  poesie  sans  lyre."  Raphael,  p.  258. 

•  •    159  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


that  the  subterfuge  is  readily  discernible.  The  habitual 
confusion  of  time  and  place  is,  moreover,  being  corrected 
with  the  help  of  gradually  forthcoming  documentary  evi- 
dence. Sainte-Beuve  to  the  contrary,  the  "Julie"  of 
"Raphael"  owes  nothing  of  her  philosophy  to  either 
Madame  d'Agoult  or  Hortense  Allart. 


CHAPTER  XIV 
MADAME  CHARLES 

A  RAPID  synopsis  of  the  love-story,  as  told  in  "Ra- 
phael," is  incumbent  for  a  due  appreciation  of  the  im- 
mense influence  the  episode  exercised  over  Lamartine's 
lyrical  genius. 

On  landing  at  the  port  of  Aix  after  her  perilous  adven- 
ture, Julie  and  her  companions  started  forth  for  the  Pen- 
sion Perrier,  the  sailors  having  fashioned  a  stretcher  with 
their  oars  on  which  to  carry  the  invalid,  thoroughly  ex- 
hausted by  the  various  emotions  she  had  undergone.1 
The  preceding  twenty-four  hours  had  been  passed  in 
great  anxiety  by  the  good  doctor  and  his  wife,  who  had 
left  no  means  untried  to  ascertain  the  fate  of  their  guests. 
The  storm  and  fog  had  made  research  on  the  lake  impos- 
sible, and  no  boats  had  ventured  out.  It  was  taken  for 
granted  that  both  parties  had  sought  shelter  in  some 
protected  bay,  if,  indeed,  they  had  not  perished  on  the 
lake. 

Several  days  passed,  during  which  the  intimacy  grew 
apace.  Lamartine  in  "  Raphael "  talks  of  six  weeks  which 
were  to  him  "a  baptism  of  fire  which  transfigured  and 
purified  his  soul,"  2  but  we  now  know  that  his  sojourn  at 
Aix  was,  approximately,  from  October  5  to  27.*  During 

1  Inspired  by  the  chant  of  the  boatmen,  Julie  had  sung  to  them,  during 
the  homeward  journey,  a  Scotch  ballad,  the  opening  verses  of  which  are 
given  in  the  French  translation  (Raphael,  p.  239).  Sech6  has  traced  the 
words  as  those  of  "Auld  Robin  Gray"  (published  1772),  which  became 
popular  in  France  before  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  Cf.  Roman  de 
Lamartine,  p.  93. 

*  Raphael,  pp.  248  and  276. 

1  Cf.  Annales  romantiques,  vol.  vni,  p.  41;  Lamartine's  letter  to  De 
Vignet,  dated  October  12,  1816. 

•  •  161  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


the  seventeen  days  of  their  close  association  —  that  is  to 
say,  after  the  shipwreck  on  the  loth  —  the  lovers  were 
inseparable.  Together  they  visited  the  numerous  roman- 
tic sites  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Aix,  each  expedition 
being  marked  by  a  closer  communion  of  souls.  "Oh!  if 
you  have  a  brother,  a  son,  or  a  friend  who  is  heedless 
of  virtue,"  rapturously  exclaims  "Raphael,"  "pray  to 
Heaven  that  he  may  love  thus.  As  long  as  he  loves  he  will 
be  capable  of  every  sacrifice,  of  any  heroism,  to  raise  him- 
self to  the  level  of  his  love.  And  when  he  has  ceased  to 
love  there  will  always  remain  in  his  soul  an  after-taste  of 
chaste  voluptuousness  which  will  disgust  him  with  the 
waters  of  vice,  and  he  will  secretly  long  for  the  spring 
where  it  was  once  given  him  to  drink."  l  As  has  been 
said,  Julie  was  more  or  less  deeply  imbued  with  the  phil- 
osophical theories  professed  by  the  savants  whose  discus- 
sions she  followed  in  her  Paris  salon.  It  was  to  be  "Ra- 
phael's" mission  to  combat  these  heresies,  and  win  over 
his  inamorata  to  a  more  orthodox  theology.  Of  course  it 
would  be  imprudent  to  assume  that  the  thirty-odd  years 
which  intervened  between  the  dissertations  and  the  rec- 
ord of  them  were  without  their  influence  on  the  utter- 
ances of  "Julie"  and  "Raphael,"  as  related  by  Alphonse 
de  Lamartine.  But  we  have  only  to  turn  to  such  portions 
of  Julie  Charles's  correspondence  as  have  been  published 
by  Anatole  France,  Doumic,  and  S6ch6,  to  be  convinced 
that  the  spirit  of  the  conversations,  if  not  their  actual 
form,  has  been  faithfully  chronicled  in  the  romance  under 
consideration.  While  at  Aix  the  proselytism  was  unsuc- 
cessful. "I  saw  that  my  arguments  agitated  without 
convincing  her:  that  her  soul,  parched  by  the  educa- 
tion she  had  received,  had  not  yet  opened  itself  to  God. 
But  love  was  soon  to  soften  her  religion,  after  having 
softened  her  heart."  2  But  in  Paris,  where  "Raphael" 
1  Raphael,  p.  249.  *  Ibid.,  p.  255. 

•  •   162  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


was  soon  to  follow  her,  Julie  eventually  allowed  herself 
to  be  converted  to  her  lover's  interpretation  of  the 
Divinity. 

"Raphael"  and  Julie  were  not  continuously  alone  in 
their  expeditions  on  land  and  water.  In  the  romance 
Lamartine  writes  that  his  friend  Louis  came  to  spend 
some  days  with  him,  and  documentary  evidence  has  been 
given  above  that  an  invitation  was  extended  to  Louis  de 
Vignet  two  days  after  the  romantic  shipwreck  at  Haute- 
Combe.  "Raphael"  makes  no  mention  of  his  friend's 
arrival  or  the  length  of  his  stay,  but  M.  Sech6,  in  his 
"Roman  de  Lamartine,"  1  is  authority  for  the  statement 
that  Louis  de  Vignet  left  Aix-les-Bains  on  the  morning  of 
Monday,  October  21,  1816,  and  that  a  rendezvous  was 
fixed  at  Chambery  on  the  following  Sunday  (October  27). 
"Raphael"  describes  an  evening  during  his  friend's  so- 
journ at  Aix-les-Bains  when  both  he  and  Louis  recited 
verses  of  their  own  composition,  and  would  have  us  sup- 
pose that  this  was  the  first  occasion  on  which  Julie  had 
heard  her  lover  declaim.  "She  had  ended  by  making  me 
confess  that  I  sometimes  wrote  verses,"  admits  "Ra- 
phael" just  previously,  "but  I  had  never  shown  her  any. 
Besides,  she  appeared  to  care  little  for  this  artificial  and 
stilted  form  of  language,  which  alters,  when  it  does  not 
idealize,  the  simplicity  of  the  sentiment  and  the  impres- 
sion." And  he  adds:  "The  verses  she  was  to  inspire  me 
with  were  only  to  echo  on  her  tomb.  She  never  knew  who 
it  was  she  loved  before  she  died.  To  her  I  was  a  brother. 
Nor  would  she  have  cared  that  for  the  world  I  was  a 
poet.  In  her  attachment  for  me  it  was  only  myself  that 
counted."  2  Nevertheless,  Julie  was  deeply  affected  by 
the  recital  of  her  lover's  verses :  so  deeply  that  both  young 
men  threw  themselves  on  their  knees  beside  the  couch  on 
which  she  had  apparently  fainted  from  emotion,  and 
1  Page  143.  *  Raphael,  p.  258. 

•  •   I63  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


"kissed  the  hem  of  the  black  shawl  which  lay  upon  her 
feet."  As  a  result  of  this  revelation  of  her  lover's  talent 
she  begged  him  to  compose  some  verses  in  honour  of  her 
friend  M.  de  Bonald,  the  philosopher,  author,  and  legis- 
lator.1 Of  this  task  the  young  poet  acquitted  himself  so 
successfully  that  M.  de  Bonald  became  his  friend  and 
protector. 

M.  Doumic  has  published  a  curious  document  which 
well  illustrates  the  pastimes  the  trio  resorted  to  during 
the  long  evenings  spent  at  the  Pension  Perrier.  The  talk 
one  night  had  apparently  circled  round  the  uncertainty  of 
human  friendships,  for  De  Vignet  was  to  leave  on  the 
morrow,  and  his  departure  was  to  break  up  their  pleasant 
intimacy.  It  was  probably  Lamartine  who  recalled  the 
passage  in  "Les  Martyrs,"  where  Augustin  compares 
life  to  a  busy  seaport  where  men  of  all  ages  and  nation- 
alities greet  and  take  leave  of  each  other.  We  have  seen 
the  effect  produced  on  the  lad  at  Belley  when  Chateau- 
briand's genius  was  revealed  to  him,  and  we  know  his 
admiration  for  the  author.  Lamartine  now  suggested 
that,  each  in  turn,  the  three  friends  should  write  down 
the  passage  above  mentioned;  a  proposition  which  was 
eagerly  adopted.  This  document  M.  Doumic  has  made 
public,  and  M.  S6ch6  reproduces  it  in  facsimile  in  his 
"Roman  de  Lamartine."2  The  quotation  is  transcribed 
in  the  handwriting  of  the  three  friends:  first  that  of  Julie, 
then  of  De  Vignet,  and  lastly  that  of  Lamartine,  who 
probably  dictated  the  passage  from  memory  to  his 
friends,  as  several  divergences  from  the  original  text 
are  noticeable.  Julie  dated  and  signed  the  document, 
Alphonse  and  Louis  affixing  their  signatures  to  the  right 
and  left  of  hers.  "  Aix,  20  Octobre,  1816,"  and  below  the 
Christian  names  only:  "Alphonse,  Julie,  Louis." 

1  Vicomte  Louis  de  Bonald,  1754-1840. 

*  Revue  latine,  July  25,  1906,  and  op.  cit.,  p.  140. 

.  .   164  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


On  the  morrow  Louis  de  Vignet  returned  to  Cham- 
b£ry.  Before  his  departure  he  wrote  on  the  last  page 
of  Julie's  album  the  following  lines:  "There  are  women 
who  prove  at  a  single  glance  that  there  is  a  God  and 
a  life  to  come.  Angels  exiled  on  earth,  one  recognizes 
them  as  strangers  here  below:  the  abode  of  virtue  is  in 
Heaven."  J 

After  the  departure  of  De  Vignet  the  lovers  seemed 
to  realize  more  fully  the  hopelessness  of  their  passion 
in  face  of  the  obstacles,  moral  and  material,  which  hedged 
them  round.  Despair  seized  upon  them,  and  if  we  are 
to  believe  "Raphael"  the  sentimental  romance  was 
threatened  with  a  fatal  termination.  One  evening,  as 
the  lovers  drifted  idly  on  the  lake  under  the  abrupt  cliffs 
of  the  Dent  du  Chat,  Julie,  lying  on  the  cushions  of  the 
boat,  her  adorer  at  her  feet,  suddenly  disentangled  her 
fingers  from  his  curls,  and,  leaning  over  him,  her  lips 
close  to  his  ear,  whispered:  "Oh,  let  us  die!"  Then, 
speaking  rapidly:  "Oh!  let  us  die,  for  earth  has  nothing 
more  to  offer  us;  Heaven  no  promises  to  make!"  Before 
"Raphael"  could  protest,  she  went  on,  using  for  the 
first  time  the  familiar  second  person  singular,  urging 
vehemently  that  they  end  their  troubles  together  in  the 
placid  waters  which  surrounded  them.  Carried  away 
by  the  eloquence  of  her  appeal,  yielding  to  the  irrefut- 
able arguments  she  used,  "Raphael,"  "in  a  moment  of 
delirium,"  forgot  all  else  and  answered:  "Let  us  die!" 

1  This  document  is  vouched  for  by  M.  Sech6,  who  cites  it  in  his  Raman 
de  Lamartine,  p.  142,  and  to  whom  it  was  communicated  by  the  Marquis  de 
Vendeuil,  who  wrote  M.  Seche  as  follows:  "As  far  as  Madame  Charles's 
sojourn  at  Aix  is  concerned,  you  are,  I  think,  entirely  right,  and,  like  you,  I 
can  only  discern  in  her  meeting  with  Lamartine  a  sentimental  romance. 
My  father,  who  shared  their  sojourn  at  Aix,  would  never  have  lent  himself 
as  a  party  to  their  love  had  it  been  a  guilty  one,  on  account  of  the  austere 
family  morals  of  the  circle  in  which  he  lived,  and  which  he  approved."  Cf. 
Notes,  op.  cit.,  p.  284.  (M.  de  Vignet  took  the  name  and  title  of  his 
mother's  family  —  De  Vendeuil.  Letter  from  Seche  to  author,  dated  April 
18,  1911.) 

.  •    I65  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


"I  already  bore  her  in  my  arms,"  he  writes,  "when  I 
felt  her  pale  face  fall  back  on  my  shoulder,  as  the 
weight  of  a  dead  thing,  and  her  body  bend  at  the  knees. 
.  .  .  The  thought  of  taking  advantage  of  her  fainting 
spell  to  force  her,  unconsciously  and  perhaps  unwillingly, 
to  share  my  own  grave,  seized  upon  me  with  sudden  hor- 
ror. I  tottered  under  my  burden :  I  laid  her  on  the  bench." 
Night  was  falling  when  Julie  regained  consciousness. 
Silently  her  lover  took  up  the  oars,  and  lost  in  reveries 
the  couple  crossed  the  lake  and  reached  Aix.  When 
later  in  the  evening  "  Raphael "  entered  her  room,  he  no- 
ticed that  several  open  letters  lay  scattered  on  the  tea- 
table.  Pointing  to  them  Julie  tearfully  murmured:  "We 
had  done  better  to  die  at  once,  for  there  is  the  lingering 
death  of  separation  which  is  to  begin  for  me."  l  The 
letters  urged  an  immediate  return  to  Paris,  where  the 
husband,  old  and  infirm,  anxiously  awaited  her  arrival. 
Julie  had  tarried  longer  than  at  first  intended,  owing  to 
her  meeting  with  the  young  poet,  and  already  the  first 
light  snows  had  fallen  in  the  valley:  it  was  imprudent 
to  delay  longer.  The  departure  was  accordingly  fixed 
for  the  next  day  but  one,  and  "Raphael"  declared  his 
intention  of  accompanying  her  post-chaise  as  far  as 
Lyons. 

On  this  last  day  the  lovers  wandered  off  to  the  lake 
shore.  On  the  point  of  rocks,  called  Saint- Innocent,  they 
sat  together,  close  to  the  placid  water,  gazing  out  over 
the  lake  to  the  ruins  of  the  ancient  Abbaye  de  Haute- 
Combe,  the  scene  of  their  romantic  meeting  scarce  a 
fortnight  since.  Eleven  months  later  Lamartine  was  to 
sit  alone  on  these  same  rocks,  the  same  beautiful  pros- 
pect before  him,  and  in  a  transport  of  fervid  improvi- 
sation "Le  Lac,"  perhaps  the  most  exquisite  of  his 
poems,  was  born. 

1  Raphael,  p.  266. 

.  -  1 66  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


"Ainsi,  toujours  pousses  vers  de  nouveaux  rivages 
Dans  la  nuit  6ternelle  emport6  sans  retour, 
Ne  pourrons-nous  jamais  sur  I'oc6an  des  Sges 
Jeter  1'ancre  un  seul  jour? 

"O  lac!  1'annee  £  peine  a  fini  sa  carriere, 
Et  pres  des  flots  churls  qu'elle  devait  revoir, 
Regarde!  je  viens  seul  m'asseoir  sur  cette  pierre 
Ou  tu  la  vis  s'asseoir!" 

As  the  lovers  sat  by  the  lake-side  on  this  mild  Octo- 
ber afternoon,  the  poor  consumptive,  knowing  full  well 
that  her  days  were  numbered,  threw  up  her  arms  to 
heaven,  exclaiming:  "These  skies,  these  shores,  this 
lake,  these  mountains  have  been  the  scene  of  my  only 
true  life  here  below.  Swear  to  me  to  fuse  so  completely 
in  your  memory  these  skies,  this  shore,  this  lake,  these 
mountains,  with  my  memory,  that  the  impression  of  this 
sacred  place  be  henceforth  inseparable  in  your  sight  from 
my  own  image;  that  these  surroundings  in  your  eyes,  and 
my  image  in  your  heart,  shall  form  but  one!" 

Julie  probably  did  not  express  herself  textually  as 
recorded  in  "Raphael."  Obviously  Lamartine  imparted 
a  retrospective  prophecy  to  her  words;  but  "Le  Lac," 
written,  as  we  know,  within  a  twelvemonth  of  their 
first  meeting,  indicates  that  some  such  promise  was 
exacted. 

Chamb£ry  was  the  first  stage  of  the  journey,  and  here, 
as  had  been  arranged,  they  were  met  by  Louis  de  Vignet, 
who  resided,  according  to  the  season,  in  the  town  or  its 
immediate  neighbourhood  at  Servolex.  In  "Raphael" 
Lamartine  takes  his  hero  and  heroine  on  a  pilgrimage  to 
"Les  Charmettes"  (the  scene  of  the  immortal  amours  of 
Jean  Jacques  Rousseau  and  Madame  de  Warens),  a 
copy  of  "Les  Confessions"  in  their  hands.  As  he  notes 
her  pensive  brooding  while  they  loiter  in  the  sanctuary  of 
these  famous  lovers,  "Raphael"  tenderly  questions  Julie 

.  •  167  -  - 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

as  to  its  cause.  "Alas!"  she  replies,  "you  will  hardly 
believe  me;  but  I  was  thinking  that  for  one  short  season 
I  would  like  to  be  Madame  de  Warens  to  you,  even  at 
the  price  she  paid,  abandonment  for  the  rest  of  my  days, 
and  the  shame  which  was  hers !  Even  should  you  prove  as 
ungrateful  and  such  a  slanderer  as  Rousseau!"  But  see- 
ing the  effect  this  imprudent  confession  has  upon  her 
lover,  Julie  hastily  adds:  "Let  us  go,  I  am  cold;  this 
place  is  not  good  for  us."  l 

This  visit  to  "Les  Charmettes"  is  doubtless  apocry- 
phal. M.  S6ch6  admits  it  unhesitatingly;  but  M.  Doumic 
believes  the  episode  to  be  imaginary;  a  reminiscence  of 
the  visit  Lamartine  paid  to  the  famous  shrine  in  1811, 
when  on  his  way  to  Italy.2  It  was  perhaps  the  analogy 
of  place  and  circumstance  which  prompted  its  inser- 
tion in  the  romantic  autobiography  when  the  author 
reviewed  in  memory  the  sentimental  events  of  his 
youth.  "For  our  part,"  writes  M.  Doumic  when  criti- 
cizing the  episode,  "we  should  have  had  scruples  in  men- 
tioning the  name  of  Madame  de  Warens  with  that  of 
'Elvire.'  But  Lamartine  has  set  the  example."  Scepti- 
cal as  to  the  platonism  of  the  relations  between  the 
lovers,  M.  Doumic,  recalling  the  fact  that  to  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau  Madame  de  Warens  was  "maman,"  as  was 
Madame  Charles  to  Lamartine,  discerns  in  this  coupling 
of  the  names  of  the  heroines  an  indication  no  conscien- 
tious historian  can  afford  to  overlook.  The  parallel  he 
draws  between  the  two  women,  both  victims  of  this 
"sorte  de  maternite  amoureuse,"  is  damaging  to  Julie, 
but  not  irrefutable.  Undoubtedly  there  are  passages  in 
Madame  Charles's  correspondence  with  her  lover  which 

1  Raphael,  p.  283. 

*  In  a  letter  to  the  author,  dated  Nice,  April  18,  1911,  M.  Sech6  writes: 
"It  is  certain  that  Lamartine  went  to  the  'Charmettes'  with  Madame 
Charles.  I  have  found  the  proof  of  it  in  a  letter  of  Lamartine's  to  Guichard 
de  Bienassis,  communicated  to  me  by  the  latter's  great-nephew." 

.  .  168  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


lend  themselves  not  at  all  to  a  platonic  interpretation; 
but  of  these  more  anon:  there  is  abundant  warrant  for 
belief  in  the  pure  sentimentalism  of  the  romance,  at  least 
while  the  lovers  dallied  at  Aix-les-Bains.1 

On  the  morning  of  October  29,  1816,  Julie  and  Lamar- 
tine,  accompanied  by  Louis  de  Vignet,  started  forth  on 
their  journey.  The  young  men  were  to  escort  the  in- 
valid as  far  as  Macon,  where  De  Vignet  would  remain  as 
his  friend's  guest  at  Milly  for  a  few  weeks.  The  party 
travelled  in  two  conveyances:  Madame  Charles  alone 
with  her  maid  2  in  a  closed  carriage,  which  was  followed 
by  the  small  open  post-chaise  the  friends  had  hired.  The 
road  led  over  the  mountains  to  the  west  of  Chambery, 
through  La  Tour  du  Pin  to  Lyons,  thence  up  the  broad 
valley  of  the  Sa6ne,  past  M<icon,  to  Dijon,  and  so  on  to 
Paris.  Madame  Charles  appears  to  have  suffered  greatly 
from  the  fatigue  of  the  journey:  just  prior  to  their  arrival 
at  Lyons  she  had  a  long  fainting  spell.  At  Macon,  which 
the  party  reached  on  the  evening  of  the  3Oth,  the  sepa- 
ration was  to  take  place,  and  Madame  Charles  to  start 
out  alone  next  morning  on  the  long  drive  to  Paris. 

In  "Raphael"  Lamartine  writes:  "We  hurried  our 
adieux,  fearing  to  aggravate  her  illness  by  prolonging 
painful  emotions";  and  he  adds:  "My  friend  left  for  my 
father's  country  place,  where  I  was  to  follow  him  on  the 
morrow."  Distracted,  however,  at  the  idea  of  the  frail 
invalid's  solitary  journey,  the  lover  determined  to  escort 
her  secretly  to  her  destination. 

Money  he  had  none,  but  he  was  a  man  of  resources. 
Taking  his  watch,  a  gold  chain,  some  trinkets,  his  epau- 
lettes, his  sword,  and  the  silver  lacings  of  his  uniform,  he 
offered  them  to  his  mother's  jeweller,  and  obtained 

1  Cf .  Lettres  (TElvire  a  Lamartine,  p.  52. 

1  Whose  name  was  Virginie.  Cf.  Seche,  Le  Roman  de  Lamartine,  p.  IOO; 
also  Raphael,  pp.  286  and  289. 

..  .   169  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


thirty-five  louis  for  the  lot.  With  this  sum  he  proposed  to 
follow  Julie's  carriage  at  a  respectful  distance,  unknown 
to  her,  in  order  to  be  at  hand  in  case  of  need.  Lamartine 
has  given  us,  in  "Raphael,"  a  circumstantial  account  of 
this  pilgrimage  of  love :  the  hotels  where  a  stop  was  made 
overnight  —  she  in  one  part  of  the  town,  he  in  another 
—  are  mentioned ;  the  incidents  of  the  journey  are  de- 
tailed, and  are,  under  the  circumstances,  highly  probable; 
yet  we  know  that  the  whole  account  is  a  pure  romantic 
fiction.  Lamartine  in  reality  bade  farewell  to  Madame 
Charles  at  Macon  in  the  early  morning  hours  of  October 
31,  1816,  and  a  few  hours  later,  accompanied  by  Louis 
de  Vignet,  was  warmly  welcomed  by  his  mother  at 
Milly.1  "Raphael"  followed  Julie  to  the  gates  of  Paris, 
and,  pushing  on  ahead,  reached  her  house  before  her. 
Hidden  in  the  street,  he  witnessed  her  arrival  and  her 
husband's  affectionate  greetings.  Next  morning  the 
lover  wrote  her ; "  I  followed  you.  Unperceived  I  watched 
over  you.  I  could  not  leave  you  until  I  knew  you  to  be 
in  the  care  of  those  who  love  you.  Yesterday,  at  mid- 
night, when  you  opened  the  window  and  sighed  to  the 
stars,  I  was  there.  You  might  have  heard  my  voice. 
When  you  read  these  lines,  I  shall  be  far  away!"  2 

Posting  in  all  haste,  day  and  night,  "Raphael"  re- 
joined his  friend  at  Milly,  as  if  he  were  "in  a  dream, 
and  with  hardly  a  recollection  of  having  been  to  Paris." 

This  chivalrous  adventure  is  characteristic,  and  without 
it  the  romance  would  have  been  incomplete.  But  it  is 
purely  imaginary.  The  expedition  to  Paris  and  back 
would  have  required  at  least  five  days.3  Had  Louis  de 
Vignet  presented  himself  alone  at  Milly,  how  could  he 
have  explained  Alphonse's  mysterious  absence?  An  en- 

1  Cf.  Sech£,  Le  Roman  de  Lamartine,  p.  162.  *  Raphael,  p.  292. 

1  Madame  Charles  reached  Paris  on  November  3,  1816.  Cf.  Seche,  op. 
tit.,  p.  165. 

.  .   170  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


try  in  the  "Journal"  of  Madame  de  Lamartine,  which 
her  son  suppressed  when  editing  the  diary  under  the 
title  of  "Le  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,"  has  recently  been 
made  public.  This  note  effectively  stultifies  the  legend 
of  the  sale  of  his  watch  and  other  trinkets  to  provide 
the  means  of  flight  to  Paris,  and  was  probably  omitted  by 
the  author  of "  Raphael "  on  that  account.  "We  remained 
at  Milly  until  the  first  days  of  November,"  Madame  de 
Lamartine  writes;  "Alphonse  with  M.  Vignet  joined  us 
there :  he  and  his  friend  remained  a  month  with  us.  I  was 
very  glad,  for  he  is  in  very  poor  health,  which  causes  him 
to  be  sad."  1  Madame  de  Lamartine  never  knew  of  her 
son's  attachment  to  Madame  Charles,  and  as  she  died 
before  "Raphael"  was  published,  she  naturally  attrib- 
uted the  young  man's  melancholy  to  ill  health.  A  month 
later  (December  8,  1816),  on  learning  of  the  return  of  his 
friend  Aymon  de  Virieu,  who  had  accompanied  the 
Due  de  Luxembourg  on  a  diplomatic  mission  to  Brazil, 
Alphonse  wrote:  "Nothing  has  changed  for  the  good  in 
my  position  during  these  eight  months.  My  heart  alone 
has  altered.  Alas!  I  was  happier  at  the  time  of  your  de- 
parture! I  come  from  Aix,  where  I  had  gone  for  liver 
complaint,  which  still  worries  me."  And  on  the  I2th  of 
the  same  month,  he  states:  "I  have  been  ^ere  for  the 
past  month.  Vignet  has  just  left.  He  accompanied  me 
from  Aix,  where  I  had  spent  a  month  for  my  health."  2 

Supposedly  it  is  to  be  with,  or  near,  Madame  Charles. 
Yet  it  is  certainly  disconcerting  to  read  a  few  lines 
farther  on:  "Ah !  find  me,  at  ten,  twenty,  or  thirty  leagues 
from  Paris,  une  sous-prefecture!  Or  get  yourself  sent  to 
Italy,  and  take  me  with  you  —  with  a  salary,  be  it  un- 
derstood." 

< 

1  M.  Seche  (in  Annales  romantiques,  vol.  vm,  p.  44),  to  whom  it  was  com- 
municated by  M.  Dureault,  perpetual  secretary  of  the  Academic  de  Macon. 
*  Correspondance,  cxxi. 

.  .    171   .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Such  contradictory  sentiments  are  common  in  La- 
martine's  intimate  correspondence,  and  they  frequently 
baffle  the  psychologist  who  seeks  to  penetrate  beneath 
the  surface  and  lay  bare  his  soul.  Of  the  love  of  Madame 
Charles  for  Lamartine  there  can  be  no  question:  we 
have  several  of  her  letters  which  prove  beyond  the 
shadow  of  a  doubt  its  intensity.  But  at  this  moment, 
November  and  December,  1816,  how  deeply  were  his 
affections  engaged?  How  great  a  part  did  his  imagina- 
tion play  at  this  stage  of  the  adventure?  To  what  extent 
was  the  poetic  temperament  responsible  for  the  sequel? 
It  is  understood,  of  course,  that  we  are  dealing  with  the 
reality  —  the  effusions  of" Raphael"  are  beside  the  ques- 
tion, for  they  are  retrospective.  We  are  dealing,  moreover, 
solely  with  the  couple  of  months  at  Milly  which  preceded 
the  visit  to  Paris,  after  which  affairs  assumed  a  more 
definite  character.  Of  documentary  evidence  there  is 
hardly  a  shred,  for  none  of  Lamartine' s  letters  to  Julie 
Charles  have  been  preserved.  The  arguments  for  and 
against  the  passionate  character  of  his  attachment  at 
this  period  must  consequently  be  purely  deductive; 
and  inferential  evidence  is  apt  to  be  misleading.  How  far 
was  the  subjectivity  of  Lamartine's  nature  influenced  by 
the  environment  in  which  he  suddenly  found  himself? 
The  attraction  of  forbidden  fruit  is  always  potent,  and 
the  natural  vanity  of  a  young  man  is  apt  to  be  tickled 
when  he  finds  himself  adored  by  an  older,  but  still  beau- 
tiful woman,  who  combines  knowledge  of  the  world  with 
sentiment.  Perhaps  neither  of  these  considerations  suffice 
to  explain  the  undeniable  infatuation  Lamartine  ex- 
perienced for  Madame  Charles:  certainly  both  must  have 
withered  under  the  parching  influences  of  a  long  separa- 
tion bereft  of  the  vivifying  stimulus  of  a  soulful  corre- 
spondence. But  Lamartine's  ardour  was  not  allowed  to 
cool.  Daily  letters  were  despatched  to  Mctcon  from 

•  -  172  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


Paris,  and  if  we  judge  by  the  four  examples  which  have 
been  preserved,  the  flames  of  love  were  abundantly  fed. 
Nevertheless,  Lamartine's  willingness,  nay,  eagerness, 
to  accompany  Virieu  to  Italy  is  strange:  unless,  indeed, 
it  were  a  feint,  designed  to  prod  his  friend  to  negotia- 
tions necessitating  a  journey  to  Paris. 

The  "dream  woman"  of  the  letter  to  Virieu  in  1814 
took  form  and  substance  when  Lamartine  met  Julie  in 
1816.  But,  as  M.  Anatole  France  remarks,  that  he 
loved  her  "  autant  que  1  'homme  sur  la  terre  aima  jamais," 
is  susceptible  of  doubt. 

"He  was  doubtless  capable,"  writes  the  great  French 
critic,  "of  religious  effusions,  of  lyrical  outbursts,  of 
amorous  ardours,  if  you  will :  but  he  had  his  share  of  the 
egotism  which  is  one  of  the  virtues  of  the  man  of  genius." 
M.  France  admits  that  Lamartine  loved  Julie:  "Mais 
elle  fut  surtout  pour  lui  un  motif  lyrique  dont  il  tira  des 
effets  merveilleux." l  Without  agreeing  uncondition- 
ally with  M.  France  it  would  seem  .permissible  to  assume 
that,  prior  to  the  visit  to  Paris,  sentimentalism  held  a 
larger  place  than  passion  in  Lamartine's  infatuation  for 
Madame  Charles.  That  the  young  man  suffered  heart- 
ache during  those  two  months  of  separation  is  unde- 
niable: but,  as  there  has  been  frequent  occasion  to  note 
in  these  pages,  Lamartine  was  temperamentally  melan- 
choly, and  during  his  youth  Milly  and  its  neighbour- 
hood exercised  a  decidedly  depressing  influence  over 
him.  M.  Seche  has  quite  recently  unearthed  a  letter 
written  on  January  2,  1817  (two  days  before  Lamartine 
started  to  rejoin  Julie  in  Paris),  which  is  of  peculiar  psy- 
chological interest.  It  is,  so  far  as  known,  the  only  scrap 
of  contemporaneous  documentary  evidence  which  has 
survived.  The  epistle  is  addressed  to  Madame  de  Pierre- 
clos,  a  neighbour  with  whom  Lamartine  was  on  inti- 

1  L'Elvire  de  Lamartine,  p.  59. 
.  .   173  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


mate  terms.1  His  correspondent  had  known  him,  he 
writes,  at  a  period  when  the  futility  of  his  thoughts  and 
the  instability  of  his  character  made  him  an  object  un- 
worthy of  her  true  esteem.  To-day  he  had  learnt  wis- 
dom, after  passing  through  all  manner  of  misfortunes, 
and  sustaining  the  loss  of  all  illusions.2 

It  is  undoubtedly  to  Madame  Charles  that  the  writer 
refers.  The  exchange  of  daily  letters  between  the 
lovers  began  immediately  after  their  separation.3  What 
M.  Anatole  France  has  termed  "the  chaste  lascivious- 
ness"  uniformly  underlying  the  scenes  depicted  in  "Ra- 
phael" is  nowhere  more  noticeable  than  in  the  descrip- 
tions Lamartine  has  put  into  his  hero's  mouth  when 
describing  this  correspondence.  No  impatient  and  pas- 
sionate lover  could  have  been  consumed  with  a  more 
apparently  sensuous  ardour  than  was  the  professedly 
platonic  "  Raphael."  On  the  receipt  of  a  letter  from  the 
loved  one  in  Paris  he  fled  to  his  room,  there  to  devour  it 
uninterrupted.  "With  how  many  tears,  with  how  many 
kisses  I  covered  the  paper!  Alas,  and,  when,  years  later, 
I  reopened  the  packet  of  letters^  how  many  words  were 
lacking  in  the  phrases ;  words  which  my  tears  or  raptures 
had  obliterated  and  torn!"  No  paper  was  large  enough 
for  the  lover's  effusions:  "If  the  Heavens  had  been  one 
huge  page,  and  God  had  bade  me  cover  it  with  my  love, 
such  a  page  would  not  have  been  large  enough  to  contain 
all  that  I  felt  within  me." 4  Yet  in  this  duel  of  amorous 
sentimentality,  this  chaste  epistolary  lasciviousness,  Julie 
was  the  acknowledged  victor.  "  But  in  spite  of  my  con- 
tinuous effort  and  the  perpetual  tension  of  my  young  and 

1  Cf.  Annales  romantiqttes,  vol.  vin,  p.  45.  The  poet  later  adopted  and 
educated  her  son,  who  afterward  married  his  niece,  Alix  de  Cessiat. 

*  Cf.  Annales  romantiques,  vol.  vm.  Letter  communicated  to  M.  S£ch6 
by  M.  Barthou. 

*  Raphael,  p.  295. 

4  Cf.  Raphael,  pp.  295-303;  also  R.  Doumic,  Lettres  d'Elvire  d  Lamar- 
tine, p.  i. 

•  •   174  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


burning  imagination  to  infuse  into  my  letters  the  fire 
which  consumed  me,  to  create  a  language  to  interpret  my 
sighs,  and  to  carry  my  soul,  poured  out  passionately  on 
the  paper,  across  the  distance  which  separated  us,  in  the 
struggle  against  impotent  expression,  I  was  always  beaten 
by  Julie.  Her  letters  had  more  vigour  in  one  phrase  than 
mine  in  eight  pages."  And  after  a  rapturous  description 
of  the  "fire  and  flame"  of  these  epistles,  " Raphael "- 
Lamartine  goes  on  to  state:  "I  have  found  them  again, 
all  these  letters.  Page  by  page  I  have  fingered  them.  .  .  . 
I  have  re-read  them,  and  I  have  burnt  them,  weeping 
as  over  the  committal  of  a  crime.  Je  les  ai  bruises 
parce  que  la  cendre  meme  en  cut  £t£  trop  chaude  pour 
la  terre,  et  je  1'ai  jetee  aux  vents  du  ciel." :  As  we  know, 
all  these  letters  were  not  consigned  to  the  flames.  For 
one  reason  or  another  Lamartine  piously  preserved  four 
of  Julie's  ardent  outpourings  in  a  secret  drawer  of  his 
writing-table  at  Saint-Point.2 

In  referring  to  this  love  in  his  "M6moires  politiques," 
published  in  1863,  Lamartine  states  that  its  origin  was 
to  be  found  in  melancholy,  "  It  was  the  fortuitous  meet- 
ing of  two  beings  discouraged  with  life  before  they  had 
tasted  it.  Of  melancholy  it  was  born,  on  melancholy  it 
fed,  and  on  this  diet  it  lived  and  died." 3 

Metaphysics,  a  gentle  and  unconvincing  pessimism 
pregnant  with  the  prevailing  romanticism  of  the  Cha- 
teaubriand type,  would  seem  to  have  formed  the  essence 
of  Lamartine's  letters  to  Julie.  Unfortunately  not  a 
single  line  of  authentic  testimony  remains  to  substan- 
tiate this  opinion,  which  is  based  on  the  authority  of 
"Raphael"  alone.  Nevertheless,  unreliable  as  this  ro- 
mantic chronicle  is,  the  descriptions  of  "Julie's"  corre- 

1  Raphael,  p.  301. 

1  Published  by  M.  Doumic  in  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  vol.  XXV,  pp.  574- 
602  (1905);  cf.  also  Leltres  d'Elvire  a  Lamartine,  p.  i. 
1  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  57. 

.  .   175  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

spondence  with  the  hero  tally  with  the  specimens  we  pos- 
sess of  Madame  Charles's  letters  to  Lamartine.  It  would, 
therefore,  seem  not  unreasonable  to  assume  that  the 
tenor  of  the  lover's  replies  has  also  been  more  or  less  faith- 
fully recorded.  Failing  other  documentary  evidence, 
however,  we  agree  with  M.  Anatole  France  that  it  is  in 
Lamartine's  contemporaneous  poetry  that  we  can  most 
confidently  seek  for  the  impressions  this  great  love 
stamped  upon  his  soul.  Open  the  "Meditations"  and 
turn  to  those  exquisite  elegies  "Le  Lac,"  "L'lmmor- 
talite,"  "Le  Temple,"  "Le  Crucifix,"  and  the  living 
image  of  Julie  stands  revealed  together  with  the  immac- 
ulate sentiments  she  inspired.1  Whatever  the  relations 
between  Lamartine  and  Madame  Charles  may  have 
been,  chaste  or  profane,  the  limpid  purity,  the  lofty 
spirituality,  of  this  poetry,  for  the  birth  of  which  she  was 
directly  responsible,  is  beyond  all  cavil.  It  was  an  ideal 
that  Lamartine  loved,  perhaps,  but  Julie  was  not  un- 
worthy of  the  idealization  to  which  she  was  subjected. 

"Raphael"  would  have  us  believe  that  it  was  at  the 
end  of  December  that  he  eventually  overcame  all  ob- 
stacles and  started  to  rejoin  Julie  in  Paris;  and  in  the 
romance  of  that  name,  the  hero  reached  the  capital  on 
Christmas  Day.  An  unpublished  entry  in  Madame  de 
Lamartine's  "Journal,"  however,  specifically  fixes  the 
4th  of  January,  1817,  as  the  date  of  her  son's  departure 
for  Paris,  where  he  arrived  on  the  8th.  Referring  to  her 
son,  the  anxious  mother  writes:  "The  waters  of  Aix  have 
done  him  great  good.  Nevertheless,  he  is  not  very  strong ; 
and  this  trip  to  Paris  also  worries  me.  But  he  desired  it 
so  ardently  that  there  was  no  means  of  gainsaying  him, 
especially  as  our  relations  here  approved,  and  his  uncle 
gave  him  some  money  for  the  purpose."  Steps  to  be 

1  Cf.  L'Elvire  de  Lamartine,  p.  61;  cf.  also  Charles  de  Pomairols,  Lamar- 
tine (Paris,  Hachette,  1889),  p.  23. 

••176.. 


MADAME  CHARLES 


taken  to  secure  a  position  either  in  diplomacy  or  in  the 
administration,  formed  the  ostensible  object  of  the  jour- 
ney :  but  the  mother  fears  they  will  prove  sterile. 

This  destroys  another  of  the  picturesque  literary  fic- 
tions of  "  Raphael."  Readers  of  that  imaginative  chron- 
icle will  remember  how  the  hero  moved  them  with  the 
recital  of  his  mother's  pathetic  abnegation.  "  My  mother, 
who  witnessed  my  anguish  without  knowing  its  true 
cause,  took  from  the  last  of  her  jewel  cases,  which  all 
had  been  emptied  on  my  behalf,  a  large  diamond  ring: 
the  only  gem  remaining  to  her  of  the  trinkets  of  her 
youth.  Weeping  the  while,  she  slipped  it  surreptitiously 
into  my  hand." 

According  to  "Raphael"  this  was  the  price  of  the 
journey  to  Paris,  which  was  undertaken  solely,  in  the 
mother's  estimation,  to  further  her  son's  chances  of  se- 
curing a  diplomatic  or  administrative  appointment. 
"'Here  is  my  last  jewel,'"  sorrowfully  admits  "Ra- 
phael's "  mother.  "  I  promised  my  mother  to  part  with  it 
only  in  case  of  supreme  necessity.  '  Take  it,  sell  it ;  may 
the  price  serve  to  keep  you  some  weeks  in  Paris.'  "  l 

As  we  know,  De  Virieu  had,  at  Lamartine's  urgent 
request,  prepared  the  ground  for  the  trip  to  Paris  by 
holding  out  the  hope  that  his  presence  might  facilitate 
the  coveted  appointment.  Influenced,  doubtlessly,  by 
the  young  diplomatist's  opinion,  the  uncle  had  come  to 
his  nephew's  assistance,  and  provided  the  necessary  funds. 

To  add  to  the  gloom  of  separation  a  cloud  had  dark- 
ened the  serenity  of  the  correspondence  between  the 
lovers.  Lamartine,  sometime  during  the  month  of  De- 
cember, forwarded  to  Julie  copies  of  the  elegies  and  love 
poems  he  purposed  publishing.  Among  these  were  sev- 
eral dedicated  to  "Elvire,"  the  name  given  by  the  poet 
to  "Graziella,"  the  little  Neapolitan  maid  whose  history 

1  Raphael,  p.  303. 
.   .    ,77  .   . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


has  been  told.  Julie's  jealousy  was  aroused.  A  long  let- 
ter, written  during  the  silent  watches  of  the  night,  the 
result  of  some  perhaps  not  very  discreet  explanations 
given  by  Virieu,  was  despatched  to  Mclcon.  "Who  will 
give  you  back  'Elvire'?"  writes  the  distracted  woman. 
"Even  in  her  tomb  this  angelic  creature  inspires  me  with 
a  religious  terror.  I  see  her  such  as  you  have  painted 
her,  and  I  ask  myself  what  pretensions  I  can  have  to 
occupy  the  place  she  held  in  your  heart.  Alphonse,  she 
must  keep  her  place,  and  I  must  ever  remain  your 
'mother.'  You  called  me  'mother,'  when  I  thought  I 
merited  a  more  tender  appellation.  But  now  that  I  know 
all  Elvire  was  to  you,  I  realize  that  it  was  not  without 
due  reflection  that  you  felt  you  could  be  only  a  child  to 
me."  This  long  letter  was  followed  next  morning  by 
another  wherein  Julie  quotes  the  conversation  with  Vi- 
rieu, during  which  it  would  appear  the  young  man  had 
"damned"  the  poor  Neapolitan  lass  with  faint  praise. 
"  Yes!  she  was  an  excellent  little  person,  full  of  heart,  and 
who  greatly  regretted  Alphonse.  But  she  died  of  grief, 
poor  thing.  She  idolized  him.  She  could  not  survive  his 
departure.  ..."  Madame  Charles  was  horrified  at  the 
lightness  of  the  tone  in  which  Virieu  spoke;  as  well  as 
the  slight  importance  he  seemed  to  attach  to  the  inci- 
dent. "Is  it  possible,  Alphonse,"  she  cries,  "that  Elvire 
was  an  ordinary  woman,  and  that  you  loved  her,  that  you 
praised  her  as  you  have  done?  If  that  be  so,  dear  Al- 
phonse, what  a  fate  awaits  me!  You  have  praised  me 
also,  you  exalt  me,  and  you  love  me  because  you  think 
me  a  superior  being!  But  if  the  illusion  ceases;  if  some 
one  rend  aside  the  veil!  What  will  remain,  since  you 
can  so  deceive  yourself  in  your  judgment?  Is  it  only 
your  imagination  which  takes  fire,  oh !  my  well-beloved  ? 
And  like  so  many  men  do  you  only  believe  in  your  heart's 
dreams  until  reason  destroys  them?  ...  If  some  day  it 

.  .  178  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


were  said  to  you  of  me:  *C'£tait  une  bonne  femme, 
pleine  de  cceur,  qui  vous  aimait,'  would  you  still  love 
me?  Oh!  no,  certainly  I  would  not  have  you  love  me 
under  such  conditions;  it  would  be  lowering  yourself."  * 

Jealousy  can  be  traced  in  every  line:  the  retrospec- 
tive jealousy  of  a  woman  only  half  resigned,  and  as  yet 
unable  to  accept  with  equanimity  the  place  in  her  lover's 
heart  which  another  has  left  untenanted.  She  resents 
his  apparent  incapacity  to  love  her  otherwise  than  as  a 
mother,  yet  accepts  the  platonic  affection  for  fear  of  de- 
stroying all. 

"Raphael"  tells  a  different  tale.  The  impression  con- 
veyed in  this  pseudo-confession  is  that  the  ardent  lover 
with  difficulty  overcame  his  carnal  appetites;  that  his 
struggles  with  lust  were  victorious  only  by  virtue  of 
Julie's  pathetic  pleadings;  that  it  was  she  who  insisted 
on  the  immateriality  of  their  relations.  M.  S6ch£,  in 
commenting  on  the  above-cited  letters,  would  seem  to 
accuse  De  Vignet  of  having  urged  Lamartine  to  send  the 
elegies  to  Julie  with  a  view  to  profiting  by  the  jealousy 
they  were  likely  to  provoke;  and  to  believe  that  De 
Virieu  had  then  been  requested  by  his  friend  to  efface 
the  painful  impression  the  poems,  inspired  by  "Gra- 
ziella,"  had  undoubtedly  produced.2  If  this  be  so,  the 
young  diplomatist  made  a  sad  mess  of  the  mission  with 
which  he  was  entrusted:  Madame  Charles,  although  no 
lover  of  verse,  had  read  the  poems  with  pleasure  (we 
need  not  take  literally  her  assertion  that  she  "devoured" 
them),  principally  because  they  were  the  work  of  her 
adorer.  Until  De  Virieu  opened  her  eyes  "Graziella" 
meant  little  more  than  a  poetic  vision;  a  symbol  ideal- 
ized by  an  imagination  which  turned  all  it  touched  to 

1  Letters  published  by  Doumic,  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  vol.  xxv, 
pp.  574-602  (1905). 

*  Cf.  Le  Roman  de  Lamartine,  p.  195. 

•  •    179  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAM ARTINE 


purest  gold.  When  the  true  history  of  Lamartine's  rela- 
tions with  the  fisherman's  amorous  daughter  was  re- 
vealed to  her,  jealousy,  mingled  with  wounded  pride, 
possessed  her.  That  Lamartine  should  have  exalted  this 
"femme  ordinaire"  as  he  had  exalted  her  was  humiliat- 
ing. She  strongly,  and  not  unnaturally,  objected  to  be- 
ing classed  in  her  lover's  mind  with  the  little  Neapolitan 
grisette.  With  an  eye  on  posterity  she  protested  at  being 
one  day  styled  "une  bonne  femme,  pleine  de  cceur,"  who 
had  loved  the  poet  Lamartine.  And  yet  in  the  end  she 
yields :  her  love  overcomes  all  other  considerations :  and 
she  terminates:  "Well,  I  see  clearly  enough  that  your 
friend  was  right:  we  are  des  femmes  pleines  de  cceur.  I 
ought  to  have  grasped  the  distinction.  Forgive  me,  my 
love,  all  that  my  misinterpretation  caused  me  to  say :  but 
remember  my  well-grounded  fears!" 

Although  Lamartine  was  still  at  Macon  when  Julie 
penned  her  letters  of  January  I  and  2,  1817,  he  could  not 
have  received  them  there,  as  he  started  for  Paris  on  the 
4th,  and  the  post  took  four  days  to  accomplish  the  jour- 
ney between  the  capital  and  Macon .  l  Undoubtedly, 
before  he  read  them,  a  verbal  explanation  had  taken 
place  between  Madame  Charles  and  the  quondam  wor- 
shipper at "  Graziella's  "  humble  shrine.  "  Raphael "  hints 
at  no  misunderstanding  between  the  lovers  when  they 
met,  and  beyond  the  letters  M.  Doumic  has  published 
no  documents  are  available  which  might  furnish  a  clearer 
comprehension.  In  "Raphael"  we  read  that  Virieu  was 
minutely  informed  concerning  the  peculiar  character  of 
the  passionate  adoration  which  existed  between  the  lov- 
ers: "Convaincu  de  la  nature  surnaturelle  et  sainte  de 

votre  attachement,  V considerait  votre  amour  comme 

une  vertu.  II  ne  rougissait  pas  d'en  £tre  le  confident  et 
I'intermediaire."  * 

1  Cf.  Annales  romantiques,  loc.  «/.,  p.  46.  *  Raphael,  p.  306. 

•  .    l8o  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


Yet  Julie's  epistles  are  such  frenzied  appeals  that  the 
door  is  open  to  doubt.  "In  order  to  prove  to  you  that 
I  love  you  beyond  everything,  unjust  child!  I  would  be 
capable  of  leaving  all  in  the  world;  of  throwing  myself 
at  your  feet,  crying:  'Dispose  of  me  as  you  will,  I  am 
your  slave.  I  ruin  myself,  but  I  am  happy.  I  have  sacri- 
ficed all  to  you,  reputation,  honour,  position.  What 
matters  it!  I  prove  to  you  that  I  adore  you.  .  .  .'"  There 
are  pages  of  such  ravings.1  The  unhappy  woman  in- 
vokes death  as  the  only  release  from  her  sufferings 
should  her  lover  abandon  her;  and  again  and  again  ex- 
presses herself  ready  to  make  any  sacrifices  on  the  altar 
of  Love. 

M.  Doumic  believes  in  the  consummation  of  her  sac- 
rifice. M.  S£ch6  indignantly  refutes  the  implication; 
basing  his  conviction  on  the  well-known  and  acknowl- 
edged extravagant  mental  exaltation  of  the  invalid.  The 
evidences  of  guilt  being  purely  circumstantial,  many 
are  inclined  to  adopt  the  latter 's  more  charitable  inter- 
pretation.* 

The  passionate  letters,  burning  with  a  love-fire  the 
writer  makes  no  effort  to  conceal,  need  not  be  cited  in 
extenso;  enough  has  been  given  in  order  to  form  an 
opinion. 

When  the  lovers  met  in  Paris  (on  the  evening  of 
Wednesday,  January  8,  1817)  all  traces  of  their  quarrel 
would  seem  to  have  disappeared.  On  his  arrival  Lamar- 
tine  was  met  by  his  friend  Aymon  de  Virieu,  who  had 
offered  to  share  with  him  the  rooms  he  occupied  in  the 
H6tel  de  Richelieu,  rue  Neuve-Saint-Augustin.  Barely 

1  Doumic,  op.  tit.,  p.  33. 

1  Cf.  Annales  romantiques,  vol.  vin;  also  Dur6ault,  La  premiere  passion 
de  La-marline.  M.  Emile  Faguet,  in  his  Amours  d'hommes  de  leltres,  p.  256, 
holds  the  opinion  that  at  one  time  or  another  Madame  Charles  and  Lamar- 
tine  were  lovers  in  the  most  intimate  sense  of  the  word,  and  that  it  was 
Lamartine  who  insisted  on  styling  himself  her  "child,"  although  Julie  pas- 
sionately desired  another  kind  of  love. 

.  .  181  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


taking  the  time  to  remove  the  stains  of  travel  from  his 
dress,  the  ardent  lover,  accompanied  by  De  Virieu,  started 
forth  on  foot  for  Madame  Charles's  abode  in  the  Insti- 
tut  de  France,  where  M.  Charles  had  been  allotted  an 
apartment  as  a  member  of  that  body. 

"We  went  together  under  the  window  which  I  already 
knew,"  writes  "Raphael."  "There  were  three  carriages 
at  the  door.  V.  went  upstairs.  I  waited  for  him  at  the 
spot  agreed  upon.  How  long  it  seemed,  the  hour  dur- 
ing which  I  waited !  ...  At  last  V.  appeared.  I  rushed 
forward  to  meet  him.  He  left  me,  and  I  mounted  the 
stair."  * 

"  Raphael "  then  gives  a  fantastic  account  of  the  meet- 
ing of  the  lovers,  and  draws  a  picture  of  Julie  standing 
alone  in  the  lamplight,  leaning  on  the  mantelpiece,  her 
whole  attitude  one  of  intense  expectation.  In  her  pres- 
ence "Raphael"  is  struck  dumb  with  emotion.  He  falls 
on  his  knees  before  her  and  kisses  the  carpet  where  her 
feet  have  stood.  Julie,  herself  speechless,  strokes  her 
lover's  hair,  and  overpowered  by  her  feelings  kneels  be- 
side him  on  the  floor.  This  attitude  of  mutual  adoration 
is,  however,  opportunely  terminated  by  a  knock  at  the 
street  door  and  the  appearance  of  M.  de  Bonald,  the 
friend  and  philosopher  to  whom,  at  Julie's  request,  La- 
martine  addressed  some  verses  from  Aix-les-Bains. 

In  the  romance  the  lover  soon  yields  his  place  to  the 
new  arrival,  and,  taking  his  leave  about  midnight,  wan- 
ders for  hours  along  the  quays,  to  calm  the  fever  which 
burns  his  blood. 

M.  Doumic  discovered  at  Saint-Point  a  letter  from 
Julie  to  Lamartine,  which,  while  somewhat  vague  in 
detail,  supplies  the  only  authentic  version  of  their  meet- 
ing. The  letter  is  dated  Wednesday,  at  half-past  eleven 
at  night,  and  was  written  as  soon  as  Madame  Charles 

1  Raphael,  p.  308. 
•  •   182  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


had  seen  the  last  of  her  visitors  depart.1  "Was  it  really 
you,  Alphonse,  whom  I  have  but  just  held  in  my  arms, 
and  who  has  vanished  as  happiness  vanishes?  I  ask 
myself  whether  it  was  not  a  celestial  apparition  sent  me 
by  God;  whether  it  will  be  renewed,  and  I  shall  see 
again  the  beloved  child,  the  angel  I  adore!"  The  writer 
accuses  unknown  persons  of  having  cruelly  separated 
them,  causing  "ice"  to  freeze  their  mutual  feelings.  And 
again:  "To-morrow  I  am  unfortunately  not  free  till  half- 
past  twelve.  I  go  to  the  Palace  with  M.  Charles  to  fulfil 
some  formality;  I  go  at  half-past  eleven.  I  shall  be  occu- 
pied an  hour.  Wait  for  me  at  your  lodging,  my  angel.  I 
will  come  as  soon  as  I  am  free,  and  will  ask  for  you,  and 
take  you  off  to  spend  the  remainder  of  the  morning  to- 
gether." Then  follows  a  passionate  appeal  that  he  write 
assuring  her  that  he  really  loves  her,  and  reiterating  her 
own  adoration.  After  some  lines  of  grateful  thanks  to 
Virieu  for  the  part  he  has  played  in  bringing  the  lovers 
together,  she  continues:  "Dors  done,  ami  de  mon  cceur! 
dors  et  qu'a  ton  reVeil  cette  lettre  que  tu  recevras  avec 
tendresse  te  soit  remise!  Mon  ange!  mon  amour!  mon 
enfant!  ta  mere  te  b£nit!  et  benit  ton  retour!" 

This  is  all  that  remains  of  the  correspondence;  but 
letters,  although  now  scarcely  necessary,  since  the  lovers 
met  daily,  were  still  exchanged.  "These  were  the  fullest 
days  of  my  life,"  writes  "Raphael,"  "because  they  con- 
tained but  one  single  thought  enshrined  in  my  soul  as  a 
perfume  of  which  one  might  fear  to  lose  a  fraction  by 
exposure  to  the  outer  air."  2 

There  followed  a  period  of  extremest  bliss.  In  his 
"  Memoires  politiques  "  Lamartine  writes:  "M.  Briffaut 

1  M.  Doumic  has  committed  a  chronological  error  in  placing  this  letter 
the  first  in  the  series,  and  in  supposing  its  date  to  be  Christmas  Day,  1816. 
There  is  irrefutable  evidence,  supplied  by  the  journal  intime  of  Madame 
Lamartine,  that  the  date  should  be  Wednesday,  January  8,  1817. 

1  Raphael,  p.  312. 

.  .   183  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


tells  in  his  memoirs  that  he  often  met  me  on  the  bridges 
of  Paris,  giving  my  arm  to  a  tall  and  beautiful  woman, 
languid  and  frail,  whom  he  took  for  my  sister,  and  who 
he  afterwards  learnt  was  a  Creole  seeking  the  warmth 
of  her  own  climate,  in  order  to  prolong  her  young  life, 
along  the  sheltered  walks  of  the  quai  du  Louvre." l 

"Raphael"  would  have  us  believe  that  he  rose  with 
the  first  gleam  of  light  which  filtered  through  his  cur- 
tains, and  that  he  began  his  day  with  a  long  letter  to 
Julie.  The  morning  was  devoted  to  study.  As  we  know, 
M.  Charles  was  among  the  foremost  intellectual  lights 
of  his  day.  His  wife's  salon  in  the  Institut  de  France 
was  the  daily  rendezvous  of  men  of  distinguished  culture, 
prominent  in  the  world  of  science,  politics,  and  litera- 
ture. The  young  man  feared  lest  in  the  eyes  of  his  mis- 
tress he  appear  out  of  place  among  these  savants.  Love 
spurred  him  to  emulate  their  learning.  During  the  cold 
winter  Julie  left  her  fireside  but  rarely,  and  meetings 
with  her  lover  during  the  day  were  rare  and  far  between. 
On  his  side  Lamartine,  having  no  aim  beyond  being  with 
the  object  of  his  adoration,  remained  indoors  spending 
the  hours  of  daylight  at  his  work-table.  A  curly-headed 
child,  the  porter's  son,  and  a  stray  dog  he  had  adopted, 
were  his  constant  companions.  Thus  he  read  and  pon- 
dered the  classics,  pored  over  the  philosophers  of  Greece 
and  Rome,  the  historians  and  orators  of  antiquity,  lin- 
gered admiringly  over  Cicero,  and  passionately  de- 
voured Tacitus.  "I  loved  with  passion  also  the  orators. 
I  studied  them  with  the  presentiment  of  a  man  who  will 
one  day  have  occasion  to  harangue  unheeding  crowds, 
and  who  must  know  beforehand  the  keyboard  of  human 
audiences.  Demosthenes,  Cicero,  Mirabeau,  above  all 
Lord  Chatham,  more  modern,  to  my  eyes  more  striking 
than  all  others,  because  his  inspired  and  lyrical  eloquence 
1  Mbnoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  60. 
.  .  184  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


is  a  prophecy  rather  than  an  appeal."  l  The  speeches 
of  Pitt  and  Fox  followed  as  a  natural  consequence  in 
this  curriculum,  and  from  historical  and  oratorical  stud- 
ies he  drifted  to  politics,  for  the  discussion  of  which  the 
Restoration  offered  a  fertile  field.  Plunging  yet  deeper 
into  the  maze  with  De  Virieu  as  his  guide,  he  struggled 
with  the  perplexing  problems  presented  by  the  science 
of  political  economy.  "Raphael"  frankly  confesses  (and 
it  must  be  remembered  that  this  confession  is  made  by 
Lamartine  in  1847)  that,  after  having  read  and  dis- 
cussed all  that  was  then  available  concerning  this  most 
abstract  of  sciences,  he  found  himself  in  face  of  some 
"theoretical  principles  true  as  generalities,  doubtful  in 
application,  ambitious  in  their  pretension  to  be  classed 
as  absolute  truths,  often  empty  and  false  as  to  formu- 
las." Disgruntled,  the  future  legislator,  the  statesman 
who  was  to  render  inestimable  service  to  his  country  in 
her  hour  of  need,  threw  his  books  aside  and  "awaited 
light."  2 

Mention  has  been  made  of  a  political  pamphlet  which 
Lamartine  wrote  during  this  visit  to  Paris:  "Quelle  est 
la  place  qu'une  noblesse  peut  occuper  en  France  dans 
un  gouvernement  constitutionnel?"  Positive  and  irre- 
futable evidence  we  have  none;  but  it  would  seem  prob- 
able that  there  is  confusion  in  "Raphael"  as  to  the 
period  when  this  political  treatise  was  written.  If  we 
credit  the  account  given  in  that  volume  of  more  or  less 
supposititious  souvenirs,  the  young  student  produced 
his  pamphlet  between  January  and  April,  1817.  But  in 
the  letter  to  his  uncle,  dated  from  Paris,  November  II, 
1815,  Lamartine  dwells,  it  will  be  remembered,  at  some 
length  on  a  treatise  he  had  just  finished.  In  "Raphael," 
Lamartine  states  that  the  essay  so  pleased  prominent 
men  whom  he  met  in  Madame  Charles's  salon  that  the 
1  Raphail,  p.  317.  *  Ibid.,  p.  320. 

.  •   185  •  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


archives  of  the  Foreign  Office  were  thrown  open  to  him, 
and  that  twice  a  week  he  passed  several  hours  studying 
the  diplomatic  documents  kept  there.1 

Madame  Charles  had,  of  course,  introduced  her  young 
admirer  to  her  husband,  or,  as  Lamartine  puts  it,  to  the 
old  man  who  stood  in  lieu  of  a  father  to  her.  The  old 
savant  received  him  cordially,  for  if,  in  tne  beginning 
of  his  wife's  intimacy  with  the  stranger  on  the  shores  of 
Lake  Bourget,  he  had  had  some  hesitation  as  to  the 
propriety  of  the  friendship,  the  passages  Julie  read  her 
husband  from  Lamartine's  letters  had  reassured  him  as 
to  the  nature  of  the  mutual  attraction,  while  one  glance 
at  the  young  man's  face  completely  set  at  rest  his  suspi- 
cions. "Raphael"  was  soon  taken  to  the  old  physicist's 
heart.  M.  Charles  undertook  to  give  him  instruction  in 
the  sciences,  and  many  hours  were  spent  in  the  library 
poring  over  ponderous  tomes.  Of  course  Julie  assisted 
at  these  lessons:  and  therein  lay  their  charm,  for  the 
sciences  had  little  attraction  for  Lamartine.2 

Madame  Charles  delighted  in  lending  a  helping  hand 
to  budding  genius.  As  has  been  said,  her  salon  was  the 
rendezvous  of  many  prominent  men.  To  these  she  intro- 
duced her  new  proteg6,  soliciting  their  good  graces  on 
his  behalf  towards  gratifying  his  ambition  to  secure  a 
diplomatic  appointment.  M.  de  Bonald,  Baron  Mou- 
nier,  M.  de  Rayneval,  Lally-Tollendal,  Laine,  and  a  host 
of  others  were  pressed  into  service,  and  urged  to  find  a 
lucrative  post  for  the  young  poet.  Of  course  it  was  neces- 
sary, from  time  to  time,  that  the  postulant  should  show 
himself  in  Madame  Charles's  salon  when  one  or  the  other 
of  these  protectors  was  present.  But  Lamartine  shunned 
the  social  obligations  entailed,  and  contrived,  as  often 
as  possible,  to  avoid  the  hours  when  company  assem- 
bled in  the  salon  of  the  Institut.  For  this  purpose  sig- 
1  Raphael,  p.  323.  •  Ibid.,  p.  328. 

.  -  186  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


nais  had  been  arranged  between  the  lovers.  For  hours 
the  young  man  dallied  on  the  quay,  watching  the  win- 
dows of  the  house.  When  Julie  was  receiving  her  hus- 
band's friends,  she  closed  the  inner  shutters;  as  soon  as 
the  last  guest  had  departed,  the  blinds  were  thrown  wide 
open  and  the  curtains  raised.  Immediately  Lamartine 
entered  the  house,  where  he  found  his  Julie  awaiting  him. 
For  a  couple  of  hours  the  lovers  were  alone.1 

Thus  passed  the  winter  months  of  1817.  In  the  early 
spring  news  came  from  Macon  that  financial  embarrass- 
ments were  again  crowding  thick  around  the  young  man's 
family  and  that  retrenchment  had  become  imperative. 
The  mother  wrote  that  it  would  no  longer  be  possible 
to  send  more  than  half  the  usual  remittances,  and  that 
Alphonse  must  either  find  means  for  providing  for  his 
own  existence  or  return  home  and  share  the  family  for- 
tunes. The  blow  was  a  severe  one,  although  not  totally 
unexpected.  Thus  far  Julie's  influential  friends  had  ac- 
complished nothing.  Lamartine,  overcoming  his  timid- 
ity, determined  to  seek  fame  through  the  publication  of 
the  verses  he  had  written  during  the  last  few  years,  and 
many  of  which  he  had  recited  in  Julie's  salon.  With  the 
precious  manuscript  hidden  under  his  coat  the  poet 
sought  out  a  publisher  whose  association  with  French 
letters  had  made  him  famous,  M.  Didot.  Eight  days 
later  he  returned,  only  to  have  his  manuscript  handed 
back  to  him  with  the  remark:  "I  have  read  your  verses, 
Sir ;  they  are  not  devoid  of  talent,  but  they  show  no  study. 
They  resemble  in  no  way  that  which  is  accepted  and 
expected  in  our  poets.  One  knows  not  where  you  have 
found  the  language,  the  ideas,  the  imagery  of  this  poetry: 
it  can  be  classed  with  no  definite  kind;  it  is  a  pity,  for 
there  is  harmony  in  your  verse.  Give  up  this  innovation, 
which  would  simply  upset  French  tradition;  go  back  to 
1  Raphall,  p.  343. 

.  .  187  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


our  masters,  Delille,  Parny,  Michaud,  Raynouard,  Luce 
de  Lancival,  Fontanes;  those  are  the  poets  the  public 
loves;  imitate  somebody  if  you  want  to  be  accepted  and 
read.  I  should  be  giving  you  bad  advice  in  counselling 
you  to  publish  this  volume,  and  I  should  only  do  you  a 
bad  turn  in  publishing  the  verses  at  my  own  expense."  l 
When  we  reflect  that  the  verses  offered  were  those  which 
three  years  later  appeared  under  the  title  of  "Les  Medi- 
tations," the  success  of  which  was  instantaneous  and 
phenomenal,  we  stand  aghast  at  the  lack  of  literary  dis- 
cernment displayed.  "Raphael"  declares  that  on  his 
return  home  he  lit  his  fire  and  leaf  by  leaf,  without  ex- 
cepting one  page,  he  consigned  his  verses  to  the  flames: 
"  'Since  you  cannot  buy  me  one  day  of  life  and  love,' 
I  angrily  muttered  as  I  watched  them  burn,  'what  mat- 
ters it  that  the  immortality  of  my  name  be  consumed 
with  you!'  Immortality  is  for  me  not  glory,  but  my 
love!"2  But  although  this  poetic  despair  reads  well  in 
"Raphael,"  Lamartine  carefully  preserved  his  manu- 
script, awaiting  a  more  propitious  moment. 

Meanwhile,  driven  to  extremities,  he  sold  the  diamond 
the  devoted  mother  had  given  him  for  just  such  an  emer- 
gency, and  with  the  thirty  louis  he  received  therefor 
was  enabled  to  prolong  for  several  weeks  the  ecstatic 
existence  with  Madame  Charles.  As  the  weather  grew 
warmer,  the  lovers  ventured  farther  afield.  Long  after- 
noons, whole  days  even,  were  spent  wandering  through 
the  woods  of  Meudon,  Sevres,  Saint-Cloud,  and  the 
enchanting  neighbourhood  of  Versailles.  M.  Charles  en- 
couraged these  expeditions,  believing  the  open  air  and 
sunlight  beneficial  to  his  wife's  delicate  health,  and  ab- 
solutely convinced  of  the  platonic  nature  of  the  senti- 

1  Raphael,  p.  345.  Minor  poets  of  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  and  early 
years  of  the  nineteenth  centuries. 
*  Raphael,  p.  346. 

•  •  188  •  • 


MADAME  CHARLES 


mental  relations  existing  between  the  young  people.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  Madame  Charles's  health  was  again 
causing  her  friends  serious  anxiety,  and  Lamartine  him- 
self was  beginning  to  suffer  from  the  effects  of  the  long 
hours  of  solitary  confinement  and  continuous  study. 
These  country  excursions  brought  alleviation:  but  owing 
to  the  intense  nervous  tension  to  which  the  lovers  were 
continuously  subjected,  a  cure  could  not  be  looked  for. 
It  would  seem  that  these  promenades  were  not  exclu- 
sively given  over  to  love-making,  but  were  interspersed, 
as  had  been  the  case  at  Aix-les-Bains,  with  long  philo- 
sophical, religious,  and  political  discussions.  Madame 
Charles  was  a  gentle  agnostic:  not  so  much  from  personal 
conviction  as  by  reason  of  the  surroundings  in  which 
she  had  been  brought  up  and  the  sceptical  atmosphere 
she  breathed  among  her  husband's  associates.  Lamar- 
tine, as  we  know,  had  long  sought  to  combat  the  careless 
unorthodoxy  of  his  mistress's  religious  beliefs,  and  if 
his  arguments  failed,  love  would  seem  to  have  triumphed 
in  the  end.  "Raphael"  describes  a  momentous  expe- 
dition to  Saint-Cloud,1  during  which  Julie,  labouring 
under  intense  moral  excitement,  suddenly  cried:  "Ra- 
phael! Raphael!  There  is  a  God!"  "And  how  has  this 
been  revealed  to  you  to-day,  rather  than  any  other 
time?"  exclaimed  the  astonished  "Raphael."  To  which 
question  Julie  makes  answer  in  a  long  ecstatic  harangue 
from  the  substance  of  which  we  gather  that  Love,  and 
Love  alone,  had  wrought  the  miracle.  Later  we  shall 
have  occasion  to  note  that  this  conversion  was  sincere, 
and  that  the  certitude  acquired  during  this  memorable 
expedition  on  May  3  helped  and  sustained  the  invalid, 
who  was  to  pass  away  before  the  close  of  the  year.2 

1  May  3,  1817,  is  the  date  transcribed  in  a  little  notebook  of  Lamartine's, 
now  in  the  possession  of  M.  fimile  Ollivier,  to  whom  it  was  given  by  Ma- 
dame Valentine  de  Lamartine,  the  poet's  niece. 

*  Rapliael,  p.  356.   Madame  Charles  died  on  December  18,  1817. 


CHAPTER  XV 
A  YEAR  OF  DISTRESS 

MEANWHILE  Julie  was  seriously  concerned  about  her 
lover's  health.  The  young  man  had  been  living  on  his 
nerves  ever  since  the  meeting  at  Aix-les-Bains,  and  the 
moral  and  physical  strain  was  undermining  a  never  over- 
robust  constitution.  The  poor  woman,  at  the  sacrifice 
of  her  own  happiness,  urged  her  lover  to  return  home, 
and  seek  in  his  native  air  the  restorative  qualities  Paris 
and  the  life  he  was  leading  there  rendered  difficult.  She 
insisted  on  his  placing  himself  unreservedly  in  the  hands 
of  her  friend  and  physician,  the  good  old  doctor  Alin,1 
whose  interest  in  and  affection  for  young  Lamartine 
yielded  but  little  to  the  devotion  he  vouchsafed  the 
beautiful  consumptive  herself. 

Lamartine  gives  in  "Raphael"  May  18,  1817,  as  the 
date  of  his  departure  from  Paris.  This  is,  however,  mani- 
festly erroneous,  as  the  "Correspondance"  contains  a 
letter  addressed  to  Virieu  from  Moulins,  and  dated  Fri- 
day, May  9.  From  this  letter  it  is  probable  that  the 
young  traveller  set  out  from  Paris  on  the  6th,  at  latest. 
Again,  contrary  to  the  assertion  made  in  "Raphael," 
De  Vineu  had  not  left  Paris,  but  remained  there  after 
his  friend's  departure,  for  we  read  in  the  same  letter: 

"Je  te  prie  de  remettre  a  [Madame  Charles]  la 

lettre  que  je  mets  sous  cette  enveloppe."  2 

In  "Raphael"  the  long  journey  from  Paris  to  Macon 
is  dismissed  in  seven  lines,  and  the  writer  asserts:  "Je 

1  Lamartine  spells  the  name  "Alain."  We  have  preferred  the  doctor's 
own  orthography.  Cf.  letters  published  by  Ren6  Doumic,  op.  cit.,  p.  83. 
a  Correspondance,  cxxin. 

•  •    190  •  • 


A  YEAR  OF  DISTRESS 


n'ouvris  pas  les  levres  une  seule  fois  pendant  ce  long  et 
morne  voyage."  The  "M6moires  politiques,"  however, 
contain  many  pages  of  detailed  accounts  of  the  incidents 
of  the  trip,  amongst  others  of  a  romantic  interview  with 
fortune-tellers,  which  furnishes  the  theme  of  a  long  dis- 
sertation on  the  supposedly  Saracenic  origin  of  his  fam- 
ily, the  peculiarly  Oriental  cast  of  features  observable, 
and  the  orthography  of  their  name,  "Allamartine."  l 
Although  it  would  be  rash  to  consider  the  interesting  de- 
tails of  this  journey  as  purely  fictitious,  the  fact  should 
not  be  lost  sight  of  that  the  "Memoires  politiques"  were 
composed  in  1863,  or  over  forty-five  years  later,  and 
consequently  the  writer  most  probably  made  use  of 
information  and  facts  known  to  him  only  at  a  much 
later  date.  Conflicting  and  misleading  testimony  also 
exists  in  the  two  volumes  above  mentioned  as  to  minor 
points  of  detail  concerning  the  refuge  he  sought  during 
the  first  months  following  his  return  from  Paris.  "Ra- 
phael" claims  that  his  parents  had  arranged  for  him  to 
spend  the  summer  alone  in  a  desert  valley  among  the 
mountains,  cared  for  only  by  the  labourer's  family  who 
farmed  the  ancestral  acres.  Yet  the  "M6moires  poli- 
tiques" make  mention  of  long  months  spent  in  study 
in  his  "attic  chamber"  at  Milly  within  the  family  cir- 
cle.2 That  they  were  months  of  physical  and  mental 
suffering  we  can  take  for  granted,  for  Madame  Charles 
was  ill,  and  the  young  man  himself  far  from  well,  and, 
moreover,  wretchedly  miserable  over  the  enforced  sepa- 
ration from  the  woman  he  so  ardently  loved.  But  there 
was  a  silver  lining  to  the  cloud  which  hung  over  them. 
Before  leaving  Paris  it  had  been  arranged  that  the  lovers 
should  meet  again  at  Aix-les-Bains  before  the  summer 
ended,  and  both  looked  forward  to  the  renewal  of  their 

1  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  i,  p.  67;  cf.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  op.  cit.,  p.  6. 
1  Raphael,  p.  364;  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  77. 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


idyllic  wanderings  midst  the  romantic  scenery  of  the 
lake.  Turning  again  to  the  "Correspondance,"  we  find 
a  letter  to  Virieu,  dated  from  Peronne,  near  Macon,  June 
3,  1817,  wherein  the  writer  reassures  his  friend  concern- 
ing his  own  health.  His  liver  is  better,  and  the  palpita- 
tions from  which  he  suffered  in  Paris  less  frequent.  "Je 
redeviens  un  homme  a  peu  pr£s,"  he  adds,  and  he  noti- 
fies his  friend  that  he  has  begun  work  on  "Saul."  But 
in  the  same  letter  he  confesses  that  he  still  dwells  in 
spirit  with  his  friends  in  Paris.1 

Alphonse  did  not  return  to  Paris  during  the  summer 
of  1817.  "Raphael"  doubtlessly  exaggerates  the  soli- 
tude to  which  the  lover  condemned  himself;  but  there 
can  be  no  question  of  his  physical  and  moral  distress, 
although,  as  we  have  seen  by  his  letter  to  Virieu,  tem- 
porary alleviations  permitted  of  occasional  literary  effort. 
On  August  8  the  young  man  again  writes  Virieu,  who 
still  tarries  in  Paris,  informing  him  that  he  will  await 
his  arrival  in  Macon  until  the  i8th  of  that  month,  when 
he  will  accompany  him  to  Aix  for  some  much-needed 
baths,  afterwards  going  with  his  friend  to  his  country 
place,  should  the  plan  meet  with  his  approval.  The  let- 
ter is  written  from  Mcicon,  where  the  writer  is  spending 
ten  days,  but  as  he  gives  his  usual  residence  as  being  one 
league  from  that  town,  it  is  probable  that  Milly  is  desig- 
nated, and  not  the  desert  in  the  mountains  whither 
"Raphael"  is  supposed  to  have  fled.2 

Whether  De  Virieu  met  his  friend  in  MUcon  on  or 
before  the  i8th  of  August  is  uncertain,  but  we  have  a 
letter,  dated  from  Chambery  on  the  20th,  which  leads 
us  to  suppose  that  the  friends  travelled  together  as  far 
as  Lyons. 

The  love-sick  adorer  of  Madame  Charles  certainly 
found  en  route  at  least  temporary  distraction  during  a 

1  Correspondance,  cxxiv.  *  Ibid.,  cxxv;  cf.  also  Raphael,  p.  364. 

.  .    192  •• 


A  YEAR  OF   DISTRESS 


short  visit  to  his  friends  the  De  Maistre  family,  at  Cham- 
be"ry;  but  next  day  he  left  for  his  cure  at  Aix.  The  sum 
necessary  to  permit  this  extravagance  had  been  pain- 
fully acquired  by  the  devoted  mother  by  the  sale  of  sev- 
eral large  trees  which  cast  their  grateful  shade  over  a 
corner  of  the  garden  at  Milly.  At  least  this  is  the  pa- 
thetic tale  which  "  Raphael "  gives :  but  it  must  be  ac- 
cepted, alas!  like  so  many  of  Lamartine's  records,  as  a 
poetic  license,  a  pious  fraud,  calculated  to  add  to  the 
sentimental  interest  attaching  to  the  romantic  chronicle 
of  his  loves.  Likewise  we  can  dismiss  as  lacking  histor- 
ical foundation  the  charming  account  of  the  journey 
from  Macon  to  Chamb£ry  undertaken  on  foot,  mani- 
festly inspired  by  the  "Confessions"  of  Jean  Jacques 
Rousseau.1 

"  Raphael  "-Lamartine  had  decided,  while  awaiting 
the  advent  at  Aix  of  Julie  Charles,  to  lodge  in  a  poor 
hovel  on  the  outskirts  of  the  little  watering-place.  Before 
he  had  reached  his  destination,  however,  and  while  on 
a  pious  pilgrimage  to  the  ancient  Abbaye  de  Haute- 
Combe,  where  his  first  meeting  with  Julie  had  taken 
place,  a  paper  was  thrust  into  his  hand  by  a  messenger 
who  had  crossed  the  lake  in  search  of  him.  It  was  a  let- 
ter from  Dr.  Alin.  Gently  breaking  the  news  of  Ma- 
dame Charles's  death,  the  doctor  told  the  lover  that 
Julie's  last  words  and  thoughts  had  been  of  him.  Sev- 
eral long  letters  from  Julie  accompanied  the  package, 
in  which  was  also  concealed  the  crucifix  her  lover  had 
given  her.  Lamartine  closes  his  romantic  chronicle  by 
citing  long  fragments  from  these  heartrending  epistles 
from  a  dying  woman.  The  wording  is,  of  course,  ficti- 
tious, as  are  the  time  and  circumstances  under  which  he 
learnt  of  Julie's  death.  We  now  know  all  the  details  of 
this  sad  event,  and  some  at  least  of  the  letters  written 

1  Raphael,  p.  367. 
.  .    193  .   . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


just  prior  to  Madame  Charles's  demise  have  been  pre- 
served. These  certainly  parallel,  when  they  do  not  sur- 
pass, the  harrowing  circumstances  related  in  "Raphael." 

Julie  Charles  died  on  Thursday,  December  18,  1817, 
at  noon,  in  her  husband's  apartment  at  the  Institut 
de  France,  where  her  adorer  had  so  often  visited  her. 
Lamartine  received  the  news  of  her  death  at  Macon. 
He  had  spent  the^time  of  waiting  at  Aix  in  composing 
"Le  Lac"  which  commemorates  the  scenes  of  their  first 
meeting.1 

The  long  days  of  suspense  at  Aix  had  been  somewhat 
relieved  by  the  acquaintance  he  made  there  of  Made- 
moiselle E16anore  de  Canonge,  and  which  ripened  later 
into  an  intimate  friendship.  Lamartine  would  seem  to 
have  been  immediately  attracted  by  this  very  sympa- 
thetic young  woman,  whom  he  made  the  confidante  of 
his  troubles;  and  she  had  given  him  advice  and  offered 
sympathy.  But  she  left  Aix  early  in  September.  Dis- 
quieting news  of  Madame  Charles  filtered  from  Paris, 
and  the  certainty  that  it  would  be  impossible  for  her  to 
travel  caused  him  to  seek  consolation,  first  with  Louis 
de  Vignet,  at  Servolex,  not  far  from  Aix,  and  a  few  days 
later  at  Grand  Lemps,  the  ancestral  home  of  Aymon  de 
Virieu,  in  Dauphin^. 

In  "Raphael"  we  are  told  that  De  Vignet  had  come 
over  to  Aix  to  bring  Alphonse  the  letters  containing  the 
sad  news  of  Madame  Charles's  relapse,  and  to  urge  his 
friend  to  return  to  Servolex  with  him.  Lamartine  agreed, 
but  insisted  on  a  last  pilgrimage  to  a  spot  where  he  and 
his  adored  once  had  been  wont  to  rest  during  their  daily 
excursions  in  the  neighbourhood.  On  the  rocks  of  the 
little  promontory  of  Saint- Innocent,  under  the  hill  of 
Tresserve,  on  the  lake  shore,  he  sat  alone,  and  there 

1  Cf.  (Euvres  completes,  vol.  I,  p.  157;  the  poem  is  dated  from  Aix,  Sep- 
tember, 1817. 

.  .   I94  .  . 


A  YEAR  OF  DISTRESS 


composed  the  immortal  verses  of  "Le  Lac,"  the  most 
pathetic,  the  most  human,  his  lyre  has  sung. 

Two  days  later  the  heart-broken  lover  allowed  himself 
to  be  led  from  the  painful  associations  of  Aix  by  his 
friend  De  Vignet,  and  a  week  after  he  is  safe  under  the 
hospitable  roof  of  the  devoted  Aymon  de  Virieu  at  Grand 
Lemps,  not  far  from  Grenoble.  On  October  5  he  was 
in  Lyons,  and  a  day  or  two  later  reached  Milly. 

The  news  from  Paris  continued  alarming.  On  Octo- 
ber 24  Madame  Charles  received  the  Last  Sacrament: 
but  she  rallied,  and  actually  attempted  to  maintain  her 
lover's  illusions  as  to  her  eventual  recovery.  The  last 
letter  the  unfortunate  woman  was  able  to  pen  is  dated 
Monday,  November  10,  1817.  It  is  a  long  one.  The 
writer  describes  her  symptoms,  but  holds  out  hopes.  "  Je 
vivrai  pour  expierl  It  is  only  by  so  doing  that  I  be- 
come worthy  of  the  grace  which  God  has  vouchsafed 
me."  l 

Before  he  could  have  received  this  letter,  Lamar- 
tine  noted  in  the  little  book  Julie  had  given  him:  "Le 
13  novembre,  1817,  j  'ai  appris  le  retablissement  de  J.  C. 
Jours  d'esperance  et  de  joie.  O.  m.  d.  a.  p.  d.  n.!"  (O 
mon  Dieu,  ayez  piti6  de  nous!)  * 

It  was  but  a  reprieve,  however;  one  of  those  sudden 
turns  for  the  better  so  often  observed  in  cases  of  con- 
sumption. A  few  days  later  Dr.  Alin  himself  wrote 
Lamartine  from  Paris  (November  14,  1817)  that,  in 
spite  of  improvement,  the  worst  was  to  be  feared.1  It 
was  Dr.  Alin,  also,  who  informed  Lamartine,  as  early 
as  October  29,  that  Julie  had,  a  few  days  before,  re- 
ceived the  Last  Sacrament.  The  knowledge  that  her 
lover  was  undergoing  untold  anguish  on  her  account 

1  Cf.  Sech6,  Le  Roman  de  Lamartine,  p.  248.  The  writer  herself  underlined 
these  words  "pour  expier."  The  letter  is  cited  in  extenso  by  Doumic,  op. 
cit.,  p.  65. 

*  Cf.  Sechd,  op.  cit.,  p.  255.  •  Doumic,  op.  cit.,  p.  85. 

.  .    195  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

outweighed  her  own  physical  sufferings.  For  weeks  she 
refused  to  allow  any  one  to  attend  her  during  the  night, 
and  Dr.  Alin  had  reason  for  the  belief  that  several  of 
the  solitary  vigils  were  employed  in  reading  over  his 
letters  and  arranging  her  private  papers.1 

The  fatal  letter  informing  the  unfortunate  lover  that 
all  was  over  was  despatched  on  December  21.  It  reached 
Lamartine,  in  M^con,  on  Christmas  Day!  De  Virieu 
was  not  in  Paris  at  this  time ;  Dr.  Alin's  letter  was  con- 
sequently the  first  intimation  Lamartine  received  of 
Madame  Charles's  death.  "Since  the  end  of  October," 
wrote  the  doctor,  "the  fatal  end  was  foreseen;  was  ex- 
pected from  day  to  day;  nevertheless,  nearly  two  months 
have  passed,  two  months  passed  midst  scenes  of  the 
most  painful  nature,  and  the  most  fearful  symptoms  of 
the  final  dissolution." 

Early  in  January,  1818,  De  Virieu,  who  had  returned 
to  Paris  a  few  days  previously,  wrote  his  friend  that  he 
had  visited  M.  Charles,  who  had  then  handed  him  two 
large  envelopes  containing  Lamartine's  letters  to  Julie, 
bearing  the  superscription : "  Papiers  appartenant  a  M.  de 
Virieu,  £  lui  remettre,"  in  Julie's  handwriting.  To  these 
the  old  savant  added  a  separate  package  containing  the 
copies  of  the  poet's  elegies  he  had  sent  her,  and  a  little 
framed  portrait  she  had  prized.  De  Virieu  in  this  letter 
gives  minute  details  of  the  last  moments  of  his  friend's 
mistress.2 

During  Madame  Charles's  long  illness  Lamartine  ran 
through,  as  we  have  seen,  the  whole  gamut  of  hope  and 
despair.  At  one  moment  he  resumes  his  studies,  rides 
about  the  country-side,  occupies  himself  with  composi- 
tions, only  to  be  plunged  the  next  in  the  inertia  of  blank 
misery.  On  the  day  after  Julie's  death,  as  yet  uncon- 

1  Doumic,  op.  tit.,  p.  89.  Dr.  Alin  to  Lamartine  dated  January  8,  1818. 
•  Ibid.,  p.  93. 

.  .   196  •• 


A  YEAR  OF  DISTRESS 


scious  of  the  irreparable  loss  he  had  sustained,  he  at- 
tended a  meeting  of  the  Academic  de  Macon,  read  to 
his  colleagues  his  "Ode  a  la  Gloire,"  composed  the  pre- 
vious winter  while  in  Paris,  and  was  appointed  a  mem- 
ber of  an  academical  commission  charged  with  the  duty 
of  designing  a  prize  for  poetry.1 

The  news  of  Julie's  death  fell  like  the  blow  of  a  sledge- 
hammer. For  three  days  and  three  nights  he  wandered 
aimlessly  about  the  fields  and  woods,  stunned,  apathetic 
to  all  outward  impressions,  a  prey  to  that  helpless  mis- 
ery which  follows  on  the  announcement  of  the  loss,  at 
a  distance,  of  a  loved  one. 

When  he  returned  to  Paris  (not  "deux  ans  apres,"  as 
he  writes,  but  in  September,  1818)  Lamartine  says  he 
visited  Julie's  "nameless  grave"  in  a  village  cemetery 
far  from  the  capital.2  The  identity  of  the  country  grave- 
yard has  not  been  established.  M.  Seche,  in  spite  of 
patient  research,  was  unsuccessful  in  finding  any  trace 
of  Julie's  resting-place. 

In  the  Introduction  to  his  "Nouvelles  Confidences" 
Lamartine  says  that  for  months  he  travelled  aimlessly.8 
Undoubtedly  he  expressed  faithfully  the  condition  of 
desolation  to  which  he  was  reduced ;  but  he  draws  on  his 
always  fertile  imagination  when  he  asserts  that  he  spent 
the  greater  part  of  the  time  immediately  following  his 
bereavement  travelling  "in  Switzerland  on  the  lakes  of 
Geneva,  Thun,  and  Neuchitel."  And  he  also  misleads 
his  readers  when  he  assures  them  that  his  mother  knew 
of  the  cause  of  his  grief.  Madame  de  Lamartine  never 
learned  the  reasons  of  her  son's  deep  melancholy.  On 
August  15,  1818,  the  watchful  mother  notes:  "The  wor- 
ries I  have  over  my  children  will  doubtless  shorten  my 

1  Reyssie,  La  Jeunesse  de  Lamartine,  p.  212. 
1  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  iv,  p.  73. 
*  QLuvres  computes,  vol.  xxix,  p.  409. 

.  .   I97  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


days:  at  times  I  succumb;  I  feel  their  sorrows  even  more 
than  they.  Alphonse's  idleness  distracts  me.  ...  I  found 
him  alone  at  Milly,  where  he  buried  himself;  calm  but 
sad ;  living  more  than  ever  with  his  books,  writing  verses 
at  times,  but  never  showing  them.  .  .  .  One  would  say 
that  he  is  stricken  down  by  some  secret  grief  which  he 
does  not  tell  of,  but  which  I  fear  to  discern.  It  is  not 
natural  for  a  young  man  of  his  imagination,  and  at  his 
age,  to  hide  himself  so  absolutely  in  solitude.  He  must 
have  lost,  either  by  death  or  otherwise,  some  person,  the 
cause  of  this  profound  melancholy."  J 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  214. 


CHAPTER  XVI 
A  POET  OF  THE  SOUL 

THE  note  in  the  mother's  "Journal,"  a  fragment  of 
which  was  quoted  above,  dwells  with  pride  on  the  en- 
thusiasm professed  by  Virieu  and  Vignet  for  her  son's 
poetry.  "But  of  what  use  are  these  buried  talents,"  ex- 
claims Madame  de  Lamartine,  "even  if  they  are  real! 
To  a  young  man  devoured  by  the  desire  for  an  active 
life,  what  is  this  hidden  poetry,  without  an  echo?" 

His  friends,  however,  were  becoming  more  and  more 
convinced  that  a  star  of  no  mean  magnitude  was  rising 
over  the  horizon.  Shortly  after  Madame  Charles's  death 
Virieu  wrote,  urging  his  friend  to  persevere  with  his 
"Saul";  adding:  "I  have  just  re-read  nearly  all  your 
elegies  with  a  delight  greater  than  ever.  My  opinion  is 
confirmed  that  yours  will  be  a  talent  of  the  first  order: 
among  your  elegies  there  are  pieces  which  will  never  be 
surpassed,  and  certainly  your  vein  is  not  yet  exhausted." 
And  he  goes  on  to  urge  his  friend  to  strive  to  attain  an 
ever  higher  level  of  perfection.  "One  thing  more  seems 
most  important  to  me:  take  scrupulous  care  to  avoid 
all  conventional  and  hackneyed  formulas."  l 

The  anguish  of  soul  Lamartine  had  experienced,  and 
which  culminated  in  the  death  of  his  "Elvire,"  ripened 
and  chastened  the  poet  as  it  had  sobered  the  man.  Res- 
ignation to  his  grief  was  of  slow  growth:  "excessive 
sorrow,  like  love,  has  its  delirium."  2  "Le  Crucifix," 
written  under  the  intense  emotion  with  which  the  author 
received  the  ivory  crucifix  the  dying  woman  had  held 
in  her  hands,  is  the  fruit  of  this  moral  struggle.  Julie 

1  Doumic,  op.  cit.t  p.  96.  *  Commentary  to  Le  Dbcspoir. 

•  -   199  •  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


was  dead;  but  a  poet  of  the  soul,  one  whose  verse  rang 
with  the  pathos  of  human  suffering,  the  eternal  anguish 
of  Love,  sprang  from  her  ashes.  "This  was  the  great  and 
solemn  event  in  Lamartine's  life  which  fashioned  in  him 
the  poet."  1 

Such  portions  of  the  correspondence  of  1818  as  have 
been  preserved  contain  only  here  and  there  a  phrase 
concerning  the  loss  he  has  sustained.  Taking  De  Virieu's 
sound  advice,  the  young  poet  plunged  more  deeply  than 
ever  into  his  work.  His  "Saul"  absorbs  him.  On  Janu- 
ary 23,  he  writes  De  Virieu :  "  I  have  just  finished  a  whole 
act  of  '  Saul ' :  this  one  is  Shakespeare,  the  next  shall  be 
Racine,  if  I  can:  and  so  turn  by  turn  from  the  pathetic 
to  the  terrible,  and  from  the  terrible  to  the  lyrical,  until 
the  end,  which  stands  out  clearly  in  my  mind.  The 
whole  will  be  ready  on  May  I."  Then  come  periods  of 
physical  suffering  which  retard  the  work,  and  when 
"twenty  or  thirty  verses  a  day  of  'SauT"  kill  him.  He 
even  despairs  of  life  and  desires  death,  for  he  can  neither 
work  nor  write.  On  March  27  he  informs  Virieu  that 
in  case  of  his  death  he  has  deeded  him  all  his  papers,  to 
be  destroyed,  should  his  friend  deem  it  best.  But  on 
April  1 6  "Saul"  is  completely  finished,  and  on  the  3Oth 
the  manuscript  of  his  tragedy  has  been  sent  to  Virieu, 
in  Paris.2  "You  will  be  fairly  satisfied  with  the  style," 
he  writes,  and,  "sooner  or  later,  style  counts  for  every- 
thing." 

Virieu  had  promised  to  interest  the  great  actor  Talma 
in  his  friend's  tragedy,  and  Lamartine  founded  all  his 
hopes  on  the  acceptance  by  this  famous  artist  of  the  r61e 
of  "Saul,"  "qui  est  tout  lui." 

The  poem  is  dedicated  jointly  to  Madame  Charles 
and  Virieu.  "I  united  you  both  in  this  little  homage," 
he  wrote:  "were  she  still  alive  you  would  both  be  glad. 

1  De  Mazade,  Lamartine,  p.  36.  *  Correspondence,  cxxxvm-cxuL 

•  •  200  •  • 


A  POET  OF  THE  SOUL 


I  composed  it  for  you,  and  for  that  other  half  of  myself. 
...  I  can  now  only  dedicate  it  to  her  shade."  l  The 
dedication  is  dated  May  i,  1818;  so  in  spite  of  physical 
and  moral  ills  the  author  had  been  able  to  fulfil  the  prom- 
ises given  in  January. 

Long  letters  are  devoted  to  pressing  recommendations 
to  Virieu  in  connection  with  the  presentation  of  the 
drama  to  Talma.  As  far  as  we  can  judge  by  Lamartine's 
answers  to  Virieu 's  letters,  "Saul"  was  not  very  favour- 
ably criticized  by  those  to  whom  the  faithful  friend 
showed  the  manuscript.  While  on  a  visit  to  his  uncle, 
the  Abb£  de  Lamartine,  at  Montculot,  near  Dijon,  Al- 
phonse  acknowledges  the  receipt  of  a  "long  letter  of  crit- 
icisms" from  Virieu.  But  it  is  from  Talma  alone  that 
he  is  willing  to  accept  a  final  verdict.  If  Talma  will  re- 
ceive his  drama  at  the  "Com6die  Franchise,"  ill  as  he 
is  he  will  come  immediately  to  Paris,  and  place  himself 
unreservedly  in  the  hands  of  the  great  actor,  for  any 
alterations,  corrections,  etc.,  he  may  suggest.  "Heaven, 
which  for  my  sins  has  forced  me  to  be  a  poet,  has  also 
given  me  the  moral  courage  necessary  to  brave  reverses 
and  literary  condemnation  with  a  heart  of  brass."  * 

A  visit  from  his  friend  De  Vignet  towards  the  end  of 
June  brought  distraction,  but  left  him  mentally  rather 
worse.  "I  was  more  peaceful  before  De  Vignet's  arrival," 
he  wrote.  "Far  from  shedding  around  him  the  calm  of 
former  days,  when  his  soul  was  downcast  by  suffering 
and  he  had  taken  refuge  in  religion,  he  was  in  a  ferment 
of  agitation,  such  as  we  experienced  when  we  were  six- 
teen, concerning  all  the  perspectives  of  life:  as  if  any 
such  existed  now  for  us,  especially  for  me!"  And  he 
adds:  "He  was  well-intentioned,  desiring  to  rouse  me 
from  the  physical  and  moral  slough:  it  was  all  pure  loss; 
memories  and  regrets  are  too  tenacious."  * 

1  Cf.  Correspondence,  CXLVI.  •  Ibid.,  CXLVIII.  *  Ibid.,  OJ. 

.  .  2OI    •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


In  spite  of  this  mental  depression  literary  activities 
would  seem  to  hold  a  place  in  his  days.  Plans  for  lyrical 
dramas,  sketches  of  odes  and  elegies,  are  of  constant  re- 
currence in  the  letters  of  this  period.1  Nor  did  he  look 
to  literature  alone  for  an  alleviation  of  his  present  ills. 
Strange  as  it  must  appear  so  soon  after  the  loss  of  his 
adored  "Elvire,"  the  young  man  was  meditating  a  matri- 
monial alliance.  To  Virieu  he  wrote  on  July  17:  "If  my 
parents  refuse,  as  I  fear,  to  enter  into  negotiations  with 

the  family  of  Mademoiselle ,  to  arrange  a  marriage 

directly  after  the  harvest  [he  was  then  farming  his  father's 
estate],  if  my  health  is  not  worse  than  at  present,  I  have 
resolved  to  go  to  Paris  and  to  offer  myself  such  as  I  am, 
even  with  no  resources.  If  they  want  me  they  will  take 
me;  if  not,  I  will  come  home  again."  2  It  was  Vignet 
who  had  suggested  the  plan :  in  fact  he  offered  two  alter- 
natives: Mademoiselle  D.,  who  apparently  resided  near 
M&con,  and  Mademoiselle  B.,  whose  parents  lived  in 
Paris.8 

We  know  that  his  heart  could  not  have  been  in  either 
of  the  projects.  But  matrimony  is  a  contagious  disease, 
and  at  this  period  Madame  de  Lamartine  was  deeply 
immersed  in  plans  for  the  settlement  of  her  daughters. 
Was  her  son  bitten  by  the  same  craving?  Was  it  not 
rather  the  hopelessness  of  despair  over  the  recent  loss 
that  drove  him  to  seek  a  remedy  for  his  misery  in  the 
companionship  of  some  young  girl  who  would  accept  him 
without  exacting  in  return  that  which  he  was  henceforth 
incapable  of  giving?  The  intolerableness  of  his  present 
life  is  discernible  in  more  than  one  of  the  compositions 
dating  from  this  period,  but  nowhere  more  strikingly 
than  in  the  ode  first  entitled  "Le  Malheur,"  and  later 
rechristened  "Le  Desespoir."  In  his  commentary  to 
this  "Meditation,"  Lamartine  wrote,  in  later  years,  that 

1  Cf.  Correspondance,  CLI.  *  Ibid.,  CLI.  '  Ibid.,  CLII. 

.  .  2O2  •  • 


A  POET  OF  THE  SOUL 


the  poem  had  originally  contained  "bitter,  insulting, 
impious  verses.  .  .  .  Invective  was  mingled  with  sacri- 
lege: it  was  Byronian,  but  it  was  Byron  sincere,  not 
affected." 

Lamartine  asserts  (writing  in  1860)  that  he  deter- 
mined to  have  his  verses  printed,  and  that  having  sent 
them  to  a  friend  in  Paris,  he  was  overjoyed  to  see  him- 
self for  the  first  time  in  print.  Twenty  copies,  magnifi- 
cently printed  on  vellum,  were  issued  privately  by  Didot, 
and  these  the  young  poet  distributed  among  his  friends. 
But  here  again,  as  is  so  frequently  the  case,  his  memory 
betrays  him.  Writing  to  Mademoiselle  de  Canonge  from 
Milly,  November  13,  1818,  he  says  that  if  during  his 
lifetime  any  of  his  verses  are  published,  she  will  be  the 
first  to  receive  a  copy.1  The  earliest  mention  of  the  ap- 
pearance in  print  of  any  of  his  poems  is  that  made  in  a 
letter  to  Virieu,  dated  April  13,  1819,  where  he  says  that 
Didot  was  at  that  moment  preparing  a  little  volume, 
limited  to  twenty  copies,  "all  promised."  2  M.  Gustave 
Lanson  makes  no  reference  to  such  publication,  nor  do 
the  archives  of  the  Chateau  de  Saint-Point  contain  a 
copy.3  If  the  poems  were  printed,  examples  of  this  edi- 
tion are  buried  in  inaccessible  provincial  private  col- 
lections. 

But  literary  work,  as  well  as  matrimonial  schemes, 
were  suddenly  routed  by  an  urgent  communication  from 
De  Virieu,  who  expressed  the  belief  that  if  Lamartine 
presented  himself  without  loss  of  time  in  Paris,  a  diplo- 
matic appointment  would  be  forthcoming.  In  her  diary 
the  mother  writes  on  September  12,  1818:  "Yesterday 
he  [Alphonse]  received  a  budget  of  letters  from  his  most 
intimate  friend,  M.  de  Virieu,  calling  him  in  haste  to 
Paris.  He  sold  his  horse  in  order  to  procure  twenty-five 

1  Correspondance,  CLXIII.  *  Ibid.,  CLXXIX. 

1  Cf .  Meditations  poitiyues,  passim. 

•  -  2O3  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


louis:  I  gave  him  all  I  had  been  able  to  economize  during 
the  summer." 1 

At  the  end  of  October  the  applicant  was  still  in  Paris. 
But  a  double  disappointment  was  to  be  his  lot.  The 
appointment  was  not  made,  and  Talma  declined  his 
"Saul."  If  we  judge  by  the  tone  of  his  letters  to  Virieu, 
this  latter  misfortune  outweighed  the  former.  "  Alphonse 
returns  more  discouraged  than  ever,"  also  writes  the 
mother,  "more  embittered  against  the  fate  which  rele- 
gates him  here  to  a  life  of  inaction." 

The  young  poet  had  left  no  stone  unturned  to  secure 
a  hearing  for  his  drama,  and  at  the  same  time  assidu- 
ously frequented  the  social  circles  best  calculated  to 
advance  his  fortunes,  political  and  literary.  A  reading 
of  "Saul"  was  fixed  with  Talma,  who  seems  to  have 
taken  a  real  interest  in  the  young  author.  But  although 
the  great  actor  professed  admiration  for  the  verses,  the 
style  and  the  situations,  although  he  assured  his  young 
friend  that  the  drama  was  far  beyond  Chateaubriand's 
"Mo'ise,"  he  did  not  conceal  the  opinion  that  the  com- 
mittee of  the  Theatre  Francais  could  not  accept  the 
piece  on  account  of  certain  innovations  which  must  in- 
evitably meet  with  their  disapproval.  For  "five  hours" 
he  endeavoured  to  persuade  the  young  author  to  com- 
pletely re-write  certain  scenes,  in  order  that  they  might 
be  more  in  accordance  with  accepted  rules.  "J'ai  im- 
pitoyablement  refuse,"  writes  Alphonse,  when  describ- 
ing the  interview  to  Virieu.  Nevertheless,  he  consented 
to  revise  his  drama,  following  certain  suggestions  of  the 
experienced  actor,  and  to  return  him  the  manuscript  in 
a  couple  of  months.2  On  his  return  to  Milly,  he  writes 
to  Virieu  that  he  will  do  his  best  to  comply  with  Talma's 
suggestions,  but  adds  significantly:  "To  create  is  beau- 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  m^re,  p.  214;  d.  also  Memoires  politiquts,  vol.  I,  p.  84. 
*  Cf.  Corrcspondancc,  CLXI. 

.  .  204  •  • 


A  POET  OF  THE  SOUL 


tiful,  but  to  correct,  change,  spoil,  is  beggarly  and  flat; 
it  is  a  nuisance,  the  task  of  a  bricklayer,  not  of  an  art- 
ist." *  It  is  this  lifelong  aversion  which  is  accountable 
for  the  lack  of  finish,  the  frequent  negligences,  so  appar- 
ent in  his  most  sublime  lyrics,  as  well  as  throughout  his 
literary  and  historical  production. 

The  morose  condition  of  mind,  so  persistently  dwelt 
upon  in  the  "Memoires  politiques,"  is  not  always  evi- 
dent in  contemporaneous  letters  to  Virieu  and  others, 
and  was  probably  exaggerated  in  retrospect.  Moments 
of  discouragement  and  acute  mental  suffering  there  un- 
doubtedly were:  no  one  ever  possessed  to  a  greater 
degree  than  Lamartine  the  poetic  ecstasy  of  pain.  But 
melancholy  and  high  spirits  succeeded  each  other  with 
surprising  rapidity,  apathy  and  keen  alertness  alter- 
nating according  to  physical  or  moral  conditions.  His 
interest  in  politics  was  not  dead,  although  at  times  it 
slumbered,  or  was  cast  temporarily  aside  during  the 
phases  of  intense  poetical  inspiration.  Witness  his  letter 
of  December  I,  1818,  wherein  he  gives  Virieu  a  clear, 
concise,  and  masterly  synopsis  of  the  political  situation 
in  France  resulting  from  the  clash  between  the  ultra- 
royalists  and  the  ministry  then  in  power.  The  opinions 
and  previsions  he  sketches  in  this  critical  but  unpre- 
tending study  of  current  events  were  amply  justified. 
Especially  did  he  appreciate  and  correctly  interpret  the 
Bonapartist  sympathies  still  existing  in  the  country 
districts,  where  "le  nom  de  Bonaparte  n'a  rien  perdu 
de  sa  magie,"  and  estimate  the  value  of  the  dangerous 
weapon  the  Jacobins  possessed  when  making  use,  in  their 
own  interests,  of  such  sympathies.  Of  M.  de  Chateau- 
briand, and  his  ambitions,  the  writer  states :  "Between 

1  Correspondance,  CLXII.  Cf.  in  this  connection  Glachant,  Papiers 
d'autrefois,  p.  178;  also  J.  des  Cognets,  Etudes  sur  Us  manuscrits  de  Lamar- 
tinc,  p.  195. 

•  •  205  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


ourselves,  his  real  force  is  nil;  his  influence  is  concen- 
trated in  a  few  salons  of  the  Faubourg  Saint-Germain."  * 

It  is  both  interesting  and  instructive  to  compare  this 
curious  contemporaneous  document  with  his  apprecia- 
tions in  his ' '  Histoire  de  la  Restauration ' '  and ' '  M6moires 
politiques,"  and  to  note  that  the  author's  opinions  have 
undergone  but  little  change  during  the  intervening  forty 
years.  In  the  latter  work,  as  in  the  "Confidences,"  La- 
martine  affords  his  readers  a  glimpse  of  his  uncle's  salon 
in  Mcicon,  which  was,  as  he  styles  it,  "  exclusivement 
politique."  Here,  at  this  period  (the  winter  of  1818-19), 
the  young  man  was  a  constant  visitor.  "Too  young  to 
take  an  active  part  in  the  discussions,  he  nevertheless 
was  deeply  impressed  by  the  fanatical  tone  adopted  by 
the  emigres,  who  acrimoniously  criticized  every  measure 
of  the  ministry  struggling  against  the  tide  of  political 
license,  while  pretending  to  idolize  the  r6gime."  2 

These  incursions  into  the  domain  of  practical  politics 
were,  however,  in  spite  of  what  he  wrote  in  later  years, 
mere  episodes.  Literature,  and  above  all  lyrical  compo- 
sition, absorbed  his  energies,  and  formed  the  staple  of 
his  intellectual  diet.  From  time  to  time  he  philosophizes 
in  his  correspondence,  disclaiming  all  ambition  and  be- 
moaning the  impulse  which  goads  him  unwillingly  to 
commit  to  paper  the  thoughts  which  teem  in  his  active 
brain.  In  this  strain  he  writes  to  Mademoiselle  de 
Canonge  (December  24,  1818),  the  last  letter  we  have 
of  this  year  of  turmoil  and  disappointment:  "Don't 
speak  to  me  of  my  works.  You  will  never  hear  them  ex- 
cept privately,  at  least  during  my  lifetime.  I  consider 
amongst  the  greatest  calamities  which  have  befallen 
me  the  nefarious  influences  which  caused  me  to  be  born 
a  poet  in  this  century  of  mathematics."  3 

1  Correspondance,  CLXI. 

*  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  78.  •  Correspondence,  CLXVni. 

.  .  206  •  • 


A  POET  OF  THE  SOUL 


The  year  1819  was,  however,  to  offer  but  little  alle- 
viation to  the  physical  and  moral  distress  by  which  he 
was  so  incessantly  tormented.  Not  that  life  at  Milly  or 
in  the  social  centres  of  M£con  was  devoid  of  interest  or 
incident.  Lamartine  has  not  left  a  conspicuously  clean 
moral  reputation  in  his  native  town  during  these  years 
of  comparative  idleness  and  irresponsibility.  Local  gos- 
sip attached  his  name  to  several  flirtations  of  doubt- 
ful morality,  and  there  is  a  scandal  which  to  this  day 
agitates  the  seekers  after  posthumous  sensational  dis- 
closures. On  the  whole,  Alphonse  de  Lamartine  was 
little  better,  if  no  worse,  than  the  majority  of  the  young 
blades  of  good  family  who  trifled  amorously  with  the 
wives  and  daughters  of  the  provincial  gentry  and  bour- 
geoisie. But  such  philanderings  had  in  reality  but  slight 
hold  over  a  mind  such  as  his.  They  were  the  natural 
and  inevitable  consequences  of  enforced  idleness,  rather 
than  indications  of  vice.  Underlying  all  such  outward 
manifestations  of  the  flesh  was  the  solid  substratum 
of  virile  fibre  which  was  so  particularly  to  distinguish 
his  character,  once  an  object  in  life  had  been  vouch- 
safed him. 

It  is  amusing  to  note  the  paternal  advice  he  gives 
Mademoiselle  de  Canonge,  whose  young  brother  was  at 
this  time  giving  her  considerable  anxiety  on  account  of 
his  wild  ways  and  reckless  expenditure.  "We  young 
people,"  writes  the  M&con  rake,  "are  guilty  of  much 
foolishness.  But  the  greater  part  of  our  faults  should  be 
attributed  to  those  who  direct  us  so  badly.  We  are  ex- 
posed, without  means  of  defence,  to  all  kinds  of  dangers; 
and  we  are  blamed  if  we  succumb.  Take  idleness  from 
our  lives,  and  precautions  against  amorous  pitfalls,  and 
we  should  nearly  all  be  wise  and  happy."  l 

The  hesitations,  mistakes,  and  time-serving  policies 

1  Correspondence,  CLXIX. 
.  .  207  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 

of  the  party  in  power  were,  at  this  period,  a  source  of 
anxiety  and  disgust  to  the  silent  young  spectator  of  the 
meetings  in  his  uncle's  salon.  "One  could  not  rule  the 
school-children,"  he  wrote  Mademoiselle  de  Canonge, 
"with  the  principles  which  are  perpetually  advocated 
for  a  government  of  a  turbulent,  unrestful,  and  dis- 
jointed nation."  *  Despite  his  personal  sympathies  and 
preferences,  none  of  the  lessons,  not  one  iota  of  the 
philosophy  of  1789,  had  been  lost  on  him.  What  he  in- 
stinctively felt  in  1819,  experience  (and  what  experi- 
ence!) induced  him  to  lay  down  as  a  maxim  in  1861,  at 
a  moment  when  the  Second  Empire  seemed  most  se- 
curely established.  The  dangers  and  shortcomings  of 
democracy  were  apparent,  yet  he  professed  himself  a 
republican  "par  intelligence  des  choses,"  2  and  heroically  »> 
accepted  the  peril.  His  sincerity  has  been  questioned; 
but  an  impartial  study  of  his  life  and  actions  makes  clear 
that  his  social  acumen  and  instinctive  statesmanship, 
based  on  sound  historical  research,  had,  ever  since  he 
had  reasoned  and  pondered  political  problems,  convinced 
him  that  founded  on  the  democratic  principle  alone  could 
modern  France  live  and  thrive  among  the  nations. 

The  period  of  his  life  we  are  now  analyzing  was  not, 
however,  conspicuous  for  political  work,  being  essen- 
tially associated  with  his  literary  development.  Never- 
theless, his  ambition  to  secure  a  diplomatic  appoint- 
ment caused  him  to  gravitate  towards  the  circle  where 
the  foremost  political  lights  of  the  day  revolved,  such  as 
M.  de  Bonald,  the  Abb6  de  Lamennais,  and  M.  Lain£, 
who  became  his  personal  friends.  With  M.  de  Chateau- 
briand, who  always  professed  antipathy  for  "ce  grand 
dadais,"  nothing  but  the  most  formal  relations  were 
ever  entertained.3 

1  Correspondence,  CLXXII.  *  Histoire  de  la  Restauralion,  vol.  I,  p.  5. 

1  Cf.  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  IX,  p.  31;  vol.  xxvu,  p.  289. 


CHAPTER  XVII 
BRILLIANT  SUCCESS  IN  PARIS 

DURING  the  early  months  of  1819  Lamartine  was  still 
eating  his  heart  out  and  fretting  over  his  inactivity,  now 
at  Macon,  now  in  the  solitude  of  Milly.  His  eyes  are, 
it  is  true,  turned  ever  and  again  towards  Paris,  but  it 
is  with  a  literary  object  in  view  rather  than  for  the 
advancement  of  his  diplomatic  or  administrative  am- 
bition, that  he  meditates  a  visit  to  the  capital.  The 
perusal  of  a  letter  to  Virieu,  written  on  January  18,  dis- 
closes a  peculiar  crisis  the  causes  of  which  can  only  be 
conjectured.  Physical  discomfort,  combined  with  keen 
discouragement  over  his  literary  work,  dictated,  per- 
haps, the  extraordinary  proposition  he  makes.  Together 
with  a  friend,  M.  de  Nansouty,  his  fertile  brain  evolved 
a  financial  scheme;  the  prototype  of  another,  which,  at 
a  much  later  date,  he  actually  put  into  execution  in 
Asia  Minor.  The  island  of  Pianozza,  off  the  Tuscan 
coast,  was,  he  had  heard,  very  fertile,  but  uncultivated. 
If  we  read  aright,  seventy  thousand  francs  had  been 
subscribed  towards  the  scheme,  and  he  and  his  friends 
were  about  to  obtain  a  concession  from  the  Govern- 
ment of  the  Grand  Duke,  and  set  about  farming  the 
land.  One  hundred  per  cent  on  the  initial  outlay  is  to 
be  expected  the  first  year.  Of  course  Virieu  must  have 
his  share  in  these  miraculous  profits.1  No  further  men- 
tion is  vouchsafed  of  the  affair,  but  it  could  not  be  ig- 
nored, for  it  is  highly  characteristic  of  the  optimistic 
and  impulsive  nature  of  the  man  who,  in  later  life,  was 
so  frequently  to  allow  himself  to  be  lured  into  specula- 
tions equally  visionary  and  hardly  less  ephemeral. 

1  Correspondance,  CLXX. 
•  •  209  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


A  week  later  diplomacy  is  again  the  object  of  his 
dreams.  The  marriage  of  his  sister  Cesarine  with  an 
elder  brother  of  his  friend  Count  de  Vignet  delayed  his 
departure  for  Paris  in  quest  of  employment.  But  the 
end  of  February  saw  him  once  more  installed  in  the 
capital.  The  social  surroundings  in  which  he  found  him- 
self soon  relieved  both  physical  and  moral  worries.  Am- 
bition once  more  tugs  at  his  sleeve.  "I  have  great  plans 
in  view, "  he  writes  Mademoiselle  de  Canonge.  "  I  can't 
endure  this  slavery.  I  must  try  my  luck  in  other  climes, 
and  attain  to  the  independence  which  will  permit  me 
to  marry  according  to  my  inclination."  * 

The  handsome  young  man,  with  the  marvellous  talent 
for  delicate  versification,  soon  became  the  rage.  Ma- 
dame de  Raigecourt  and  Madame  de  Sainte-Aulaire 
vied  with  each  other  to  secure  the  new  attraction,  and 
in  their  salons  he  met  the  flower  of  the  aristocracy  of 
birth,  of  literature,  and  of  politics.  A  reading  of  his 
verses  was  arranged  for  him  at  the  palace  of  the  Due 
d'Orleans,  in  whose  family  his  grandmother  and  grand- 
father had  held  important  positions.  At  this  moment 
Alphonse  would  have  himself  willingly  accepted  employ- 
ment in  the  royal  household ;  but  the  Duke  did  not  wish 
to  rearrange  his  Court  until  after  the  death  of  his  mother, 
the  dowager  duchess.2  On  April  13,  he  wrote  an  enthu- 
siastic letter  to  Virieu  describing  a  visit  to  the  chateau  at 
La  Roche-Guyon.  Here,  as  everywhere,  his  success  is 
immense  and  his  verses  obtain  for  him  a  perfect  ova- 
tion. ".  .  .  All  those  I  know  or  meet  are  of  one  voice  as 
to  my  talent  for  poetry.  I  have  made  enthusiasts  beyond 
all  you  can  imagine.  The  Duke  of  Rohan  and  Mathieu 
de  Montmorency  are  among  the  number.  I  have  just 
composed  for  them,  at  La  Roche-Guyon,  during  Holy 

1  Correspondence,  CLXXIV. 

1  Cf.  Cours  de  liUerature,  vol.  IX,  p.  14;  also  vol.  xxvn,  p.  265. 

.  .  2IO  •  • 


BRILLIANT  SUCCESS  IN  PARIS 


Week,  the  most  beautiful  religious  stanzas  you  can  im- 
agine .  .  .  pure  as  air,  sad  as  death,  and  soft  as  velvet."  l 
In  spite  of  all  this  flattery,  however,  he  assures  Virieu 
that  his  head  is  not  turned.  "I  have  too  urgent  need  of 
substantial  things  to  feed  myself  on  this  silly  little  in- 
cense which  a  breath  dissipates." 

From  afar  the  fond  mother  followed  with  pride  her 
son's  success.  On  June  1 1,  she  notes  in  her  diary  that  she 
had  met  an  Italian  lady  in  Macon  who  had  seen  Alphonse 
while  in  Paris,  and  who  recited  for  her  some  of  his  recent 
verses:  "Ce  sont  des  stances  religieuses  et  melanco- 
liques  ou  Ton  sent  aussi  un  fond  de  passion."  2 

This  Madame  de  L ,  as  Lamartine  designates  her 

in  his  "M£moires  politiques,"  *  had  interested  herself 
in  the  young  poet  during  a  sharp  attack  of  illness,  brav- 
ing slander,  and  watching  over  his  convalescence,  read- 
ing aloud  to  him  the  works  of  Walter  Scott.  The  iden- 
tity of  the  beautiful  Italian  is,  however,  uncertain.  In 
"Fior  d'Alisa,"  Lamartine,  describing  a  visit  to  Florence, 
makes  mention  of  a  certain  Countess  L6na  (also  known 
under  the  name  of  "Regina"  in  the  "Confidences"), 
who  had  returned  to  the  city  by  the  Arno  on  a  visit  to 
relatives.  "A  long  silence  had  separated  us  since  my 
marriage,"  he  writes.  "She  thought  she  could  renew 
what  had  been  a  one-sided  but  passionate  attachment. 
She  was  the  most  beautiful  and  gracious  woman  I  ever 
met."  4  She  died  of  cholera  in  1851,  according  to  one  ver- 
sion; but  in  another  she  expires  at  an  advanced  age,  on 
the  shores  of  the  Adriatic:  "Comme  meurt  un  chant 
de  Rossini  le  soir  sur  les  collines  de  Pezzaro."  5 

Among  the  most  important  of  the  acquaintances  La- 
martine made  during  this  visit  to  Paris  was  the  Abb£  de 

1  Correspondance,  CLXXIX.  •  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  223. 

»  Vol.  i,  p.  102.  *  Cows  de  liUerature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  270. 

*  Op.  cit.;  also  Memoir es  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  103. 

.  .  211   •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Lamennais.  During  the  summer  of  1818  this  celebrated 
author's  "Essai  sur  Tindiff6rence  en  matiere  de  religion" 
had  fallen  into  the  young  man's  hands,1  and  the  im- 
pression made  was  instantaneous  and  lasting.  In  later 
years  Lamartine  made  attempts  to  minimize  the  influ- 
ences this  work  exercised  over  him:  but  the  contem- 
poraneous correspondence  with  Virieu  and  others  is 
proof  positive  of  the  rapture  with  which  he  hailed  the 
advent  of  the  new  prophet.  "C'est  magnifique,  pense 
comme  M.  de  Maistre,  ecrit  comme  Rousseau,  fort,  vrai, 
elev£,  pittoresque,  concluant,  neuf :  enfin  tout."  2  Lamen- 
nais's  influence  over  Lamartine  is  undeniable.  But  we 
hesitate  to  accept  M.  Christian  Marechal's  contention 
that,  after  1817,  the  social,  political,  philosophical,  and 
religious  thought  of  Lamartine  reflects  exactly  that  of 
Lamennais;  or  that  such  influence,  which  lasted  over 
twenty  years,  was  the  effective  and  direct  action  of  the 
thinker  on  the  mind  of  the  poet.8  M.  Marechal  would 
have  us  believe  that  after  reading  "L'Essai  sur  1'indiffe- 
rence"  Lamartine's  poetry  and  prose,  even  his  politics, 
were  hardly  less  than  plagiarisms,  and  his  substantial 
volume  is  in  support  of  this  thesis.  Ingenious  as  are  his 
parallels,  his  conclusions  fail  to  carry  conviction  to  the 
student  of  the  character  and  mentality  of  Lamartine. 
No  fair-minded  critic  will  attempt  to  deny  the  influ- 
ence, the  immense  influence,  exerted  by  the  great  reli- 
gious and  social  thinker  over  the  poet  and  author  of 
"Jocelyn"  and  other  works.  But  the  impression  left  by 
a  careful  and  impartial  reading  of  M.  Mar6chal's  work 
is  that  of  a  reductio  ad  absurdum.  Nevertheless,  we  shall 
have  occasion  to  return  to  the  undoubted  similarity  of 
thought  existing  between  these  two  great  forces  in  the 

1  Cf.  Lettres  de  Lamartine,  p.  2. 

1  Correspondence,  CLIII;  cf.  also  S6ch6,  Le  Cenade  de  la  Muse  franchise, 
p.  215;  Cours  de  litteratvre,  vol.  n,  p.  270,  and  vol.  xxrv,  p.  802. 
*  Lamennais  et  Lamartine,  p.  3. 

.  .  212  •  • 


BRILLIANT  SUCCESS  IN  PARIS 


intellectual  world,  when  we  reach  the  period  of  Lamar- 
tine's  political  activity. 

Meanwhile  Lamartine's  brilliant  conquest  of  aristo- 
cratic and  intellectual  Parisian  society  had  been  fol- 
lowed by  a  return  of  his  heart  trouble.  His  physical 
health,  and,  we  are  given  to  understand  in  a  letter  to 
Virieu,  financial  embarrassments  also,  made  a  further 
stay  in  the  capital  impossible.  In  vain  his  kind  friends 
De  Montmorency  and  De  Rohan,  who,  at  their  own  ex- 
pense, had  two  or  three  of  his  poems  printed  by  Didot,1 
urged  him  to  accept  the  use  of  a  small  country-house 
near  Sc£aux:  the  asylum  he  elects  is  Montculot,  the  soli- 
tary chateau  of  his  uncle,  the  abbe,  about  twenty  kilo- 
metres from  Dijon.  There,  on  a  high  plateau  overlooking 
the  country  for  miles  around,  in  the  midst  of  woods  and 
fields,  he  tarried  until  called  by  his  friend  De  Virieu's  ill- 
ness to  Grand  Lemps,  in  Dauphin^.  From  time  to  time 
he  writes  his  friends  urging  them  to  push  diligently  his 
claims  for  a  diplomatic  appointment.  To  M.  de  Genoude 
he  writes  (June  26)  expressing  admiration  for  Lamennais, 
to  whose  judgment  he  would  like  to  submit  some  recently 
composed  verses.  "I  have  greater  hopes  of  being  em- 
ployed in  diplomacy,"  he  tells  his  correspondent;  "and 
until  every  gleam  of  chance  in  that  direction  has  van- 
ished, I  shall  not  attempt  to  publish  anything.  The  repu- 
tation of  poet  is  the  worst  of  any  in  the  eyes  of  the  men 
who  rule  this  matter-of-fact  world."  z  All  his  life  long 
Lamartine  was  to  experience  the  truth  which  underlies 
this  axiom.  His  political  career  was  to  be  continually 
subjected  to  the  jeers  and  sneers  of  those  who  saw  in 
every  humanitarian  measure  he  advocated,  even  in  his 
unflinching  faith  in  the  future  of  railways  and  other  eco- 
nomic innovations,  the  poetic  idealization  their  souls 
abhorred. 

1  Correspondence,  CLXXXH.  *  Ibid.,  cxci. 

.  .  213  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


On  the  other  hand,  we  perceive  with  some  astonish- 
ment an  apparent  inclination  to  launch  himself  on  the 
"moral  world,"  as  he  terms  it,  but  for  which  we  read  "  the 
world  of  ideals."  Lamartine  invariably  held  in  but  slight 
estimation  the  literary  gifts  he  possessed.  Undoubtedly, 
in  spite  of  his  assertions  when  writing  Virieu,  his  success 
in  Paris  had,  at  this  moment,  caused  him  to  take  his 
poetic  talent  more  seriously  than  he  was  willing  to  admit 
in  later  life.  We  must  not  forget  that  his  success  had 
been  considerable,  and  well  calculated  to  turn  a  stronger 
head  than  his.  Yet,  such  was  his  distaste  for  the  life 
pecuniary  and  other  considerations  forced  him  to  lead 
that  he  would  willingly  have  made  the  sacrifice  of  his 
literary  ambitions  for  the  certitude  of  active  and  re- 
munerative employment.  Nowhere  in  his  writings  are 
these  sentiments  more  clearly  or  more  concisely  ex- 
pressed than  in  his  letter  to  the  Comte  de  Saint-Mauris, 
dated  from  Lemps  on  June  26,  1819:  "I  feel  as  you  do 
that  liberty  is  the  first  requisite  of  a  poet,  and  that  I 
shall  alienate  a  precious  portion  [by  accepting  a  diplo- 
matic post] ;  but  necessity  is  the  greatest  of  despots  .  .  . ; " 
and  he  reiterates  his  conviction  that  the  title  of  poet 
can  only  be  detrimental  to  his  ambition  until  such  time 
as,  having  conquered  an  official  position,  he  can  again 
give  rein  to  Pegasus.  But  to  speak  frankly,  he  does  not 
anticipate  very  great  success,  although  he  realizes  his 
vocation  and  yields  to  its  impulses:  he  writes  as  he 
breathes,  because  he  must,  without  knowing  why.1 

It  would  be  difficult  to  conceive  a  more  absolutely 
rational  and  matter-of-fact  estimation  of  his  talents  than 
that  conveyed  in  the  above-quoted  passage.  Not  only 
is  the  fire  of  genius  absent,  but  the  pardonable  pride,  the 
natural  enthusiasm  of  a  successful  young  poet  who  has 
already  tasted  the  sweets  of  applause  in  the  most  culti- 

1  Correspondence,  cxcu. 
.  .  214  •  • 


BRILLIANT  SUCCESS  IN  PARIS 


vated  centre  of  Europe,  is  conspicuously  lacking.  Nor 
can  the  writer  be  suspected  of  feigned  indifference:  La- 
martine  always  knew  his  worth  and  possessed  no  mean 
dose  of  literary  vanity.  The  present  must  be  accepted 
as  one  of  those  instances  where  his  mental  perception, 
his  clearness  of  vision,  and  his  determination  to  elimi- 
nate all  possible  adverse  chances  in  order  to  achieve 
the  objects  of  his  ambition,  liberty,  and  independence, 
caused  him  to  thrust  temporarily  aside  such  minor  con- 
siderations as  the  gratification  of  what  he  honestly  be- 
lieved to  be  "une  sotte  petite  fum6e  qu'un  souffle  dis- 
sipe."  How  many  young  poets  of  his  age,  having  tasted 
of  the  wine  of  success,  would  have  been  capable  of  set- 
ting aside,  even  temporarily,  the  intoxicating  mixture 
for  what  was  then  at  best  but  a  shadowy  chance  of  a  more 
substantial  future  than  the  Muses  could  offer? 

Admiration  for  this  sacrifice  of  personal  vanity  is  in- 
creased when  we  remember  that  it  was  enacted  at  a  mo- 
ment when  most  men  avail  themselves  of  everything 
likely  to  enhance  their  prestige  in  the  eyes  of  a  woman 
in  whom  they  are  interested.  Lamartine  had  met  a  young 
woman  recently  in  Chamb£ry,  who  had  been  attracted, 
before  becoming  personally  acquainted  with  him,  by 
reason  of  his  poetic  gifts.  Early  in  July  Alphonse  made 
a  week's  visit  to  Chambery,  where  his  sister  C6sarine 
had  resided  since  her  marriage  with  Xavier  de  Vignet. 
There  he  met  a  young  English  girl,  Miss  Maria  Ann 
Eliza  Birch,  who,  with  her  mother,  the  widow  of  a  militia 
colonel,  was  spending  some  weeks  with  the  Marquise  de 
la  Pierre.  But  it  would  not  appear  that  the  first  impres- 
sions on  his  part  were  very  deep. 

It  is  uncertain  whether  Mrs.  and  Miss  Birch  were  al- 
ready established  in  Aix  when  Lamartine  and  Virieu 
arrived  there,  on  or  about  August  I,  1819,  or  whether 
they  reached  the  famous  watering-place  with  the  Mar- 

.  .  215  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


quise  de  la  Pierre  and  her  daughters  a  few  days  later. 
The  fact  is  immaterial.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  the  ac- 
quaintance begun  at  Chambery,  a  fortnight  or  so  before, 
with  the  young  English  girl,  rapidly  ripened  into  inti- 
macy. Lamartine  was  not  in  love  with  Miss  Birch,  but 
he  realized  that  a  marriage  with  her  would  be  conducive 
to  the  attainment  of  some  of  his  most  cherished  ambi- 
tions. On  the  other  hand,  the  young  girl  had  been  from 
the  outset  very  forcibly  attracted.  Although  the  account 
Lamartine  has  given  of  the  courtship  was  written  many 
years  later,  there  would  appear  to  be  no  reason  for  doubt- 
ing its  veracity  in  so  far  as  outline  is  concerned.  Miss 
Birch,  with  her  mother  and  friends,  had  taken  lodgings 
in  a  pension  kept  by  a  M.  Ferret,  whose  sisters  managed 
his  simple  household.  Between  Lamartine  and  M.  Ferret 
their  existed  a  warm  sympathy,  based  on  a  mutual  passion 
for  botany  and  entomology.1  The  old  man  soon  grasped 
the  situation,  and  became  a  precious  aid  to  the  young 
people,  facilitating  their  meetings,  and,  as  Lamartine 
says,  acting  as  sentinel  during  their  stolen  interviews. 

The  first  authentic  intimation  of  this  attachment  is 
contained  in  a  letter  from  Lamartine  to  the  Marquise 
de  Raigecourt,  dated  from  Macon  on  August  29,  1819. 
Therein  he  pleads  with  his  friends  to  place  him  in  com- 
munication with  some  one  in  London  who  could  give 
information  concerning  the  family  he  desires  to  enter. 
There  is  not  an  ounce  of  romance  in  this  letter.  The 
writer  explains  his  action  (very  unusual  in  France,  where 
custom  dictates  that  these  preliminaries  be  left  in  the 
hands  of  the  elders)  by  stating  that  he  can  only  expect  his 
family  to  take  steps  in  the  matter  when  they  have  as- 
certained the  standing  of  the  strangers.  He  informs  his 
correspondent  that  the  young  English  girl  passes  as  be- 
ing "un  fort  bon  parti,"  and  that  "it  seems"  (il  paraif) 
1  Cours  de  litttrature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  1 86. 

•  •  216  •  • 


BRILLIANT  SUCCESS  IN  PARIS 


that  they  suit  each  other  well  enough.1  Not  a  word 
of  enthusiasm  for  the  girl  he  desires  to  marry:  only  an 
urgent  appeal  for  haste,  as  the  "young  person"  neces- 
sarily awaits  a  definite  demand  on  the  part  of  his  parents. 

After  nearly  a  month  at  Aix  and  Chamb£ry  Lamartine 
returned  to  MScon,  and  on  August  30  wrote  to  Made- 
moiselle de  Canonge  that  he  had  a  marriage  in  view,  but 
did  not  know  how  it  would  turn  out.  "The  young  person 
is  very  agreeable,"  he  adds,  "and  has  a  very  good  fortune : 
there  are  mutual  leanings,  conformity  of  tastes,  sym- 
pathy; in  fact,  everything  that  goes  to  make  up  happi- 
ness for  a  couple  about  to  be  united." 

It  is  only  on  September  4  that  Madame  de  Lamar- 
tine makes  any  mention  of  the  news  her  son  has  brought 
back  from  Aix.  "Alphonse  has  arrived,"  she  writes;  "his 
health  is  good,  but  I  have  many  other  worries  concerning 
him.  He  made  the  acquaintance  at  Chamb6ry  of  a  young 
English  person  and  is  extremely  desirous  of  marrying  her. 
It  even  seems  that  he  pleases  this  young  person,  and  that 
they  have  become  mutually  engaged,  as  far  as  two  per- 
sons dependent  on  their  parents'  wishes  can  do  so."  And 
the  good  woman  thanks  Heaven  that  her  prayers  have 
been  heard,  and  that  her  son's  days  of  idleness  and 
"morbid  reveries"  are  over.  The  mother  is  informed 
that,  without  being  a  beauty,  "a  gift  more  often  danger- 
ous than  useful  to  a  woman,"  the  young  Englishwoman 
has  charm,  grace,  an  admirable  figure,  superb  hair, 
remarkable  education,  many  talents,  and  a  superior 
mind.  She  is,  moreover,  of  good  family,  well  connected ; 
and  although  not  rich,  sufficiently  endowed  with  this 
world's  goods  to  make  a  suitable  match  for  her  son.2 

There  are,  of  course,  many  more  details  in  the  jour- 
nal concerning  this  unexpected  affair,  and  the  mother 
relates  minutely  the  circumstances  of  the  meeting  and 
1  Correspondence,  cxcvin.  *  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  224. 

.  .  2I7  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


courtship.  But  the  journal  mentions  the  fact  that  Miss 
Birch  had  been  attracted  to  Alphonse  before  she  met  him 
by  virtue  of  the  "melancholy  verses  of  the  young  French- 
man" her  friends  had  shown  her.  Lamartine,  in  his  let- 
ter to  Mademoiselle  de  Canonge,  states  that  "serious 
obstacles"  threaten  the  projected  marriage.  These  the 
mother  also  foresees.  Miss  Birch  is  a  Protestant,  and  the 
Lamartine  family  are  one  and  all  fervent  Catholics.  The 
girl,  it  is  true,  has  leanings  towards  her  lover's  creed,  but 
hesitates  on  account  of  her  mother's  anger.  A  mixed 
marriage  would  be  extremely  distasteful  to  the  Lamar- 
tines.  Again  there  is  her  nationality.  "What  could  be 
more  antipathetic  to  the  uncles  and  aunts,  so  strait-laced 
and  coldly  prosaic,  than  a  rather  romantic  marriage  with 
a  foreigner?  I  hardly  dare  speak  of  it  to  my  husband  and 
his  brothers!"  And  yet  they  must  be  consulted,  as  the 
family  fortune  is  in  their  hands.  Alphonse  has  nothing 
beyond  the  allowance  his  father  makes  him,  and  a  pro- 
spective inheritance  of  fifty  thousand  francs  on  Saint- 
Point,  after  his  parents'  death.  The  uncles  and  aunts 
hold  the  situation  in  the  hollow  of  their  hands,  and  the 
narrow,  provincial  prejudices  must  be  overcome.  Never 
can  Alphonse's  parents  make  a  formal  request  for  the 
girl's  hand  unless  their  son  brings  a  substantial  marriage 
portion.  "How  could  we  present  a  young  man,  without 
career  and  without  fortune,  to  a  family  richer  than  we? 
Love  compensates  all  for  young  people:  but  then  it  is 
not  the  young  people  who  make  the  settlements.  ...  I 
no  longer  sleep  from  worry."  * 

There  are,  indeed,  serious  obstacles  to  be  overcome  — 
obstacles  which  at  times  appear  unsurmountable.  At 
one  moment  (September  16)  Lamartine  feels  justified  in 
writing  Virieu  that  everything  is  being  arranged  accord- 
ing to  his  desires:  but  a  little  later  he  informs  Made- 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  228. 
.  .  218  •  • 


BRILLIANT  SUCCESS  IN  PARIS 


moiselle  de  Canonge  that  he  cannot  persuade  his  father 
to  take  any  steps  in  the  matter.  "I  am  distressed,"  he 
adds,  "although  I  am  not  the  least  in  the  world  what 
they  call  in  love.  But  the  affair  was  good  and  reasonable. 
It  was  all  I  could  hope  for."  1 

If  his  matrimonial  prospects  were  doubtful,  the  coveted 
diplomatic  appointment  seemed  even  more  unattainable. 
From  headquarters  he  learns  that  regulations  have  re- 
cently been  adopted  which  preclude  the  appointment  to 
the  salaried  service  of  any  person  not  having  previously 
served  an  apprenticeship  in  one  of  the  Legations,  or  as 
an  unpaid  attach^  in  the  Foreign  Office  at  Paris.  "Here 
I  am,  after  four  years  of  solicitations,  promises,  forever 
excluded  from  the  career  I  have  all  my  life  had  in  per- 
spective ...  all  my  hopes  destroyed  at  a  single  blow."  * 

To  add  to  his  worries  Mrs.  Birch  would  appear,  after 
having  smiled  upon  the  flirtation  at  the  outset,  to  have 
firmly  opposed  any  project  of  marriage;  principally  on 
account  of  the  difference  in  creed.  "One  must  perforce 
bear  what  one  cannot  change,"  the  disappointed  suitor 
writes  Mademoiselle  de  Canonge.  "Don't  pity  me.  .  .  . 
I  bear  it  well  enough ;  even  with  that  joy  which  one  feels 
at  the  termination  of  a  long  period  of  uncertainty."  * 

That  for  Lamartine  this  marriage  was  purely  one  of 
reason,  there  can  be  no  possible  doubt.  His  passion  for 
Madame  Charles  was  still  smouldering  —  burning  would 
be  the  more  proper  term  —  in  his  heart.  But  his  situa- 
tion was  becoming  more  and  more  difficult,  and,  at 
twenty-nine  years  of  age,  he  realized  that  the  only  re- 
lease from  the  financial  bonds  which  hampered  him  lay  in 
an  advantageous  matrimonial  alliance.  His  parents,  how- 
ever, whose  scruples  are  all  to  their  credit,  refused  to  lend 
themselves  to  any  subterfuge  not  strictly  in  accord  with 
their  code  of  honour.  A  note  in  Madame  de  Lamartine's 

1  Correspondence,  cc  and  CCI.  *  Cf.  Ibid.,  ecu.         *  Ibid.,  cciv. 

.  .  219  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


diary  clearly  shows  their  predicament.  Early  in  Novem- 
ber she  writes:  "Everything  is  broken  off.  Alphonse  has 
returned  [presumably  from  Chambery  or  Aix] :  the  mother 
of  the  young  English  girl  has  taken  her  daughter  to 
Turin,  in  order  to  separate  her  from  the  man  she  appears 
to  love.  Nevertheless,  the  young  people  occasionally  cor- 
respond. I  am  very  sad.  My  husband,  worried  by  our 
embarrassment,  caused  by  the  failure  of  the  crops  and 
his  son's  debts,  which  must  be  paid  before  any  marriage 
can  be  contracted,  in  order  not  to  deceive  the  family 
which  our  son  would  enter,  talks  of  retiring  completely 
to  the  country,  and  of  selling  his  house  in  M&con.  If 
this  occurs,  how  shall  I  marry  the  two  daughters  left  me? 
Who  would  come  to  court  them  in  a  poor  village? "  1 

Alphonse  himself  realized  the  hopelessness  of  the 
situation,  and  wisely  took  matters  into  his  own  hands. 
"I  have  just  taken  an  important  step,"  he  wrote  the 
Marquise  de  Raigecourt,  on  November  12,  1819.  "For 
some  time  past  I  have  had  very  considerable  debts 
which  gravely  menaced  my  future.  I  confided  my  wor- 
ries to  some  members  of  my  family.  At  first  it  made  a 
terrible  fuss :  then  an  uncle  and  two  aunts,  with  charming 
grace  and  kindness,  undertook  to  pay  my  indebtedness. 
I  am  now  busy  over  this  wholesale  liquidation,  which  is 
carried  on  unknown  to  my  father."  z 

It  is  possible  that  Mrs.  Birch  knew  of  these  debts. 
But  the  Englishwoman's  opposition  to  the  marriage  of 
her  daughter  was  based,  it  would  appear,  on  the  differ- 
ence of  religion  alone.  Miss  Birch  was  willing,  nay,  eager, 
to  abjure  her  faith,  and  accept  her  lover's  creed:  in  fact, 
she  so  informed  her  parent.  "But  the  mother  is  in  de- 
spair," writes  Lamartine  to  Madame  de  Raigecourt, 
"and  refuses  her  consent.  We  must  do  without  it."  Mrs. 
Birch  threatened  to  take  her  daughter  to  England:  but 
1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  229.  *  Correspondence,  ccvii. 

.  .  22O  •  • 


BRILLIANT  SUCCESS  IN  PARIS 


the  suitor  announced  his  determination  to  follow  them. 
Rumour  had  it,  and  the  legend  persisted  for  many  years, 
that  Miss  Birch  had  royal  blood  in  her  veins,  was  in  fact 
the  natural  daughter  of  William  IV.1  But  there  is  no 
authority  for  such  a  belief,  or  for  the  statement  that  the 
girl  received  a  royal  pension  on  this  account.  That  the 
pecuniary  resources  of  the  family  were  overestimated 
later  became  apparent :  but  they  were  comfortably  well 
off,  and  at  that  time  the  fortune  seemed  to  Lamartine  a 
considerable  one. 

Whatever  the  motives  which  spurred  Lamartine  to 
make  Miss  Birch  his  wife,  at  no  time  did  he  profess  a 
more  tender  sentiment  than  that  which  he  was  capable 
of  entertaining.  Although  dated  several  months  later 
(April  26,  1820),  a  letter  to  Virieu  gives  a  very  clear  ap- 
preciation of  the  state  of  mind  the  young  man  was  in. 
"To  you  alone,"  he  writes  this  trusted  friend,  "to  you 
alone  will  I  confide  my  real  reasons:  it  is  for  religious 
motives  that  I  absolutely  wish  to  be  married,  and  that 
I  take  so  much  trouble  over  it.  One  must  finally  severely 
organize  one's  useless  life  according  to  established  laws, 
divine  or  human,  and  my  doctrine  asserts  that  human 
laws  are  divine.  Time  is  passing,  the  years  flit  past,  life 
is  ebbing,  we  must  profit  by  what  remains.  Let  us  give 
ourselves  a  fixed  aim  for  the  employment  of  this  fecund 
remainder;  and  let  this  aim  be  the  most  lofty  possible; 
that  is  to  say,  let  it  be  the  wish  to  make  ourselves  agree- 
able to  God."  And  he  goes  on  to  say  that  by  riveting  our- 
selves in  the  established  order,  and  adopting  the  general 
scheme  of  life  our  fathers  have  followed,  by  imploring 
the  Almighty  to  give  us  strength  and  spiritual  food,  mak- 
ing the  sacrifice  of  some  "r6pugnances  de  1'esprit,"  we 
shall  find  peace  of  soul.  "Ergo,  marions  nous!"  are  the 

1  Cf.  Journal  du  Docteur  Prosper  MSnitre,  p.  88,  and  M.  de  Barth61emyf 
Souvenirs  d'un  ancien  Prefet,  p.  194. 

.  .  221    •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


words  with  which  he  winds  up  his  peroration,  "et  arrive 
ce  qui  plaira."  l 

In  this  connection  a  letter  written  to  Madame  de 
Raigecourt,  a  few  weeks  before  his  marriage,  is  highly 
significative  of  the  lack  of  passion,  or  even  ordinary  en- 
thusiasm, he  felt  over  the  impending  ceremony.  "I  try 
to  make  myself  as  much  in  love  as  possible:  ...  I  shall 
possess  a  real  moral  perfection:  all  that  is  wanting  is  a 
little  more  beauty.  But  I  shall  content  myself  with  what 
there  is."  2 

In  his  "Vie  int6rieure  de  Lamartine,"  founded  on  a 
diary  left  by  the  poet's  friend  and  confidant,  J.  M.  Dar- 
gaud,  M.  Jean  des  Cognets  states  that  Louis  de  Vignet 
was  a  rival  for  Miss  Birch's  hand.  Lamartine  agreed  to 
give  his  friend  a  chance  and  went  off  for  a  week,  leaving 
him  a  free  field.  But  when  Vignet  made  his  offer  to  the 
girl  she  confessed  that  she  loved  another.3 
1  Correspondence,  ccxvui.  f  Ibid.,  ccxvii.  *  Op.  tit.,  p.  in. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 
MEDITATIONS  PO&TIQUES 

MEANWHILE,  Lamartine  redoubled  his  efforts  to  ob- 
tain government  employment.  "I  am  too  hampered  by 
my  extreme  misery,  too  vexed  by  poverty,"  he  wrote 
Virieu  when  urging  him  to  aid  in  finding  him  a  salaried 
post.1 

Yet,  in  spite  of  financial  and  matrimonial  vexations, 
the  Muses  were  not  neglected :  in  the  midst  of  mundane 
worries  the  poet  made  occasional  flights  into  the  realms 
of  pure  phantasy.  The  autumn  and  early  winter  months 
were  in  fact  fairly  filled  with  literary  activities.  Despair- 
ing of  the  elusive  appointment,  he  no  longer  hesitated 
to  publish  his  verses.  On  October  20  he  submitted  long 
extracts  of  the  "Ode  to  Lord  Byron"  to  Virieu.  "La 
Priere,"  one  of  the  most  exquisitely  delicate  of  the  "  Medi- 
tations," also  dates  from  this  period. 

A  summons  to  Paris,  from  Baron  Mounier,  held  out 
some  prospects  of  success,  and  the  young  man  departed 
full  of  hope,  for  it  meant  that  "he  would  be  free  to  marry 
the  person  he  loves,  his  career  standing  in  the  lieu  of  an 
immediate  fortune."  2  M.  Pasquier  had  become  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  it  is  to  be  presumed  that  he 
contemplated  modifying,  or  setting  aside,  the  vexatious 
regulations  which  had  caused  the  candidate  such  tribula- 
tions a  few  months  earlier.  Although  no  immediate  re- 
sult was  forthcoming,  Lamartine  received  formal  promises 
of  employment,  accompanied,  it  is  true,  by  recommenda- 
tions that  he  be  patient. 

While  awaiting  a  favourable  turn  of  Fortune's  wheel, 
1  Correspondence,  ccxi.  *  Hanuscrit  de  ma  nitre,  p.  230. 

.  .  223  •  ... 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


the  young  man  availed  himself  to  the  full  of  the  enthusi- 
asm his  reception  in  the  Paris  salons  evoked.  Passages 
from  the  letter  to  Virieu  have  been  cited,  wherein  he  af- 
firms that  Byron's  success  in  London  did  not  surpass  his 
own.  The  mother's  diary  also  contains  mention  of  the 
furor  accompanying  her  son's  reception.  The  timid  and 
conscientious  woman  calls  God  to  witness  that  however 
proud  she  is  of  the  marks  of  universal  distinction  Al- 
phonse  is  receiving,  yet  she  does  not  ask  for  him  the 
world's  glory  and  honours,  but  only  that  he  may  be  an 
honest  and  God-fearing  man  like  his  father.  "The  rest 
is  vanity;  often  worse  than  vanity."  1 

It  was  at  this  period  that  Lamartine  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  the  Duchesse  de  Broglie,  Madame  de 
StaeTs  daughter.  In  his  "Journal"  the  old  Marechal  de 
Castellane  records  the  following:  "Madame  de  Broglie's 
society  is  the  sequel  of  that  of  Madame  de  Stael"; 
but  he  adds  that  the  daughter  does  not  know  how  to  re- 
ceive, although  desirous  of  being  polite.  Shortly  after 
his  arrival  in  Paris  Alphonse  was  a  guest  at  one  of  the 
Duchess's  dinners.  She  had  placed  Lamartine  beside  her, 
notes  the  Marshal;  adding,  "he  is  a  young  poet  with  a 
great  reputation ;  his  chest  is  weak,  and  he  did  not  utter 
a  word."  2  Thomas  Moore,  Byron's  friend,  attended  the 
same  dinner.  Lamartine  also  speaks  of  meeting  the 
author  of  "Lalla  Rookh,"  affirming  that  he  often  saw 
him  at  Madame  de  Broglie's  receptions.3  These  brilliant 
social  successes  were  temporarily  jeopardized  by  a  sud- 
den and  serious  illness.  Stricken  down  with  pneumonia, 
his  condition  became  so  alarming  that  Madame  de 
Lamartine  was  summoned  in  all  haste.  Suzanne,  the 
youngest  daughter,  accompanied  her  mother.  On  their 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  nitre,  p.  231. 

1  Journal  du  Marechal  de  Castellane,  vol.  I,  p.  388. 

»  Cours  de  liUerature,  vol.  xvi,  p.  250. 

.  .  224  •  • 


MEDITATIONS  POfiTIQUES 


arrival  Alphonse  was  convalescent ;  but  the  ladies  tarried 
in  Paris  in  order  that  the  girl  might  make  her  debut  in 
the  great  world.  During  his  illness,  believing  himself 
doomed,  the  young  poet  begs  Virieu  never  to  allow  his 
letters  to  be  published,  but  to  burn  them.  Nor  does 
he  desire  that  any  other  verses  than  those  selected  for 
the  forthcoming  "Meditations  poetiques"  survive  him, 
except  "Saul."  l 

How  ill  the  young  poet  had  been  is  made  clear  in  a 
letter  from  Due  de  Rohan  to  Joseph  Rocher,  dated  March 
7,  1820.  Death  stared  him  in  the  face,  but  although 
saddened  by  this  fact,  Lamartine  "threw  himself  with 
loving  confidence  in  the  arms  of  the  Almighty,"  calm  and 
resigned  as  to  the  fate  Providence  held  in  store.  He  asked 
to  see  a  priest,  and  made  a  general  confession  of  his  life. 
"  During  his  cruel  sufferings  he  never  uttered  a  complaint ; 
pale  and  undone,  a  smile  continually  hovered  on  his  lips, 
and  peace  dwelt  in  his  heart."  * 

That  Lamartine  was  traversing  a  religious  crisis  of  con- 
siderable intensity  at  this  period  is  not  only  discernible 
in  his  correspondence,  but  evidenced  also  by  the  deeply 
mystical  character  of  his  poetic  inspirations.  The  influ- 
ences of  Lamennais's  teachings  were  at  work,  while  those 
of  his  intimate  friend  De  Rohan  were,  perhaps,  even 
more  apparent.  The  Duke  had  recently  renounced  the 
world  and  joined  the  priesthood.  "The  newspapers  will 
have  apprized  you  of  my  tonsure,"  he  wrote  his  young 
friend,  "but  they  have  not  informed  you  of  my  joy  at 
receiving  the  Lord  as  my  inheritance."  *  His  affection 
for  the  gifted  poet  was  deep  and  tender.  During  Lamar- 
tine's  previous  visit  to  Paris,  De  Rohan  had  fathomed 
and  sincerely  lamented  the  young  man's  turbulent  un- 

1  Correspondance,  ccxni. 

*  Unpublished  letter  cited  by  Seche,  Lamartine,  1816-1830,  p.  351. 

'  Lettres  a  Lamartine,  p.  12. 

•  •  235  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


rest  of  soul  and  frequent  revolt.  Very  tactfully  he  had 
assiduously  inculcated  his  own  simple  and  unquestion- 
ing faith.  If  we  are  to  believe  M.  Loli£e,  however,  humil- 
ity was  not  one  of  De  Rohan's  virtues.  Although  he 
rapidly  rose  to  be  a  cardinal,  he  preserved  all  his  mun- 
dane attributes  of  caste,  together  with  an  almost  effemi- 
nate weakness  for  dress.  He  invariably  wore  the  insignia 
of  a  peer,  and  even  insisted  on  having  the  special  em- 
broideries to  which  his  rank  entitled  him  affixed  to  his 
dressing-gowns. l 

The  pantheism  of  Lamartine's  religious  tenets  has  been 
exhaustively  discussed.  Frequently  convicted  and  as 
often  rehabilitated,  the  imputation  can  assuredly  not  be 
dismissed  with  a  mere  expression  of  a  personal  opinion, 
nor  summed  up  in  a  single  phrase.  The  orthodoxy  of 
his  dogma  may  be  questioned ;  but  few  will  care  to  dis- 
pute the  intense  religiosity  which  permeates  such  "  M6di- 
tations"  as  "La  Semaine  Sainte  a  la  Roche-Guyon"  or 
"  Le  Chretien  mourant,"  to  cite  but  two  examples  directly 
traceable  to  the  influences  to  which  he  was  subjected  dur- 
ing the  Parisian  sojourn  of  1819.  All  Lamartine's  poetry 
is  religious  in  its  essence,  although  part  is  unquestion- 
ably pantheistic  in  expression,  and  flagrant  examples  of 
unorthodoxy  are  not  rare.  At  times  his  verses  verge  on 
the  metaphysical,  but  a  final  analysis  would  seem  to  de- 
monstrate the  persistent  influence  of  those  simple  tenets 
he  imbibed  at  his  mother's  knee;  and  to  the  revival  of 
these  De  Rohan  was  no  stranger.  The  influence  of  Jean 
Jacques  Rousseau  cannot  be  ignored.  But  it  was,  per- 
haps, with  that  of  Goethe  that  his  early  life  and  poetic 
inspiration  were  most  deeply  imbued.  "Werther"  out- 
weighed "Ren6"  or  even  "Lara."  Lamartine  himself 
acknowledged  as  much.  "As  for  me,"  he  wrote  in  1859, 
"I  don't  conceal  it,  'Werther'  was  the  mental  malady 
1  Cf.  F.  Loli6e,  Talleyrand,  p.  350. 
•  •  226  •  • 


MEDITATIONS  POfiTIQUES 


of  my  poetic  youth :  he  gave  the  tone  to  the  '  Medita- 
tions poetiques'  and  to  'Jocelyn.'  Only  the  profound 
religiosity  which  Goethe  lacks,  but  which  is  superabun- 
dant in  me,  caused  my  youthful  songs  to  rise  to  Heaven, 
instead  of  resounding  like  a  spadeful  of  earth  on  the  coffin 
in  the  grave  of  a  suicide."  *  And  he  might  have  added 
that  "  Raphael "  was  almost  as  directly  inspired. 

Meanwhile,  once  fairly  entered  upon  his  convalescence, 
the  publication  of  his  volume  of  verses  absorbed  all  his 
energies.  When  the  little  sheaf  of  poems  appeared,  its 
success  was  immediate  and  phenomenal.  No  name  was 
printed  on  the  title-page,  it  is  true,  but  all,  or  nearly  all, 
the  poems  had  been  recited  by  Lamartine  in  the  salons 
of  his  friends,  and  no  mystery  attached  to  the  identity 
of  the  author.  On  March  13,  1820,  Paris,  and  a  few  days 
later  all  France,  hailed  a  new  star  of  the  first  magnitude 
which  had  risen  above  the  literary  horizon.  Edition  fol- 
lowed edition:  in  each  new  " Meditations"  were  included, 
swelling  the  proportions  of  the  original  thin  octavo  of 
1 1 8  pages,  which  was  issued  from  the  press  of  Didot,  and 
could  be  purchased  "au  dep6t  de  la  librairie  grecque- 
latine-allemande,  rue  de  Seine,  12."  An  "  Avertissement 
de  1'Editeur,"  signed  E.  G.  (Eugene  Genoude),  served  as 
preface. 

The  popularity  of  the  "  Meditations"  has  never  waned. 
The  first  edition,  published  March  13,  1820,  consisted 
of  five  hundred  copies.  The  second,  which  appeared  a 
fortnight  later,  of  fifteen  hundred  copies.  Between  1820 
and  1831,  nineteen  editions  were  issued  by  Gosselin, 
not  to  mention  piracies  in  Belgium  and  elsewhere. 
M.  Gustave  Lanson  estimates  the  sales  during  the  first  ten 
years  at  between  thirty-five  and  forty  thousand  copies. 
From  1869  to  1882  the  Librairie  Hachette  disposed  of 
twenty-two  thousand  six  hundred  and  twenty-six  copies. 

1  Cows  de  literature,  vol.  vn,  p.  103. 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 

From  1882  to  1895,  sixteen  thousand  were  sold.  The 
next  ten  years  witnessed  a  sale  of  forty-two  thousand 
six  hundred:  a  total,  from  1869  to  1914,  of  eighty-one 
thousand  two  hundred  and  twenty-six  copies.  Transla- 
tions, partial  or  complete,  were  made  in  nearly  all  Eu- 
ropean languages.1 

Like  Byron  the  author  awoke  one  morning  to  find  him- 
self famous. 

To  Virieu  the  fortunate  author  confides  his  triumph, 
and  acknowledges  that  his  faithful  friend  had  been  a 
true  prophet.  But  he  adds:  "All  this  does  not  affect  me 
more  than  a  drop  of  dew  on  a  rock.  Suffering  alone  binds 
me  to  this  world ;  suffering,  and  friendship  for  you  and  a 
few  others.  ...  I  am  preparing  myself  for  the  summons, 
and  I  shall  say:  'Here  am  I,  O  Lord!  I  have  suffered,  I 
have  loved,  I  have  sinned,  I  have  been  human,  that  is  to 
say,  a  poor  thing:  I  desired  good:  forgive  me.'"  2 

Notwithstanding  this  pessimism,  Lamartine  seems  to 
have  taken  a  most  lively  interest  in  his  literary  success. 
How  could  it  have  been  otherwise?  The  fear  lest  the 
public  recognition  of  his  talents  prove  prejudicial  to  his 
diplomatic  aspirations  was  quickly  dispelled.  The  King 
awarded  him  most  gracious  compliments.  Even  such 
"anti-poeticalmenasMM.de  Talleyrand,  Mol£,  Moun- 
ier,  Pasquier,  read  and  recite  them :  one  talks  of  them  even 
in  the  midst  of  this  revolutionary  tumult."  In  after  life 
Lamartine  dwelt  at  length  on  the  grounds  on  which  his 
fears  had  rested,  and  of  the  risks  he  ran  that  "a  little 
applause  and  the  fluttering  of  some  poets'  and  women's 
hearts  destroy  his  chances  of  a  diplomatic  career." 3  There 
can  be  little  doubt,  however,  that  this  sudden  celebrity 
called  the  Ministers'  attention  to  the  obscure  candidate, 
and  was  the  direct  cause  of  his  speedy  appointment  to 

1  Cf.  Lamartine  (2  vols.,  Hachette,  Paris,  1915),  p.  Ixxxiv.       < 

*  Correspondence t  ccxm.  *  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  x,  p.  234. 

.  .  228  •  • 


MEDITATIONS  PO&TIQUES 


the  coveted  billet.  He  himself  acknowledges  it  when  he 
writes  that  Poetry  was  his  first  protector.  "Every  one 
wanted  to  lend  me  a  hand,"  he  adds,  "and  on  the  very 
day  of  my  prodigious  success,  I  received  my  appointment 
as  Secretary  to  the  Embassy  at  Naples."  l 

Following  closely  on  the  publication  of  his  verses  were 
two  letters:  one  from  Madame  de  Talmont,  a  great  lady 
personally  unknown  to  him,  but  an  intimate  friend  of 
Talleyrand;  the  other  (an  enclosure)  from  the  Prince 
himself.  Talleyrand  expressed  warm  enthusiasm  for  the 
verses,  which,  he  said,  had  so  fascinated  him  that  he  had 
spent  the  entire  night  reading  and  re-reading  the  poems.2 

Within  an  hour  of  the  receipt  of  these  letters,  a  large 
official  envelope  was  handed  the  exuberant  young  poet: 
it  contained  his  commission  as  Secretary  of  Legation 
at  Naples,  duly  signed  by  the  anti-potte  M.  Pasquier, 
Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  "This  book"  ("Les  Medita- 
tions"), exclaims  Charles  Alexandre,  "was  a  golden  key. 
It  opened  three  gates;  that  of  Fame,  that  of  a  diplomatic 
career,  and  that  of  the  nuptial  chamber."  * 

Lamartine  himself  writes  that  he  cared  little  for  the 
success  literature  had  brought  him,  but  that  his  exulta- 
tion over  the  career  opened  to  him  was  intense.  "I 
scanned  in  my  mind's  eye  the  long  years  which  still 
separated  me  from  the  rostrum  and  the  great  affairs  of 
State,  my  true  and  real  vocation,  in  spite  of  what  my 
friends  think  and  my  enemies  say.  I  realized  that  I  did 
not  possess  the  creative  organization  which  makes  great 
poets:  my  whole  talent  came  only  from  the  heart.  But 
I  felt  within  me  the  equilibrium  of  common  sense,  the 

1  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  104;  cf.  also  Fr6my,  Lamartine  diplomat*, 
p.  17. 

1  Cf.  Bruneti^re,  L'£volution  de  la  Poesie  lyrique  en  France,  vol.  I, 
p.  no;  also  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  x,  p.  241,  and  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere, 

P-  233- 

3  Madame  de  Lamartine,  p.  27. 

•  •  229  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


thoughtful  eloquence  and  energetic  honesty,  which  go 
to  make  a  statesman:  Mirabeau  haunted  my  brain.  Fate 
and  France  decided  otherwise."  1 

Thomas  Moore  was  in  Paris  when  the  little  volume  of 
verses  appeared.  The  English  bard  entertained  no  very 
exalted  admiration  for  the  author  of  the  "Meditations."  2 
In  the  "Edinburgh  Review"  of  January,  1821,  Moore 
offered  British  readers  the  following  translation  of  La- 
martine's  "Le  Desespoir": 

"  When  the  Deity  saw  what  a  world  he  had  framed, 
From  the  darkness  of  Chaos,  surprised  and  ashamed, 
He  turn'd  from  his  work  with  disdain, 
Then  gave  it  a  kick,  to  complete  its  disgrace, 
Which  sent  it  off,  spinning  through  infinite  space, 
And  returned  to  his  slumbers  again, 
Saying,  'Go  and  be,'  "  etc.,  etc. 

This  is  the  Englishman's  version  of 

"  Lorsque  du  Cr£ateur  la  parole  f£conde, 
Dans  une  heure  fatale,  cut  enfant£  le  monde 
Des  germes  du  Chaos, 

De  son  ceuvre  imparfaite  il  d£tourne  sa  face, 
Et  d'un  pied  d6daigneux  le  langant  dans  1'espace, 
Rentra  dans  son  repos. 
'Va,'  dit-il,"  etc.,  etc. 

Victor  Hugo,  who  reviewed  the  "Meditations"  within 
a  month  after  their  publication,  drawing  a  parallel  be- 
tween Andr£  Chenier  and  Lamartine,  wrote:  "...  En- 
fin,  si  je  comprends  bien  les  distinctions,  du  reste  assez 
insignifiantes,  le  premier  est  '  romantique'  parmi  les 
4  classiques,'  le  second  est  'dassique'  parmi  les  'roman- 


The  "Meditations"  appeared  on  March  13,  1820.  A 
month  later  Lamartine  wrote  Virieu  that  his  publisher 
had  advanced  him  twelve  hundred  francs  on  the  second 

1  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  x,  p.  245. 
*  Cf.  A.  B.  Thomas,  Moore  en  France,  p.  6. 

3  Conservateur  litteraire,  vol.  I  (April,  1820),  p.  374;  cf.  Ch.  M.  Des 
Granges,  La  Presse  litteraire  sous  la  Restauration,  p.  253. 

•  -  230  -  • 


MEDITATIONS  PO&TIQUES 


edition  of  his  volume,  and  that  he  had  spent  eight  hun- 
dred on  the  travelling  carriage  which  was  to  convey  him 
to  Naples.1  King  Louis  XVIII  had  rewarded  the  poet 
with  a  collection  of  Latin  classics,  and  added  a  pension, 
destined  to  eke  out  his  meagre  diplomatic  salary.2 

On  March  23,  directly  after  the  publication  of  his  verses 
and  the  receipt  of  his  appointment,  Lamartine  had  writ- 
ten Virieu  that  he  hoped  to  marry  Miss  Birch  within  the 
year.  But  as  late  as  April  6,  he  did  not  foresee  the  pos- 
sibility of  his  marriage  before  September,  and  contem- 
plated making  the  journey  to  Naples  alone,  where  he  was 
to  report  to  the  French  Minister,  M.  de  Narbonne.1  A 
few  days  later,  however,  matters  had  so  improved  that 
the  prospect  of  an  early  union  seemed  possible.  His  in- 
structions we're  to  proceed  without  loss  of  time  to  his  post 
in  Naples.  But  he  had  gone  to  Chambery,  where  Mrs. 
and  Miss  Birch  were  sojourning,  and  had  succeeded  in 
persuading  the  former  to  agree  to  an  immediate  marriage. 
For  this  purpose,  however,  a  short  delay  before  under- 
taking the  trip  to  Naples  was  necessary.  Through  the 
intercession  of  M.  de  Genoude  and  M.  de  Montmorency, 
M.  Pasquier  was  prevailed  upon  to  grant  the  delay  re- 
quired in  order  to  receive  the  necessary  documents  from 
London.  "La  jeune  personne  vient  de  faire  son  abjura- 
tion secrete,"  4  wrote  the  lover  to  M.  de  Genoude,  on 
April  13. 

To  a  mixed  marriage  Mrs.  Birch  had  become  recon- 
ciled ;  but  she  would  not  listen  to  her  daughter's  embrac- 
ing Catholicism.  Hence  the  crux;  and  hence,  too,  the 
secret  abjuration.  The  Lamartine  family  on  their  side  re- 
fused to  consent  to  a  mixed  marriage,  although  Madame 
de  Lamartine  had,  as  we  have  seen,  complacently  viewed 

1  Correspondance,  ccxiv. 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  234.  *  Correspondance,  ccxv. 

«  Correspondance,  ccxvi;  cf.  also  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  188. 

•  •  231   •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


such  a  contingency  in  the  earlier  stages  of  the  negotia- 
tions. The  environment  in  which  the  young  Protestant 
found  herself  was  rigidly  and  uncompromisingly  Catho- 
lic. It  is  to  be  supposed  that  Alphonse's  sister,  C£sarine 
de  Vignet,  no  less  than  the  members  of  the  Maistre  fam- 
ily, left  no  stone  unturned  to  influence  Miss  Birch  to 
embrace  their  faith.  Their  task  was  simplified  by  the  fact 
that  the  girl  had  leanings  towards  the  creed  professed  by 
the  man  she  desired  to  marry.  The  intimacy  in  England 
with  the  Demoiselles  de  la  Pierre  had  prepared  her;  she 
liked  the  forms  of  the  faith  her  friends  professed,  and 
would  have  already  openly  embraced  their  religion  had 
not  the  fear  of  distressing  her  mother  deterred  her. 

Count  Joseph  de  Maistre  had  also  used  his  influence  to 
persuade  the  young  foreigner  to  renounce  her  faith,  and 
Lamartine  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  party  to  the  in- 
sertion in  the  "  Defenseur"  (of  April  8,  1820)  of  an  ar- 
ticle calculated  to  remove  any  scruples  of  conscience  the 
girl  may  have  experienced.  This  article  was  entitled: 
"Lettre  de  M.  le  Comte  de  Maistre  a  une  dame  protes- 
tante,  sur  la  question  de  savoir  si  le  changement  de  re- 
ligion n'est  point  contraire  a  1'honneur." 

In  a  letter  to  the  Abb£  Lamennais  concerning  this 
article,  Count  de  Maistre  indignantly  protests  against  the 
unauthorized  publication  of  confidential  documents  sur- 
reptitiously abstracted  from  his  papers.1 

S6ch6  is  of  the  opinion,  which  we  share,  that  Lamartine 
and  his  friend,  Louis  de  Vignet,  were  the  culprits  in  this 
affair.  The  secret  abjuration,  necessitated  by  the  inflex- 
ible attitude  assumed  by  Mrs.  Birch,  was  essentially  dis- 
tasteful to  Lamartine  and  his  family,  who  desired  a  full 
and  public  renunciation  of  Protestantism.  It  was  an 

1  Cf.  Correspondence  de  Joseph  de  Maistre  (Lyon  Vitte,  editeur),  vol. 
vi,  p.  362 ;cf.  also  Seche,  "Le  Mariage  de  Lamartine,"  Annales  roman- 
tiques,  November-December,  1908,  p.  334. 

.  .  232  •  • 


MEDITATIONS  POfiTIQUES 

affair  of  conscience  with  Lamartine:  yet,  owing  probably 
to  the  teachings  of  the  Jesuits  at  Belley,  neither  he  nor 
De  Vignet  hesitated,  as  we  have  seen,  to  violate  the 
confidential  correspondence  of  M.  de  Maistre  to  attain, 
or  seek  to  attain,  their  object:  "The  end  justified  the 
means."  1 

"  C'est  par  religion  que  je  veux  absolument  me  marier," 
wrote  Lamartine  to  Virieu  on  April  26,  1820. 

We  can  only  conjecture  his  meaning.  That  he  wished  to 
reform  his  mode  of  life  is  probable.  The  young  man  was, 
we  know,  experiencing  the  religious  fervour  echoed  in  the 
verses  he  wrote  at  this  period.  Perhaps  there  may  have 
been  some  thought  of  atonement  for  the  guilty  passion 
he  had  entertained  for  Monsieur  Charles's  wife.  And  yet 
in  all  his  writings  there  is  no  word  of  remorse;  on  the 
contrary,  frequent  expressions  abound  of  regret  for  what 
he  had  lost.  In  want  of  a  better  explanation  it  would  not 
seem  unfair  to  interpret  the  phrase  as  indicative  of  an 
earnest  desire  to  establish  his  life  on  a  serious  moral  basis; 
to  free  himself  from  the  temptations  besetting  celibacy; 
and  to  devote  the  talents  with  which  he  knew  himself 
endowed  to  the  highest  ideals  attainable.  He  never  felt, 
nor  professed,  passionate  love  for  the  woman  he  made 
his  wife;  but  he  was  content,  nay,  eager,  to  barter  his 
liberty  for  the  peaceful  refuge  his  storm-tossed  heart 
craved.  Ambition  of  a  worldly  nature  was  certainly  no 
stranger  to  the  union,  the  advantages  of  which  were  mani- 
fest. In  the  first  place,  the  young  man's  family,  reas- 
sured as  to  the  imminent  conversion  of  their  nephew's 
prospective  bride,  and  convinced  of  the  solidity  of  the 
modest  but  adequate  fortune  she  would  bring,  as  well 
as  of  the  inheritance  to  come,  welcomed  the  alliance  as 
a  suitable  termination  of  the  erratic  and  unsatisfactory 

IULe  Manage  de  Lamartine,"  A nnales  romantiqucs,  November-Decem- 
ber, 1908,  p.  335. 

•  •  233  '  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

existence  Alphonse  had  led.  As  a  consequence,  both 
uncles  and  aunts  were  disposed  to  show  themselves  gen- 
erous. 

"My  marriage  contract  is  signed,"  wrote  Lamartine 
toVirieu  from  Geneva  on  May  20,  1820.  "We  are  en- 
gaged, we  go  to  Chambery  from  here  in  a  week's  time, 
then  return  here  to  be  married  d  Vanglaise,  and  leave 
immediately.  We  came  here  three  days  ago  to  make  pur- 
chases of  carriages  and  a  few  gifts  for  our  mutual  rela- 
tions. I  was  unable  to  make  the  usual  presents  to  my 
bride,  having  received  nothing  ad  hoc  from  my  father. 
Fortunately  yesterday  I  met  M.  Delahante.  We  went 
off  together  and  I  bought  some  trinkets  which  I  am 
offering  this  morning  as  a  surprise."  The  letter  termi- 
nates with  expressions  of  sentiments  which,  although 
not  wildly  enthusiastic,  are  certainly  sincere.  "By  dint 
of  esteem  and  admiration  I  really  love  my  wife  [sic].  I 
am  satisfied,  absolutely  satisfied  with  her,  with  all  her 
qualities,  even  her  physical  ones."  1 

This  same  letter  contains  a  phrase  which  has  given 
rise  to  considerable  controversy.  "I  am  with  my  wife 
and  mother-in-law  and  aunt.  I  leave  you  to  join  them 
and  the  Abb6  Warin,  who  has  drawn  me  out  of  the  hole 
from  which  I  could  not  extricate  myself."  It  is  very  gen- 
erally accepted  that  Miss  Birch  abjured  her  Protestant 
faith  at  Chambery:  but,  excepting  Lamartine's  letter 
(dated  from  that  town  on  April  13)  to  M.  de  Genoude, 
nothing  is  positively  known.  As  early  as  April  5,  Alphonse 
makes  mention  to  De  Vignet  of  a  letter  of  introduction 
given  him  by  M.  de  Lamennais  for  the  Abb6  Warin, 
priest  at  Geneva ;  and  he  adds : ' '  maintenant  a  la  gr&ce  de 
Dieu!"  2  How  did  the  Abbe  Warin  extricate  Lamartine 

1  Correspondance,  ccxix. 

*  Unpublished  letter  cited  by  Seche  in  "Le  Mariage  de  Lamartine,"  An- 
nales  romantiques,  p.  332. 

•  •  234  •  • 


MEDITATIONS  POfiTIQUES 


from  his  difficulties,  and  of  what  nature  were  these  diffi- 
culties? Opinions  still  differ  as  to  whether  the  abjura- 
tion took  place  in  Chambery  or  Geneva; l  but  it  seems 
reasonable  to  suppose  that  the  Abb6  Warm's  services 
were  confined  to  smoothing  over  the  scruples  which 
both  parties  entertained  concerning  a  double  religious 
ceremony,  especially  that  which  Lamartine  styles  "le 
manage  £  1'anglaise,"  on  which  Mrs.  Birch  insisted. 

1  A  letter  from  the  Episcopal  authorities  in  Fribourg,  dated  December 
1 6,  1911,  to  the  author,  would  seem  to  decide  definitely  that  the  abjuration 
took  place  in  Chambery,  as  no  mention  exists  in  the  Archives  in  Geneva. 


CHAPTER  XIX 
MARRIAGE 

THE  marriage  contract  between  "Messire  Alphonse 
Marie  Louis  de  la  Martine,  chevalier,  et  Mademoiselle 
Marianne  Eliza  Birch,"  was  signed  at  Chamb6ry,  on  the 
25th  day  of  May,  I82O.1 

Before  describing  the  Catholic  marriage,  which  took 
place  at  Chamb£ry,  at  that  period  still  belonging  to  Pied- 
mont, of  which  Victor  Emmanuel  I  was  king,  it  will 
be  interesting  to  cast  a  glance  at  this  contract.  Major 
Pierre  de  Lamartine,  the  poet's  father,  unable  himself  to 
be  present,  as  well  as  the  other  members  of  his  family, 
had  given  a  general  power  of  attorney  to  Count  Xavier  de 
Vignet,  who  had  married  Alphonse's  sister,  C6sarine. 
The  various  deeds  of  gift  made  by  the  father,  the  uncles, 
and  aunts  of  the  bridegroom  amounted  to  about  212,000 
francs.  Mrs.  Birch,  on  her  side,  gave  to  her  daughter 
£10,000  (250,000  francs),  invested  in  the  Funds.  Out 
of  the  income  derived  from  this  capital,  3500  francs  were 
settled  on  her  son-in-law,  and  1500  allowed  her  daughter 
for  pin-money. 

From  his  father  Alphonse  received  the  Chateau  de 
Saint-Point,  a  property  not  far  from  Cluny,  distant  some 
three  or  four  leagues  from  Mcicon.  The  value  of  this 
estate  was  estimated  at  100,000  francs,  but  onerous  con- 
ditions, involving  nearly  half  the  appraised  value,  were 
imposed  in  favour  of  the  poet's  married  sisters,  Madame 
de  Coppens  and  Madame  de  Vignet.  Nevertheless,  be 
it  mentioned  in  passing,  this  estate  was  the  only  one 

1  A  copy  of  this  contract  is  preserved  in  the  Archives  of  the  Societ6 
Savoisienne  d  'histoire  et  d  'archeologie  at  Chambery. 

.  .  236  •  • 


MARRIAGE 


of  the  numerous  bequests  to  which  Lamartine  fell  heir 
which  remained  in  his  hands  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

The  financial  situation  of  the  contracting  parties  was, 
at  the  time  of  their  marriage,  about  equal,  and  the  groom 
could  not  fairly  be  accused  of  having  sought  the  alliance 
from  purely  mercenary  motives,  albeit  he  undoubtedly 
thereby  gained  a  pecuniary  independence  for  which, 
under  different  circumstances,  he  would  have  had  to  wait. 
It  will  be  noticed  that  throughout  the  document  the 
groom's  name  is  spelt  "de  la  Martine,"  and  that  of  his 
father  is  added,  "de  Prat."  The  bride  and  her  mother 
are  designated  as  follows:  "Miss  Marianne  Eliza  Birch, 
of  age,  daughter  of  Mr.  William  Henry  Birch,  during 
his  lifetime  major  in  the  service  of  his  Britannic 
Majesty,  born  in  the  former  province  of  Languedoc,  bap- 
tized in  the  parish  of  Soho,  London;  living  for  the  last 
two  years  at  Chambery,  and  Mrs.  Christina  Cordelia 
Reessen,  daughter  of  the  deceased  M.  Jones  Reessen, 
widow  of  Mr.  William  Henry  Birch."  1 

Until  quite  recently  it  was  supposed,  on  the  authority 
of  "Le  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere"  (published  after  Lamar- 
tine's  death  in  1871),  that  the  poet's  mother  had  not 
been  present  at  her  son's  marriage.  Under  date  of  July 
3,  1820,  we  read  in  her  description  of  the  ceremony,  as 
transcribed  by  her  son:  "II  a  ete  celebr6  le  6  juin  dans 
la  chapelle  du  gouverneur  de  Chambery  ;/&a«  revenue 
de  Chambery  le  vendredi  2."  * 

1  Cf.  Frangois  Mugnier,  Le  Manage  de  Lamartine  (published  by  Societ6 
Savoisienne  d'histoire  et  d 'archeologie,  Chambery,  in  1884),  p.  84.  In  the 
Correspondent  of  September  25,  1908,  M.  S6ch6  is  authority  for  the  pub- 
lication of  another  certificate  of  baptism.  The  ceremony  according  to  this 
document  was  solemnized  in  the  Parish  of  St.  Anne,  Westminster,  in  the 
County  of  Middlesex,  on  May  31,  1792.  Herein  it  is  stated  that  the  child 
was  born  on  March  13,  1790:  but  the  place  of  birth  is  not  designated. 
"  Reesen,"  not  "  Reessen,"  is  the  spelling  of  the  mother's  maiden  name. 
That  Lamartine  was  unaware  of  this  document  would  appear  from  the  dates 
on  his  wife's  tomb  at  Saint-Point:  "  Marianne  Eliza  Birch,  1789-1863." 

1  Page  236.  The  italics  do  not  exist  in  the  original. 
.  .  337  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

Incomprehensible  as  the  fact  appeared,  the  statement 
was  accepted  as  conclusive  by  Lamartine's  biographers, 
although  they  marvelled  that  the  devoted  mother 
should  have  left  Chamb&y  only  four  days  before  the 
marriage  she  so  ardently  desired.  Especially  was  the 
incident  disconcerting,  as  Madame  de  Lamartine's  rec- 
ord of  the  ceremony  was  as  clear  and  minute  in  detail  as 
if  written  by  an  eye-witness.  The  original  manuscript  of 
Madame  de  Lamartine's  diary  eventually  passed  into 
the  keeping  of  Madame  Fred6ric  de  Parseval  (nee  Leon- 
tine  de  Pierreclos),  a  grand-niece  of  the  poet,  who  still 
resides  in  M&con.  For  reasons  of  her  own  Madame  de 
Parseval  persistently  refused  to  allow  any  comparison  to 
be  made  between  the  manuscript  and  the  extracts  pub- 
lished by  her  great-uncle.  It  was  only  in  1910  that  the 
jealous  custodian  of  these  precious  relics  allowed  M.  Du- 
reault,  perpetual  secretary  of  the  Academic  de  M&con 
(of  which  learned  body  Lamartine  had  at  one  time  been 
president),  to  consult  the  notebooks  which  go  to  make 
up  the  "Journal  intime,"  or  diary,  kept  by  the  poet's 
mother.1  A  comparison  instantly  disclosed  the  error 
Lamartine  had  made  when  transcribing  the  notes,  to- 
gether with  many  other  extraordinary  liberties  he  had 
taken  with  the  original  text.  Madame  de  Lamartine 
had  not  returned  "from"  (de)  Chambery  on  the  second, 
but  had  returned  "to"  (a)  Chambery  on  that  date. 

Following  the  original  we  further  read :  "  My  daughter- 
in-law  passed  the  days  preceding  her  marriage  in  re- 
treat 2  wholly  occupied  in  preparation  to  receive  in  all  its 

1  Madame  de  Parseval  has  graciously  allowed  the  author  to  consult  the 
notebooks,  and  convince  himself  de  visu  of  the  error.  The  notebooks  are 
of  varying  sizes,  bound  in  linen  or  with  simple  cardboard  covers.  The  first 
entry  of  the  diary  was  made  on  December  13,  1800;  the  last  in  October, 
1829.  The  mutilations  and  erasures  to  which  the  text  was  subjected  by  the 
hand  of  her  son  and  editor  are  frequently  apparent. 

*  The  italics  indicate  the  words  and  phrases  omitted  by  Lamartine  in 
the  text  published  under  tide  of  Le  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere. 

.  •  238  •  • 


MARRIAGE 


significance  the  grace  of  the  Sacrament;  Alphonse  also 
confessed  to  the  Abbe  d'ltiola  l  .  .  .  2  Bishop  of  Annecy. 
The  ceremony  took  place  at  eight  in  the  morning;  those 
assisting  were :  the  Governor  and  his  wife,  the  Governor's 
aide-de-camp;  the  misses  de  la  Pierre,  all  four,  M.  de 
Maistre,*  M.  Vignet,  and  Mademoiselle  Olympe,  Mrs. 
Birch,  the  Abb£  d'ltiola,  Suzanne,  and  myself.  They  were 
married  by  the  priest  of  the  parish  of  Mache.  My  daughter- 
in-law  was  dressed  with  all  possible  stateliness.  [Lamartine 
transcribed  "convenance"  for  " noblesse."]  She  wore  a 
beautiful  muslin  dress  covered  with  embroidery.  It  were 
impossible  to  bear  one's  self  with  more  dignity,  mod- 
esty, and  grace,  or  to  appear  more  imbued  with  piety. 
I  cannot  express  all  I  felt  seeing  my  son  at  length  reach 
this  important  moment  of  his  life.  I  prayed  God  with 
fervour,  but  I  reproach  myself  continually  for  not  having 
thanked  Him  sufficiently  for  such  a  favour.  After  mass  we 
went  to  the  Governor's  salon,  where  we  breakfasted.  The  bride 
changed  to  a  travelling  gown,  and  my  son,  his  mother-in-law, 
and  his  wife  left  for  Geneva,  whither  it  was  decided  necessary, 
on  account  of  property  they  possessed  in  England,  or  might 
inherit  one  day,  that  they  go  for  the  Anglican  ceremony. 
But,"  continues  Madame  de  Lamartine,  "with  the  spe- 
cific declaration  that  they  were  both  Catholics  (my  daughter- 
in-law  had  admitted  her  change  of  religion  to  her  mother) 
and  that  by  so  doing  they  did  not  consider  this  as  a  religious 
act,  but  accepted  it  as  a  compliance  to  the  civil  laws*  This 
is  what  my  son  did  publicly.  .  .  ."  6  The  erased  words 
evidently  concerned  Mrs.  Birch,  who  would  seem  to 
have  taken  her  daughter's  abjuration  greatly  to  heart. 

1  For  "Itiola,"  read  "de  Thiollaz";  cf.  Mugnier,  op.  cit.t  p.  89. 

*  Words  erased  in  manuscript. 

»  Lamartine  substituted  Count,  an  error,  as  that  gentleman  was  at  that 
time  in  Turin.  Cf.  Mugnier,  op.  cit.,  p.  83. 

*  "Qu'ils  n'entendaient  point  faire  de  ceci  acte  religieiuc  mais  une  fa- 
veur  aux  lois  civile  de  1  "accepter." 

1  Words  erased  in  manuscript. 

.  .  239  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Nevertheless,  Madame  de  Lamartine  adds  that  the  Eng- 
lishwoman accepted  the  situation  and  overwhelmed 
Alphonse  with  presents.  "She  has  excellent  qualities," 
admits  the  groom's  mother,  "  but  is  rather  prone  to  inter- 
fere, a  trait  which  has  already  caused  Alphonse  con- 
siderable worry."  The  diary  records  that  the  bridal  party 
returned  to  Chambery  on  the  Sunday  (June  u)  and 
that  Alphonse  was  "enchante  de  sa  femme."  "/  left 
Chambery  at  last  on  Tuesday  the  i 3th"  writes  the  mother; 
"Alphonse  left  Chambery  two  days  after  me.  I  have  since 
only  heard  from  him  from  Turin" 

Nothing  more  categorical  could  be  desired :  the  legend 
of  the  mother's  absence  from  her  son's  side  on  his  wed- 
ding day  is  thereby  summarily  dismissed.  But  the  diary 
contains  no  record  of  the  time  or  place  of  the  "mariage 
a  1'anglaise,"  beyond  the  fact  that  the  two  parties  con- 
cerned are  determined  to  make  clear  their  position  when 
submitting  to  this,  to  them  purely  legal,  formality. 
Hitherto  the  poet's  biographers  have  either  accepted 
Lamartine's  laconic  reference  to  the  ceremony,  or  fol- 
lowed Charles  Alexandre,  who  states  that  "a  marriage 
according  to  the  Protestant  rite  took  place  at  Geneva 
on  June  7,  in  the  presence  of  the  intolerant  mother,  who 
had  refused  to  assist  at  the  Catholic  marriage  of  her 
daughter."  *  This  we  know  to  be  incorrect,  as  the  un- 
revised  transcription  from  the  diary  specifically  mentions 
Mrs.  Birch  as  among  those  who  attended  the  ceremony 
in  Chambery.  Lamartine  himself  asserts  that  he  was 
"civilly"  married  at  Chambery  on  June  5,  at  the  house 
of  Madame  de  la  Pierre;  that  on  the  morrow  the  service 
according  to  the  Catholic  rite  was  performed  at  Cham- 
bery; and  that  the  next  day  (Wednesday,  June  7)  the 
Protestant  function  took  place  in  Geneva.2  We  have  the 
authority  of  M.  F.  Mugnier,  however,  that  civil  marriages 

1  Madame  de  Lamartine,  p.  32.  *  Mbnoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  105. 
.  .  240  •  • 


MARRIAGE 


did  not  exist  in  Savoy  at  this  period.1  It  is  probable  that 
Lamartine  refers  to  the  signing  of  his  marriage  contract, 
which,  as  we  know,  was  performed,  not  the  day  before, 
but  on  May  25,  or  twelve  days  prior  to  the  religious  cere- 
mony in  Chamb£ry  (June  6).  Be  it  noted  also  that  both 
Lamartine  and  Alexandre  are  in  error  in  naming  June  7 
as  the  date  of  the  Anglican  service  in  Geneva. 

That  a  religious  Protestant  ceremony  had  taken  place 
in  Geneva  is  indisputable,  and  probability  pointed  to 
what  is  still  called  the  Chapelle  de  1'Hdpital.  Local 
tradition,  albeit  a  somewhat  nebulous  one,  maintained 
that  the  great  French  poet  had  been  married  in  this  build- 
ing, then  lent  by  the  Swiss  authorities  to  the  English  col- 
ony. As  an  English  clergyman  had  fulfilled  his  duties  in 
Geneva  long  before  the  date  of  Lamartine's  marriage,  it 
seemed  only  necessary  to  consult  the  registers  in  order 
to  clear  up  the  mystery.  Alas!  the  fly-leaf  of  the  Register 
of  Births,  Marriages,  and  Deaths,  dated  1835,  contained 
the  following  discouraging  note:  "The  Register  formerly 
in  use  was  lost  through  the  carelessness  of  the  person  to 
whom  it  was  entrusted."  *  Minute  personal  investigations 
in  the  Municipal  Archives  of  Geneva,  and  a  voluminous 
correspondence  with  local  patriarchs  and  their  descend- 
ants, were  fruitful  of  much  conflicting  testimony,  but  no 
conclusive  evidence.  The  City  Archives  contain  no  ref- 
erence to  the  marriage.  An  appeal  to  the  British  Lega- 
tion in  Berne  was  met  with  the  advice  to  seek  the  aid  of 
the  Registrar-General  in  Somerset  House,  London,  who 
in  turn  referred  the  searcher  to  the  Archives  of  the 
Bishop  of  London.  A  visit  to  Dean's  Court,  St.  Paul's, 
was  rewarded  with  the  discovery  of  the  long-lost  "Reg- 
ister (vol.  2)  of  Baptisms,  etc.,  belonging  to  the  English 
Chapel,  Geneva,  1820."  About  the  middle  of  the  little 

»  Cf.  op.  tit.,  p.  88. 

1  Letter  from  the  Rev.  Mr.  Granger  to  the  author,  dated  March  24, 1908. 

.  .  241    •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


red  morocco-bound  book,   the  following  entry  is  dis- 
tinctly legible : 

"Monsieur  Alphonse  Marie  Louis  Delamartine,  of  M^con, 
in  France,  d£partement  de  Sa6ne,  and  Marianna  Eliza  Birch 
of  Cumberland  St.,  London,  were  married  in  the  Chapel  of 
the  Hospital  at  Geneva  on  the  Eighth  of  June  One  thousand 
Eight  hundred  and  twenty  by  me,  Geo.  Rooke,  Rector  of 
Yardley  Hastings,  in  the  County  of  Northampton,  England. 
Signed:  Alphonse  Delamartine  —  Marianna  Eliza  Birch.  In 
the  presence  of  W.  Coxhead  Marsh,  Patrick  Clason."  * 

Alphonse  de  Lamartine  and  Marianne  Birch  were  con- 
sequently duly  married  in  Geneva,  on  June  8,  1820,  by  a 
clergyman  of  the  Church  of  England,  in  accordance  with 
the  rites  of  the  Protestant  ceremony.  Did  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Rooke  know  that  he  was  marrying  two  Roman  Catho- 
lics; and  did  the  parties  concerned  specifically  declare 
to  the  officiating  clergyman  that  they  did  not  consider 
the  ceremony  as  a  religious  act,  but  accepted  it  as  a  legal 
necessity?  Did  Lamartine,  as  his  mother  notes  in  her 
diary,  make  this  public  declaration?  It  would  seem  ex- 
tremely doubtful  that,  had  such  a  public  declaration 
been  made,  Mr.  Rooke,  or  any  priest  of  the  Established 
Church,  would  have  consented  to  be  a  party  to  such 
a  cynically  sacrilegious  transaction.  It  is  much  more 
probable  that  Lamartine  and  his  wife  yielded  with  the 
best  grace  possible  to  the  inflexible  will  of  Mrs.  Birch, 
silently  and  passively  acquiescing  with  the  religious 
function  she  insisted  upon,  and  which  "in  their  hearts" 
they  held  as  but  a  legal  formality,  sanctioned,  perhaps, 
by  the  prudent  advice  of  the  Abbe  Warin.  A  letter  to 
the  author  from  M.  Pierre  de  Lacretelle  would  seem  to 
strengthen  this  hypothesis:  "...  I  agree  with  you  in 

1  For  detailed  account  of  researches  in  this  connection  cf.  author's  "Le 
manage  protestant  de  Lamartine,"  in  Gazette  de  Lausanne  of  November  25, 
1911.  The  official  copy  of  the  act,  in  the  author's  possession,  is  duly  certi- 
fied by  Harry  W.  Lee,  Registrar,  London,  November  14,  1911. 

•   •  242  •  • 


MARRIAGE 


affirming  that  at  the  time  of  his  'manage  de  raison*  La- 
martine  was  determined,  in  order  to  insure  success,  to 
make  the  sacrifice  of  many  family  principles.  The  rather 
embarrassed  passage  in  his  mother's  journal  always  made 
me  suspicious  that  the  poor  woman  had  been  the  recip- 
ient of  very  vague  confidences  in  this  connection;  and 
if  they  were  vague,  it  was  because  he  (Lamartine)  had 
his  own  reasons  that  they  should  be." l  Although  the 
incident  on  its  face  does  not  redound  to  the  credit  of  La- 
martine, it  would  be  manifestly  unfair  to  condemn  him 
unconditionally  on  the  very  slight  and  equivocal  evidence 
advanced.  Let  us  rather  presume  that  the  "public 
declaration"  was  a  euphemism,  intended  to  calm  the 
mother's  religious  scruples  and  susceptibilities,  and  to 
appease  the  displeasure  (to  use  a  moderate  term)  of  the 
fanatic  family  connection  at  Ma"con,  so  violently  op- 
posed to  any  semblance  of  a  mixed  marriage,  and  whose 
possible  resentment  could  not  prudently  be  ignored. 

1  Private  letter,  dated  December  II,  1911 ;  cf.  also  Sech£,  Les  Amitits  de 
Lamartine,  p.  172. 


CHAPTER  XX 
FIRST  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE 

A  NEW  life  was  unfolding  to  Lamartine.  The  two  chief 
desires  and  ambitions  of  his  restless  and  dissatisfied 
youth  had  been  realized:  he  was  married,  and  on  his  way 
to  take  up  the  congenial  duties  of  his  diplomatic  post. 

On  June  20  the  party  was  in  Turin,  where  Alphonse 
had  the  joy  of  spending  a  couple  of  days  with  his  friend 
Aymon  de  Virieu,  then  Secretary  of  Legation  at  the  Pied- 
montese  capital.  Thence,  travelling  leisurely  in  two  com- 
fortable coaches,  Florence  was  reached,  and  a  visit  paid 
to  the  Countess  d'Albany.1  It  was  in  the  salon  of  the 
widow  of  Charles-Edward,  that  Lamartine  met  the  Mar- 
quis Gino  Capponi,  the  Italian  statesman  and  patriot, 
with  whom  he  was  in  later  years  to  exchange  an  important 
and  voluminous  correspondence.  The  start  for  Rome 
was  made  towards  the  end  of  June  or  first  days  of  July. 
Italy  was  seething  with  revolutionary  unrest,  and  a 
rumour  reached  Mclcon  that  Lamartine  had  been  assas- 
sinated on  the  road  between  Florence  and  Rome.  "I 
know,  through  his  friend  M.  de  Virieu,"  wrote  the  anxious 
mother,  "that  he  dreaded  meeting  in  Italy  a  person 
who  cannot  forgive  him  his  marriage."  2  The  letters  of 
this  period  contain  no  mention  of  any  danger  run,  but 
in  his  "Memoires  politiques"  the  key  to  the  rumour  is 
given  as  follows:  "  I  searched  in  vain  for  what  could  have 
given  rise  to  this  false  rumour.  I  found  nothing  beyond 
a  conversation,  half  jest,  half  serious,  which  I  had  in 
Florence  a  few  days  before  leaving  for  Rome,  under  the 

1  Correspondence,  ccxxm;  cf.  also  Cours  de  litter ature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  230. 
*  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  240. 

.  .  244  •  - 


FIRST  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE 


following  circumstances."  And  he  goes  on  to  relate  that 
a  certain  Tuscan  lady  who  had  nursed  him  during  his 
illness  in  Paris  was  awaiting  him  in  Florence.  He  could 
not  refuse  to  see  her,  or  to  inform  her  of  his  marriage, 
but  the  interview  threatened  to  prove  a  stormy  one. 
"You  are  no  longer  free,"  cried  the  lady.  "  You  are  mar- 
ried! You  go  to  Rome  with  your  wife!  Well,  go.  You 
won't  reach  your  destination.  You  would  not  or  could 
not  understand  me :  soon  you  will  learn  what  the  venge- 
ance of  a  woman,  baffled  in  the  dearest  wishes  of 
her  life,  means."  l  When  describing  this  melodramatic 
scene  Lamartine  informs  us  that  he  himself  read  in  the 
Roman  newspapers  an  account  of  his  attempted  assas- 
sination in  the  mountains  of  Umbria.  It  is  impossible 
to  disentangle  truth  from  fiction;  but  it  would  appear 
more  than  probable  that,  in  reading  over  his  mother's 
manuscript,  forty  years  later,  the  incident  appealed  to 
his  sense  of  the  picturesque:  hence  the  ample  develop- 
ment in  the  "M£moires  politiques." 

On  his  arrival  in  Rome,  the  young  diplomat  learned  of 
the  revolution  in  progress  at  Naples.  King  Ferdinand  I, 
overawed  by  the  strength  and  determination  of  the  revo- 
lutionists, had,  it  is  true,  granted  a  constitution  "of  his 
own  free  will,"  but  .without  defining  its  terms.  Suspi- 
cious of  the  King's  sincerity,  the  Carbonari  had  demanded 
the  Spanish  Constitution  of  1812,  under  which  a  par- 
liament of  a  single  chamber  supervised  every  detail  of  the 
executive.  Within  a  fortnight  the  revolution  had  spread 
to  Sicily,  and  the  whole  Kingdom  was  in  flames.  Com- 
munication was  practically  severed  between  Rome  and 
King  Ferdinand's  capital.  "No  one  has  come  from  Na- 
ples or  gone  to  Naples,"  wrote  Lamartine  to  Madame 
de  Raigecourt  on  July  13.  "I  leave  by  post-chaise  to- 
night, uncertain  whether  I  shall  get  through."  Under 

1  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  107.  *  Correspondence,  CCXXV. 

.  .  245  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


the  circumstances  it  was  deemed  best  to  leave  Madame 
de  Lamartine  and  her  mother  in  Rome:  at  least  until  the 
diplomat  had  reported  himself  at  the  Legation  and  seen 
with  his  own  eyes  whether  the  political  situation  at 
Naples  was  as  serious  as  he  was  given  to  understand. 
Within  a  month  he  had  fetched  his  wife  and  mother- 
in-law  from  Rome,  and  found  himself  comfortably 
settled  in  an  apartment  on  the  Chiaja,  "not  far  from 
Pausilippe." 

That  the  marriage  was  promising  every  happiness 
may  be  gathered  from  the  husband's  letters  to  Virieu 
at  this  period.  Madame  de  Lamartine  already  had 
expectations,  which  prospect  added  to  the  young 
man's  enthusiasm  when  he  wrote  that  he  had  "found 
perfection,"  and  urged  his  friend  to  go  and  do  like- 
wise, taking  care  not  to  select  a  girl  too  young  or 
unformed.1 

That  Lamartine,  in  spite  of  his  inexperience,  divined 
the  very  delicate  political  situation  in  Naples  is  evi- 
dent. Unfortunately  M.  de  Blacas,  the  French  Ambas- 
sador in  Rome,  exercised  absolute  control  over  all  the 
Legations  in  Italy;  and  M.  de  Blacas  was  a  reactionary. 
His  policy,  upheld  by  Louis  XVIII,  was  completely  op- 
posed to  that  of  M.  Pasquier.  "He  was  the  secret  oracle 
of  the  Absolute  Monarchy,"  wrote  Lamartine:  "an  oracle 
which  we  had  instructions  to  consult  in  all  difficult  emer- 
gencies." 2  As  a  result,  friction  soon  became  apparent 
between  the  French  representatives  in  Rome  and  Naples, 
and  the  Due  de  Narbonne  withdrew,  leaving  the  Lega- 
tion in  the  charge  of  a  senior  colleague  with  whom  La- 
martine found  himself  in  complete  sympathy.  "We  have 
not  a  great  deal  to  do,'"  wrote  the  young  Secretary  to 
Virieu;  "the  Ambassador  [in  Rome]  does  everything." 
But  the  life  suited  him,  and  the  political  situation  was 

1  Correspondence,  ccxxvin.        *  Cours  de  litttrature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  194. 

•  •  246  •  • 


FIRST  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE 


at  times  "  perilous  and  dramatic."  l  The  young  French- 
man had  become  intimate  with  the  Piedmontese  Charg6 
d' Affaires,  M.  de  la  Margherita,  who  was  later  to  play 
a  conspicuous  part  in  his  country's  history.  This  accom- 
plished diplomatist  was  also  a  litterateur  of  no  mean 
calibre,  and  consequently  doubly  congenial:  "Mutually 
charged  to  observe  and  combat  a  revolution,  in  the  midst 
of  its  tragic  scenes  we  read  together,  in  my  little  house 
on  the  Chiaja,  the  numerous  dramas  he  [La  Marghe- 
rita] composed."  2  The  heat  soon  drove  the  little  family 
from  the  city,  however,  and  an  idyllic  existence  was 
begun  on  the  island  of  Ischia.  This  was  Lamartine's 
real  honeymoon  —  a  honeymoon  which  the  presence  of 
Mrs.  Birch  would  seem  in  no  way  to  have  marred,  in 
spite  of  the  elder  Madame  de  Lamartine's  fears,  ex- 
pressed in  Chamb&y.  Again  and  again  the  happy  hus- 
band unbosoms  himself  to  Virieu,  playfully  dwelling  on 
the  joys  of  his  present  life  and  urging  his  friend  to  seek  a 
like  "perfection."  But  we  note  a  waning  of  his  enthusi- 
asm for  the  career  he  has  adopted.  "What  is  the  use  of 
Diplomacy  once  one  has  found  happiness?  ...  It  is  an 
expensive  life,  and  that  will  cause  me  to  drop  it."  The 
pinch  of  financial  embarrassment  is  already  being  felt, 
and  the  letters  teem  with  urgent  appeals  to  his  friends 
in  Paris  to  prod  his  publisher  for  arrears  and  advances, 
for  he  is  reduced  to  borrowing  for  household  expenses.* 
There  are  moments  of  despair,  although  he  insists  that 
"le  fond  de  ma  position  est  superbe."  How  often  in 
later  years  was  this  cry  to  be  repeated!  To  his  incor- 
rigible optimism  no  matter  how  entangled  the  skein  of 
financial  embarrassments,  the  difficulties  were  only  pass- 
ing, and  the  basis  of  his  position  invariably  "superb." 

1  Correspondence,  ccxxix;  cf.  also  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  XXI,  p.  196, 
and  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  pp.  1 12-62. 
1  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  163. 
*  Correspondence,  ccxxxu-ccxxxvi,  passim. 

•  •  247  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Meanwhile,  the  political  plot  was  thickening.  King 
Ferdinand  had  accepted  the  invitation  of  the  monarchs 
assembled  at  Troppau,  and  decided  to  attend  the  con- 
ference of  Laybach ;  there  to  explain  the  situation  in  his 
Kingdom.  After  renewing  his  oath  to  the  Constitution, 
adding  that,  if  unable  to  persuade  the  sovereigns  as- 
sembled to  respect  the  wishes  of  his  subjects,  he  would 
return  to  defend  them  with  his  sword,  the  perjured  King 
left  Naples  on  December  14,  1820,  aboard  an  English 
vessel.  "Never  since  the  great  days  of  Rome,"  writes 
Lamartine  to  Virieu,  "have  these  shores  echoed  with 
more  energetic  cries  of  liberty.  The  whole  of  Italy  mur- 
murs in  sympathy.  Our  national  interests  dictate  ap- 
plause :  our  morality  and  our  principles  do  not  favour  it : 
we  are  shuffling,  it  seems  to  me,  between  the  two  courses. 
.  .  .  For  the  first  time  I  have  witnessed  European  Diplo- 
macy at  close  range.  It  is  a  poor  machine.  I  should  not 
be  afraid  of  it  were  I  the  People :  but  should  fear  it  greatly 
were  I  King."  l  The  contact  with  the  cringing  or  arro- 
gant duplicity  of  the  negotiations  he  is  concerned  with  fills 
him  with  disgust.  The  subordinate  position  he  is  hold- 
ing, perhaps  also  a  recrudescence  of  lyric  ardour,  put  him 
out  of  conceit  with  politics.  "The  years  of  enthusiasm  are 
passing;  I  realize  the  gradual  evaporation  of  the  poetic 
spirit ;  I  weep  over  it ;  I  invoke  it.  I  have  even  made  my 
adieux  in  a  little  ode  in  the  style  of  Horace .  .  .  but  all  in 
vain:-I  must  live.  I  need  three  or  four  thousand  francs, 
and  they  can  only  be  found  in  this  trade.  So  I  immolate 
my  poems  to  the  infernal  god  Necessity." 

On  Christmas  Day  he  wrote  Virieu  from  his  bed,  where 
for  eighteen  days  an  attack  of  a  "terrible  and  multiform 
gouty  or  nervous  illness"  had  held  him  prisoner.  Noth- 
ing prepares  us,  however,  in  this  letter  for  the  sudden 
change  of  scene  a  month  later.  He  is  in  Rome;  having 

1  Correspondence,  ccxxxvm. 

•  •  248  -  • 


FIRST  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE 

left  Naples  on  January  20,  1821.  Madame  de  Lamar- 
tine's  approaching  confinement  and  his  own  health,  as 
well  as  the  insecurity  of  Naples  during  those  revolution- 
ary days,  are  severally  advanced  in  letters  and  reminis- 
cences as  the  causes  of  his  sudden  abandonment  of  his 
post.  These  may  one  and  all  have  influenced  him;  but 
it  is  probable  that  homesickness  was  not  a  stranger  to 
his  final  decision.  "  I  long  for  the  country,"  he  wrote  his 
colleague  in  Naples.  For  the  nonce  he  had  had  enough 
of  public  affairs,  and  yearned  for  the  peace  and  quiet  the 
cultivation  of  his  Muse  demanded.  "  I  have  seen  politics 
in  the  making:  I  have  even  lent  a  hand.  Like  Pilate  I 
exclaim:  'I  wash  my  hands  of  it.' "  *  The  grip  of  inspira- 
tion held  him  as  in  a  vice:  "On  leaving  Naples,"  he  wrote 
Virieu  from  Rome,  "on  Saturday,  January  20,  a  ray 
from  on  high  illuminated  me:  I  conceived.  I  feel  myself 
a  great  poet,  in  spite  of  my  ode."  And  a  few  days  later 
to  M.  de  Genoude,  speaking  of  this  same  ode  ("La  Nais- 
sance  du  due  de  Bordeaux"),2  he  admits  that  he  is  of  the 
opinion  of  his  friends  who  consider  it  decidedly  bad.  But 
he  goes  on  to  say  that  recently  he  has  had  the  inspiration 
so  long  awaited.  "I  have  conceived  the  work  of  my  life 
...  a  poem  as  great  as  Nature,  interesting  as  the  human 
heart,  as  lofty  as  the  heavens.  ...  If  I  ever  accomplish 
the  task,  I  can  confidently  exclaim  Exegi,  and  what  I 
have  created  is  good." 

But  a  greater  joy  than  literary  creation  was  in  store 
for  him.  Hardly  three  weeks  after  her  arrival  in  Rome 
Madame  de  Lamartine  gave  birth  to  a  son.  The  "  Manu- 
scrit  de  ma  mere"  gives  March  8  as  the  date  of  the  child's 
birth ;  but  this  is  manifestly  an  error,  as  the  entry  is  of 
March  n,  and  it  would  have  been  impossible  for  the 

1  Correspondence,  CCXL. 

»  The  Due  de  Bordeaux,  son  of  the  Due  de  Berry,  born  1820,  known 
later  as  Comte  de  Chambord,  styled  "Henri  V,"  died,  1883. 

•  •  249  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


news  to  reach  Macon  in  three  days.  Writing  to  the  Mar- 
quise de  Raigecourt,  from  Rome,  on  February  17,  the 
happy  father  exclaims:  "You  will  take  part  in  my  joy 
when  learning  that  my  wife  has  just  given  me  a  son.  .  .  . 
I  have  just  taken  him  to  be  baptized  at  St.  Peter's."  l 

In  Rome,  despite  his  poor  health,  Lamartine  plunged 
into  the  cultivated  and  elegant  society  of  which  he  had 
been  deprived  in  Naples,  where  social  and  political  con- 
ditions combined  to  ostracize  the  stranger.  The  leader 
of  the  aristocratic  and  intellectual  Roman  world  was, 
at  this  period,  the  Duchess  of  Devonshire,  whose  palace 
in  the  Piazza  Colonna  was  the  rendezvous  of  Italians  and 
foreigners  alike.  Alexander  Humboldt,  the  witty  and  un- 
scrupulous Abb£  Galiani,  Antonio  Canova,  the  famous 
sculptor,  were  among  the  habitues  of  the  Duchess's 
salon,  where  the  French  poet  was  enthusiastically  ap- 
plauded. Cardinal  Consalvi,  Papal  Secretary  of  State, 
visited  the  great  English  lady  twice  a  day,  once  in  the 
morning  concerning  the  political  interests  of  his  Govern- 
ment with  England,  of  which  she  passed  as  being  the 
anonymous  ambassador,  and  again  in  the  evening  for  rec- 
reation amidst  a  restricted  circle  of  artists  and  scholars.2 

It  was  during  this  visit  that  Lamartine  had  the  honour 
of  being  invited  by  the  Pope,  through  the  intercession  of 
the  Cardinal,  to  a  dinner  given  in  honour  of  the  King  of 
Naples,  a  signal  favour  accorded  in  spite  of  his  inferiority 
of  rank.  "The  King,"  he  writes,  "certain  of  his  prompt 
restoration  to  his  throne,  was  as  witty  and  jovial  as  an 
old  country  gentleman  returning  from  a  hunting  ex- 

1  Correspondence,  CCXLIII.  The  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere  (p.  248),  the  Cours 
de  litterature  (vol.  xxi,  p.  207),  and  the  Memoires  politiques  (vol.  I,  p.  173) 
cite,  as  godparents  of  the  infant,  the  Marquis  Cagliati,  of  Naples,  and  the 
Princess  Oginska,  a  Venetian  lady  married  to  a  Pole. 

1  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  204;  also  vol.  xm,  p.  250,  and  vol.  xix, 
p.  215;  also  CEteores  completes,  vol.  I,  p.  447,  commentary  to  twentieth  Medi- 
tation, entitled  "La  Libert6,  ou  une  Nuit  a  Rome,"  dedicated  to  the 
Duchess  of  Devonshire. 

.  .  250  •  • 


FIRST   DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE 


pedition.  He  felt  he  had  Europe  behind  him."  1  The 
recollection  of  the  honour  shown  him  can  alone  account 
for  the  lack  of  historical  accuracy  when  he  states:  "Soon 
afterwards  the  King  of  Naples  left  Rome  with  his  minis- 
ters, and  triumphantly,  but  without  any  feelings  of  venge- 
ance, proceeded  to  his  capital,  where  he  was  received 
as  a  liberator,  and  as  a  father  come  to  the  aid  of  his  sub- 
jects. "  To  those  who  recall  the  horrors  which  preceded 
and  followed  the  return  of  the  perjured  monarch  from 
the  conference  at  Laybach,  the  irony  of  the  appreciation 
is  manifest.  On  March  23, 1821,  it  will  be  remembered, 
the  Austrian  troops,  sent  by  Metternich  to  subdue  the 
Neapolitan  Constitutionalists,  entered  the  capital.  It 
was  not,  however,  until  all  danger  had  been  averted,  and 
under  cover  of  a  large  Austrian  force,  that  Ferdinand 
dared  return.  How  many  victims  actually  suffered 
death  during  this  reign  of  terror,  we  cannot  tell.  Ca- 
nosa's  list  of  the  proscribed  contained,  it  is  said,  more 
than  four  thousand  names. 2  King  Ferdinand  returned 
to  Naples  on  May  15,  1821.  "His  entry  was  magnifi- 
cent, being  accompanied  by  rejoicings  dictated  by  flat- 
tery and  fear."  3 

At  the  end  of  April,  Madame  de  Lamartine  having  suf- 
ficiently recovered,  the  family  again  started  northwards. 
Lamartine  had  asked  for,  and  been  granted,  leave  of 
absence  and  permission  to  return  to  France.  At  Florence 
a  sojourn  of  some  days  was  made  in  order  that  the  child, 
whose  health  was  precarious,  could  rest.  In  his  "Cours 

1  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  173.  References  to  this  event  are  scat- 
tered throughout  the  various  volumes  of  reminiscences,  but  no  contem- 
poraneous documentary  evidence  exists. 

1  Cf.  Thayer,  Dawn  of  Italian  Independence,  vol.  I,  p.  286. 

8  Ibid.,  vol.  i,  p.  287;  cf.  also  Probyn,  Italy,  1815-1890,  p.  21;  Colletta, 
Storia  del  Reame  di  Napoli,  vol.  iv,  p.  235;  Giovanni  La  Cecilia,  Memorie 
Storico  politiche,  dal.  1820-1876,  vol.  I,  p.  41.  La  Cecilia  relates  that  it 
was  General  Frimont,  commanding  the  Austrian  army  of  occupation,  who 
forced  Ferdinand  to  exile  Canosa,  and  put  a  stop  to  the  wholesale  carnage 
the  King's  vengeance  had  excited. 

•  •  251   •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


de  literature"  Lamartine  states  that  on  this  occasion  he 
met  the  Prince  de  Carignan,  later  King  Charles-Albert  of 
Piedmont,  whose  name  will  live  in  history  as  the  giver 
and  defender  of  constitutional  rights.  Since  the  failure 
of  the  Liberal  movement  in  Turin,  of  which  he  had  been 
the  reluctant  head  (March  10,  1821),  the  Prince  had  been 
exiled  to  Tuscany,  under  the  surveillance  of  his  father- 
in-law,  the  reigning  Grand  Duke.  Having  heard  of  the 
young  French  diplomatist's  arrival  through  a  mutual 
friend,  the  Marquis  de  Costa,  the  disgraced  Prince  asked 
for  a  secret  interview  at  the  hotel.  Lamartine  says  that 
out  of  respect  for  the  young  prescript  he  went  to  the 
Pitti  Palace  to  present  his  homages :  but  the  nature  of  the 
mysterious  interview  is  not  disclosed.1  Finally,  Afx-les- 
Bains  was  reached,  and  preparations  made  for  a  consider- 
able stay,  as  Madame  de  Lamartine's  health  now  gave 
serious  cause  for  anxiety,  and  forbade  pushing  on  to 
Macon,  as  originally  intended.  In  spite  of  his  wife's  for- 
tune, and  the  generous  help  Mrs.  Birch  accorded  the 
little  family,  pressing  monetary  needs  again  assailed  the 
always  prodigal  poet.  The  future  was  golden,  he  assured 
the  correspondents  to  whom  he  applied  for  funds ;  his  em- 
barrassments were  only  temporary,  resulting  from  his 
necessary  living  expenses  and  the  fact  that  his  diplo- 
matic salary  was  totally  inadequate.  For  some  time  past 
his  eye  had  been  fixed  on  Florence;  a  post  carrying  with 
it  the  emoluments  he  so  desired.  A  trip  to  Paris  had 
aroused  hopes  in  this  direction,  and  M.  de  la  Maisonfort, 
French  Minister  at  the  Tuscan  capital,  would  have  wel- 
comed the  brilliant  young  secretary.  But  the  authorities 
in  Paris  showed  small  inclination  to  make  the  appoint- 
ment, and  for  four  years  Lamartine  was  practically 
shelved,  although  it  is  conceivable  that  he  might  have 

1  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  209;  also  Memoir es  politiquts,  vol.  I, 
p.  176. 

.  .  252  •  • 


FIRST  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE 


returned  to  Naples,  to  which  Legation  he  was  still  nomi- 
nally attached,  had  he  so  desired. 

The  peace  and  quiet  of  his  beloved  valley  of  Aix,  the 
freedom  from  worry  he  enjoyed  in  the  delightful  villa 
overlooking  the  placid  lake,  so  full  of  tender  memories 
to  the  lover  of  "Elvire,"  reawakened  his  Muse.  "Your 
talent  is  a  moral  power.  Don't  bury  it,"  wrote  M.  de 
Genoude  to  the  poet  on  July  24,  I82I,1  and  Lamartine 
had  taken  his  advice,  devoting  much  of  his  time  to  the 
composition  of  the  second  volume  of  "Meditations," 
destined  to  achieve  a  success  almost  as  great  as  the  first. 

The  poet  has  left  a  charming  page  of  souvenirs  of  this 
idyllic  summer.  "Whenever  I  desire  to  give  myself  a 
retrospective  feast  of  the  spirit,  I  transport  myself  in 
imagination  to  that  peaceful  dwelling,  surrounded  by 
terraces,  covered  with  arbours,  to  a  certain  Sunday  morn- 
ing, under  a  summer  sky.  My  wife  and  her  mother  sit 
in  the  shade  reading  their  prayer-books,  of  different 
creeds,  it  is  true,  but  out  of  one  and  the  same  heart.  The 
nurse  crouches  on  the  grass  at  their  feet,  rocking  with 
monotonous  rhythm  the  cradle  of  our  infant,  the  bell  of 
the  village  church  tolling  the  while.  And  I,  a  little  apart 
on  the  lawn,  write  in  my  album,  murmuring  to  myself 
strophes  which  pray,  sing,  and  weep  at  first  to  me  alone, 
and  which  later  take  wing  like  belated  doves  to  join  their 
sisters  of  the  first  meditations,  where  the  dregs  of  my 
heart  were  emptied  anon!  my  heart  now  so  happy,  yet 
always  faithful  to  the  echoes  of  the  tomb."  z 

It  is  of  Julie  Charles  he  dreams,  and  we  can  readily  be- 
lieve that  midst  surroundings  so  intimately  associated 
with  those  sweet,  mad,  all  too  brief  hours  of  passion,  the 
singer  of  "Elvire"was  haunted  by  the  past.  And  es- 
pecially during  moments  of  poetical  inspiration  was  this 
the  case.  There  can  be  no  question  but  that  Lamartine 

1  Lettres  d  Lamartint,  p.  23.  •  Mtmoires  pditiqucs,  vol.  I,  178. 

.  .  253  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


enshrined  Julie  in  his  heart  of  hearts,  and  worshipped  at 
her  shrine  all  his  life.  The  letters  found  in  the  secret 
drawer  of  his  writing-table  at  Saint- Point  are  there  to  pro- 
claim the  fact.  But  it  is  equally  certain  that  he  had  found 
happiness  in  marriage:  perhaps  it  would  not  be  saying  too 
much  to  affirm  that  he  had  found  love.  Passion  is  rarely 
experienced  twice  in  a  lifetime,  and  passion  Lamartine 
assuredly  never  felt  for  his  wife.  What  sentiment  of  that 
nature  he  still  possessed  way  down  in  his  soul,  he  treas- 
ured for  expression  in  his  verse.  Nowhere  is  this  more 
apparent  than  in  the  poetry  inspired  during  those  long 
summer  days  in  the  little  house  overhanging  Lake  Bour- 
get,  within  a  stone's  throw  of  the  rocks  on  which  that 
despairing  wail  "Le  Lac"  had  been  written  four  years 
earlier.  But  no  trace  of  retrospective  heart-burn  is  dis- 
cernible in  such  portions  of  his  correspondence  as  have 
been  preserved.  A  fragment  of  a  letter  to  Virieu  exists,  it 
is  true,  which  can  be  construed  as  referring  to  his  amor- 
ous past. 

The  writer  tells  of  an  ode  to  his  friend,  which,  since 
it  proved  unsatisfactory,  he  had  burnt  the  day  before. 
"The  subject  of  your  ode  was  you  and  I.  I  told  you 
that  we  were  now  nearing  the  moment  when  we  must 
pause  in  our  life  and  cast  a  backward  glance  at  the  road 
we  have  traversed,  and  consider  what  still  lies  before  us. 
I  went  over  the  past  with  you,  and  then,  taking  a  more 
solemn  tone,  I  besought  you  to  become  virtuous  and  pi- 
ous, according  to  the  great  platonic  and  Christian  ideals. 
It  was  warm  as  it  came  from  my  soul,  but  it  froze  when 
passing  through  my  tired  brain."  l  Since  leaving  Belley 
Lamartine  had  taken  up  his  Greek  again,  and  devoted 
much  time  to  Plato.  He  loved  his  idealism,  the  poetry 
of  his  metaphysics,  and  the  Christian  tendency  of  a  doc- 
trine conceived  before  the  era  of  Christianity.2  When  the 
1  Correspondance,  CCLVI.  8  Cf.  Doumic,  Lamartine,  p.  131. 

.  -  254  -  • 


FIRST  DIPLOMATIC  SERVICE 


poet  eventually  published  this  ode  it  was  entitled  "Le 
PasseV'  and  dedicated  to  his  lifelong  friend.1  In  the 
second  commentary  to  these  verses,  Lamartine  writes 
that  they  were  written  in  Italy,  in  1824.  But  his  memory 
betrays  him,  for  it  was  not  till  the  end  of  1825  that  he 
returned  to  Italy.  M.  S£ch6  places  the  date  of  this  com- 
position between  1821  and  i823.2  It  is,  of  course,  pos- 
sible that  the  original  conception  of  the  poem  (that 
which  the  poet  tells  Virieu  he  burnt  at  Aix  on  August  29, 
1821)  was  anterior,  dating,  perhaps,  from  the  period  of 
his  diplomatic  life  in  Naples:  but  most  authorities  are 
inclined  to  agree  with  S£ch£. 

That  many  of  the  verses  in  the  "Secondes  Meditations 
po£tiques"  date  in  their  original  form  from  the  summer 
at  Aix,  there  is  small  doubt.  It  was  a  period  of  intense 
poetic  activity.  The  conditions  and  surroundings  of  his 
life  lent  themselves  to  the  peace  and  contentment  of 
soul  he  had  so  ardently  yearned  for,  and  although  he 
dwelt  at  length  in  his  letters  on  the  lack  of  pecuniary 
ease,  Mrs.  Birch,  as  has  been  said,  very  generously  sup- 
plemented the  domestic  budget  in  times  of  stress.  But 
the  mother-in-law  disapproved  of  his  half-hearted  interest 
in  his  diplomatic  career:  it  was  she  who  continually 
spurred  him  on  to  seek  employment.  When,  in  Decem- 
ber of  this  same  year,  an  opening  seemed  probable,  he 
wrote  Virieu:  "Should  I  obtain  it  through  your  efforts, 
I  would  go ;  but  with  regret  as  for  myself.  I  would  obey 
only  the  wishes  of  my  wife,  and  especially  those  of  my 
mother-in-law:  for  as  for  me  I  am  disgusted  with  every- 
thing, except  my  old  passion  for  the  fields  and  country- 
side, my  horses  and  my  dogs."  *  Health  had  something  to 
do  with  the  disinclination  to  tie  himself  down  to  official 
duties.  "I  need  the  salary,"  he  wrote  Virieu  from  Aix, 

1  CEuvres  completes,  vol.  I,  p.  315. 

»  Cf.  Lamartine,  p.  192.  •  Correspondance,  CCLIX.      . 

.  .  255  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


on  September  7,  "but  I  have  gained  nothing  from  the 
baths  here;  have  even  lost  ground.  ...  I  am  in  the  same 
condition  in  which  you  saw  me  formerly  in  Paris,  at  my 
worst.  In  spite  of  it  all,  admiration  for  my  wife,  peace 
of  soul  and  contentment,  and  a  happy  love,  fill  me  with 
a  great  felicity  of  mind  and  spirit.  To  these  I  add  resigna- 
tion, an  old  virtue  acquired  by  habit,  and  the  acceptance 
of  things,  a  new  virtue  which  true  religion  prefers  to  all 
others."  l 

On  the  whole,  this  first  taste  of  diplomatic  life  had  been 
a  disappointment.  Undoubtedly  poor  health  had  in- 
fluenced his  application  for  an  extended  leave  of  ab- 
sence: yet  the  phrase  he  employs  in  his  reminiscences,  "in 
spite  of  my  ardour,  I  could  be  of  no  use  at  Naples  or  in 
Rome,"  is  enigmatic.2  The  account  he  wrote  many  years 
later  of  his  official  duties  during  the  Revolution  at  Naples 
affords  no  satisfactory  clue;  but  a  close  reading  of  the 
text  would  seem  to  disclose  (especially  when  bearing  his 
subsequent  political  career  in  mind)  disapproval  of  the 
r61e  assigned  him  and  his  colleagues,  owing  to  the  con- 
flicting foreign  policy  pursued  by  M.  Pasquier,  repre- 
senting the  liberal  and  constitutionalist  elements  in 
France,  and  the  Due  de  Blacas,  Ambassador  in  Rome, 
whose  ultra-monarchical  opinions  caused  him  to  frown 
upon  any  attempt  to  hold  the  King  of  Naples  to  a  seri- 
ous observance  of  his  oath  to  the  charter  recently  wrung 
from  him  by  the  Carbonari.  The  very  subordinate  of- 
ficial position  he  occupied  must  of  necessity,  however, 
have  exonerated  Lamartine  from  any  suspicion  of  par- 
tisanship. As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  only  sincere  appre- 
ciation of  the  situation  which  we  have  from  his  pen  is 
contained  in  the  letter  to  Virieu,  dated  from  Naples  on 
December  8,  1820.  When  describing  the  conflict  he  is 
witnessing,  and  the  aspirations  for  liberty,  noticeable 
1  Correspondence,  CCLVII.  *  Memoir es  politiques,  vol.  i,  p.  177. 

•  •  256  •  • 


FIRST  DIPLOMATIC   SERVICE 


throughout  Italy,  he  hazards  the  opinion:  "  II  serait  dans 
notre  interet  national  d'y  applaudir:  il  est  dans  notre 
morale  et  dans  nos  principes  de  ne  pas  les  favoriser." 
And  he  adds  in  a  post-scriptum:  "...  Parliament  [the 
Neapolitan]  has  been  skilful  and  clever.  .  .  .  The  King 
leaves  [for  Troppau]  on  the  condition  that  he  return 
with  the  Spanish  Constitution,  to  which  he  has  renewed 
his  oath."  l 

In  a  pamphlet  entitled  "La  Psychologic  politique  de 
Lamartine,"  the  author  of  these  pages  has  endeavoured 
to  make  clear  the  position  assumed  by  Lamartine  on  his 
entrance  upon  political  life,  in  1831.  A  Legitimist  and  a 
monarchist  by  tradition,  but  a  progressist  and  fervent 
advocate,  by  conviction,  for  the  most  generous  grants  of 
political  and  social  liberties,  Lamartine  invariably  strug- 
gled for  the  doctrines  he  upheld.  Remembering  his 
subsequent  career,  and  the  sacrifices  he  made  for  his 
convictions,  there  would  appear  to  be  small  doubt  as  to 
his  personal  sympathies  in  Naples  ten  years  earlier, 
and  of  his  distaste  of  the  duplicity  his  official  position  in 
the  French  Legation  necessitated.2 

1  Correspondence,  ccxxxvm.  *  Op.  oil.,  p.  15. 


CHAPTER  XXI 
GROWING  LITERARY  REPUTATION 

THE  next  four  years,  while  not  presenting  any  salient 
events,  are  of  too  great  general  importance,  as  demon- 
strating the  development  of  Lamartine's  character  and 
genius,  to  be  overlooked.  Briefly,  they  were  years  of 
incessant  preparation  and  considerable  literary  produc- 
tion. 

On  leaving  Aix-les-Bains  the  family  moved  to  Milly,  as 
the  dilapidated  old  Chateau  de  Saint- Point  was  in  no  con- 
dition to  receive  them.  His  native  air  accomplished  more 
for  his  health  than  the  waters  of  Aix  had  been  capable  of, 
if  we  judge  by  a  vivacious  letter  to  Madame  de  Raige- 
court  wherein  he  exults  over  the  rural  liberty  he  is  en- 
joying, and  the  peace  and  repose  of  his  domestic  life. 
His  wife  is  again  enceinte,  and  her  condition  causes  her 
considerable  discomfort.  Lamartine  tells  his  friend  that 
worry  over  this  circumstance  "has  chased  away  the  im- 
portunate poetic  inspirations  which  threaten  to  absorb 
his  life."  l  But  as  a  matter  of  fact  he  is  in  the  throes  of 
poetic  inspiration.  The  quiet  days  at  Milly,  with  lei- 
surely rambles  over  the  hills  to  Saint-Point,  which  he 
was  fitting  up  for  a  permanent  home,  were  well  calculated 
to  keep  alive  the  divine  fires  smouldering  within  him. 
Momentarily  ambitions  for  a  wider  and  more  active  life 
were  slumbering.  It  is  only  when  urged  by  his  mother- 
in-law  that  he  reluctantly  and  half-heartedly  bestirs 
himself,  and  recalls  to  his  friends  in  Paris  the  vague 
promises  made  him  of  a  transfer  to  Florence.  That  Mrs. 
Birch  was  persistently  urging  her  son-in-law  to  seek 
1  Correspondence,  CCLVIII. 
-  -  258  •  • 


GROWING  LITERARY  REPUTATION 


further  occupation  in  the  government  service  is  certain. 
It  is  even  probable  that  she  threatened  to  withdraw  her 
personal  contributions  to  the  upkeep  of  the  domestic  es- 
tablishment. "I  am  tormented  by  the  fear  of  losing  my 
mother-in-law,"  wrote  Lamartine  to  Virieu  in  January, 
1822,  "if  I  obtain  nothing,  and  as  a  consequence  .  .  . 
three  quarters  of  my  comfort.  In  that  case  I  should  with- 
draw completely  to  Saint- Point."  1 

Nevertheless,  after  a  fortnight  of  fruitless  endeavour 
in  Paris,  Lamartine  returned  to  M&con  without  the  certi- 
tude of  a  remunerative  position,  but  rich  in  promises  of 
future  employment.  Convinced  that  he  had  done  his  best, 
Mrs.  Birch  relented  and  refrained  from  executing  her 
threat  to  separate  her  income  from  that  of  the  young 
couple.  Perhaps  the  fact  that  her  daughter  was  now  so 
near  her  second  confinement  was  a  not  inconsiderable 
factor  in  her  clemency.  Besides,  the  trip  to  Paris  had 
not  been  absolutely  devoid  of  results.  M.  de  Montmo- 
rency,  mindful  of  the  protege  whose  talents  he  had  so 
much  admired  in  1818,  had  been  successful  in  allotting 
the  young  diplomatist  some  pecuniary  compensation 
pending  diplomatic  reemployment.  We  learn  from  a 
letter  Lamartine  addressed  to  M.  de  Genoude  from 
Micon  (March  13,  1822)  that  an  offer  of  a  position  of 
some  kind,  with  residence  in  Paris,  was  made  him  by  the 
Minister.  This  he  declined  owing  to  his  wife's  approach- 
ing confinement.  "While  waiting,"  he  writes,  "I  will  be 
perfectly  content  with  the  status  quo,  that  is  to  say, 
the  continuation  of  my  present  salary,  which  I  owe  to 
the  kindness  of  the  Minister.  Afterwards  perhaps  M.  de 
Montmorency  will  find  a  berth  for  me,  either  in  Paris, 
with  him,  or  in  Italy."  * 

Meanwhile,  the  rebuilding  and  furnishing  of  Saint- 
Point  and  the  prospect  of  a  peaceful  and  uneventful  life 
1  Correspondence,  CCLXIII.  '  Ibid.,  CCLXIX. 

.  .  259  -  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


within  its  walls  were  all  his  soul  craved.  "We  will  settle 
there  in  the  spring,"  he  adds,  "unless  a  ministerial  de- 
cision opposes.  But  personally  I  only  sigh  for  physical 
and  moral  repose.  I  am  dead  to  the  world  and  its 
pomps."  "II  y  a  des  entr'actes  dans  la  vie  humaine": 
it  was  one  of  these  entr'actes  that  he  was  now  enjoying, 
until  restless  ambition  prompted  again  the  worldly 
pomp  he  affected  to  despise. 

On  May  14,  1822,  a  daughter  was  born  to  the  Lamar- 
tines.  "Julia,  ce  fut  le  nom  qu'un  souvenir  d'amour 
donna  &  notre  fille,"  wrote  the  father  in  after  years.  1 

"I  have  myself  seen,"  states  Charles  Alexandre,  "the 
registry  of  the  girl's  birth,  signed  by  the  father.  It  reads 
as  follows:  'Marie  Louisa-Julie,  fille  legitime  de  Lamar- 
tine,  Alphonse  Marie  Louis,  profession  de  secretaire 
d'ambassade  a  Naples,  et  de  Marie-Anne-Eliza  Birch, 
son  epouse,  est  n6e  a  M£con,  le  14  Mai,  1822,  a  midi.' "  z 

"Between  Julie,  the  name  given  in  the  certificate,  and 
the  familiar  appellation  Julia,'11  observes  M.  Alexandre, 
"there  was  a  nuance,  intended  to  soften  the  shock  to  the 
mother."  Indeed  it  is  conceivable  that  Madame  de  La- 
martine  might  have  objected  to  the  christening  of  her 
child  in  memory  of  a  dead  love.  The  wife  can  scarcely  be 
supposed  to  have  been  ignorant  of  her  husband's  in- 
fatuation for  Madame  Charles.  She  had  read  the  various 
verses  addressed  to  "Elvire":  these  love-poems  had  in 
fact  first  attracted  her  to  the  young  man  who  was  to  be- 
come her  husband.  M.  Alexandre,  who  knew  and  es- 
teemed warmly  Lamartine's  English  wife,  is  of  the  opinion 
that  Madame  de  Lamartine  was  only  in  her  husband's 
confidence  to  a  relative  extent.  "She  had,  of  course,  been 
the  recipient  of  certain  avowals,  sincere  enough,  but 
which  were  not,  and  could  not  be,  complete.  She  had 
therefore  accepted  Lamartine's  first  love  as  he  had  him- 

1  Memoir es  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  185.  *  Madame  de  Lamartine,  p.  43. 
•  •  260  •  • 


GROWING  LITERARY  REPUTATION 

self  painted  it  in  his  poems,  as  a  passion  of  the  most 
idealistic  character,  which  clothed  its  object  in  spotless 
purity."  And  the  biographer  of  this  noble  wife  and 
mother  goes  on  to  extol  her  many  virtues,  not  the  least 
of  which  was  this  significant  proof  of  the  absence  of  jeal- 
ousy of  her  husband's  past.1 

In  a  recent  study  of  Lamartine  the  anonymous  author 
believes  that  the  recollection  of  a  first  love,  to  which  her 
husband  owed  a  part  of  his  genius,  did  not  displease 
Madame  de  Lamartine;  that,  in  fact,  when  naming  her 
child  she  paid  a  tribute  of  gratitude  to  the  inspirer  of 
"these  immortal  cries  of  passion."  2  This  is  perhaps 
asking  too  much  of  the  wife's  gratitude.  But  M.  S6che 
in  his  numerous  monographs  has  stubbornly  refused 
to  admit  any  adulterous  interpretation  of  Lamartine's 
passion  for  Julie  Charles.  He  bases  his  argument  on  the 
following  capital  points:  First,  that  Julie's  confessor,  at 
the  moment  she  was  making  her  peace  with  God,  would 
never  have  given  the  dying  woman  absolution,  had  she 
not  broken  entirely  and  absolutely  with  her  lover,  had 
there  been  criminal  relations  between  them.  Again, 
had  such  relations  existed  Lamartine,  whose  nobility 
of  character  is  well  known,  would  never  have  perpetu- 
ated, in  the  child  of  the  wife  he  cherished  and  hon- 
oured, the  remorse  he  must  have  felt  for  an  impure  love. 
If,  until  the  age  of  twenty-seven  (as  he  confessed  to  Vic- 
tor Hugo),  his  life  had  been  "a  tissue  of  faults  and  licen- 
tiousness," the  meeting  with  Julie  Charles  had  reformed 
him,  "and  since  her  loss,  he  had  purified  himself  with 
tears."  *  In  further  support  of  his  contention,  M.  S£che 
quotes  a  passage  in  one  of  the  letters  which  Lamartine 
penned  to  Miss  Birch,  and  which  M.  Doumic  published 

1  Op.  cit.,  p.  44. 

*  Lamartine,  in  Lafitte's  series,  Les  Grands  Hommes,  p.  76. 

•  Cf.  Seche,  Lamartine,  p.  126,  and  Revue  de  Paris,  April  15,  1905. 

.  .  26l   •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


some  years  ago.  Defending  himself  concerning  an  insin- 
uation of  inconstancy,  bordering  on  immorality,  levelled 
against  him,  the  suitor  wrote:  "It  is  quite  true  that  I 
loved  once  in  my  life,  and  that  I  lost  by  death  the  object 
of  this  unique  and  constant  affection:  since  then,  until 
I  met  you,  I  lived  in  the  most  absolute  indifference,  and 
I  shall  never  seek  love  elsewhere  should  I  be  fortunate 
enough  to  see  your  heart  respond  to  mine."  *  M.  Doumic, 
as  has  been  said,  published  five  of  the  letters  which 
"Elvire"  wrote  to  Lamartine:  the  others  are  supposed 
to  have  been  burnt  by  the  poet  at  the  time  of  his  mar- 
riage.2 It  would,  however,  appear  that  at  least  one  other 
letter,  by  some  strange  and  unexplained  hazard,  es- 
caped the  pious  holocaust.  Writing  to  Lamartine,  about 
1834,  Baron  Hyde  de  Neuville  returned  to  the  poet  a 
letter  which  he  had  discovered  in  a  mass  of  old  docu- 
ments. When  thanking  the  Baron,  Lamartine  added: 
"The  hand  which  wrote  these  lines  has  long  since  turned 
to  dust,  and  the  celestial  soul  which  inspired  them  is 
now  in  a  sphere  where  nothing  from  this  world  can  affect 
her,  except  the  remembrance  and  the  worship  of  the  one 
she  loved.  ...  I  cannot  understand  how  this  letter  was 
abstracted  from  a  great  number  of  others  from  the  same 
hand,  which  I  sacrificed  to  a  sense  of  duty  and  prudence, 
and  which  I  thought  destroyed.  If,  through  the  same 
person  who  has  given  you  this  one,  you  could  obtain 
others,  or  any  objects  having  belonged  to  this  angel,  be 
kind  enough  to  secure  them,  without  saying  why  you 
desire  them,  nor  for  whom.  As  the  years  pile  up,  the 
value  of  relics  of  past  love  and  happiness  becomes  ever 
more  inestimable."  3 

That  the  name  of  Julie  (transformed  into  "Julia")  was 

1  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  August  15,  1905. 

*  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  xxvii,  p.  303. 

1  Memoires  et  souvenirs  du  baron  Hyde  de  Neuville,  vol.  in,  p.  320. . 

•  -  262  •   • 


GROWING  LITERARY  REPUTATION 


given  the  child  with  the  mother's  sanction,  there  would 
seem  no  valid  reason  to  doubt.  "Le  poete  n'imposa  pas 
ce  nom,"  explicitly  avers  M.  Alexandre,  and  his  close 
intimacy  with  the  Lamartines  lends  authority  to  the  as- 
sertion.1 

After  a  cure  at  Plombieres,  where  Madame  de  Lamar- 
tine  went  to  regain  her  strength,  the  whole  family,  in- 
cluding Mrs.  Birch,  left  for  England.  Lamartine  quali- 
fies the  trip  as  "  un  voyage  d'affaires."  *  Mrs.  Birch  owned 
a  house  in  Cumberland  Street  (No.  4),  London,  and  it 
was  there  the  family  took  up  their  residence.1  The  months 
spent  in  London,  and  at  a  house  they  occupied  later  at 
Richmond,  left  indelible  memories.  The  elder  child's 
health  gave  serious  cause  for  alarm.  "  My  charming  little 
boy  is  very  ill,"  the  distracted  father  wrote  Virieu  in 
reply  to  the  announcement  of  his  friend's  marriage. 
"We  have  hardly  any  hope  of  saving  him.  .  .  .  If  the  blow 
falls,  I  don't  know  how  we  shall  bear  it:  especially  my 
poor  Marianne.  Otherwise  we  should  have  been  so  happy 
here."  4  In  London  Lamartine  had  found  his  boyhood's 
friend  Louis  de  Vignet,  who  was  Secretary  of  the  Sar- 
dinian Legation.  Chateaubriand  was  Ambassador  of 
France  at  the  Court  of  George  IV,  and  to  him  as  in  duty 
bound  the  young  Frenchman  (still  nominally  attached  to 
his  country's  diplomatic  service)  paid  his  respects.  "He 
received  me  with  a  coldness  I  had  not  expected,"  recalls 
Lamartine,  "for  as  a  writer,  as  a  royalist,  as  a  states- 
man, above  all,  I  entertained  sentiments  of  respect  and 
deference  bordering  on  enthusiasm  for  this  great  man. 
He  did  not  even  deign  to  ask  me  to  dinner,  a  usual  cour- 
tesy which  an  Ambassador  extends  to  all  his  countrymen, 
especially  if  they  be  diplomats  and  authors,  however 

1  Madame  de  Lamartine,  p.  45.  *  Correspondance,  ccucxvni. 

»  Cf.  Cours  de  liUerature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  210,  and  Mfmoires  politiques,  vol.  I, 

P.   IM. 

4  Correspondance,  CCLXXX. 

.  •  263  -  - 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


widely  separated  by  age  and  talent."  l  A  month  later, 
at  the  suggestion  of  M.  de  Marcellus,  Secretary  of  the 
Embassy  and  a  personal  friend,  an  invitation  was  vouch- 
safed; but  the  Ambassador  never  spoke  a  word  to  his 
guest  during  the  whole  evening,  and  the  amenities 
ended  with  the  formality  of  a  card,  which  the  younger 
man  punctiliously  deposited  at  the  door. 

The  volumes  of  "Les  M£moires  d'Outre-Tombe " 
contain  but  passing  and  insignificant  mention  of  Lamar- 
tine.  That  Chateaubriand  disliked  the  younger  poet, 
"ce  grand  dadais,"  as  he  contemptuously  dubbed  him,  is 
well  known.  In  the  days  when  the  author  of  "  Les  Medi- 
tations" frequented  Madame  Recamier's  salon  at  the 
Abbaye-aux-Bois,  the  presiding  deity  brooked  but  ill, 
and  with  hardly  concealed  jealousy,  the  cordial  recep- 
tion accorded  the  gifted  young  intruder.  Did  Lamartine 
ever  read  the  ' '  M6moires  d'Outre-Tombe ' '  ?  Therein  the 
author,  complaining  of  the  jealous  contempt  shown  by 
certain  politicians  for  men  of  letters  who  have  ventured 
into  the  political  arena,  remarks:  "Us  renvoient  avec 
compassion  Virgile,  Racine,  Lamartine  a  leurs  vers." 
And  further,  referring  to  Lamartine,  he  styles  him  this 
"nouvelle  et  brillante  illustration  de  la  France."  2  That 
is  all  we  find  in  the  six  volumes  of  reminiscences.  Yet 
Lamartine  complacently  asserts:  "He  rendered  me  ample 
justice  only  after  his  death,  in  his  posthumous  memoirs, 
wherein  he  places  me  as  a  poet  in  the  rank  with  Virgil 
and  Racine,  and  as  a  politician  accords  me  a  higher  place 
than  my  contemporaries  were  willing  to  grant."  8 

On  his  part,  Lamartine's  admiration  for  the  great 
Romanticist  was  genuine.  From  the  days  of  his  boyhood 
at  Belley,  in  spite  of  a  derogatory  phrase  here  and  there, 

1  Mimoires  politigues,  vol.  I,  p.  183;  also  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  xxi, 

p.  212. 

1  Chateaubriand,  op.  cit.,  vol.  v,  pp.  215  and  250. 
•  Cf.  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  213. 

•  •  264  •  • 


GROWING  LITERARY  REPUTATION 


such  as  "le  grand  g6nie  de  cette  magnifique  corruption 
du  style,"  the  author  of  "  Le  G£nie  du  Christianisme  "  was 
to  him  a  god  amongst  men,  and  generous  appreciations 
of  his  genius  are  scattered  throughout  his  literary  produc- 
tion. Gustave  Planche  recalls  the  story  of  young  Lamar- 
tine  escaping  from  Paris  to  catch  a  glimpse  of  his  hero, 
over  the  garden  wall  of  the  Vall£e  aux  Loups,  and  of  his 
delight  when  contemplating  "Ren6"  surrounded  by  his 
cats.1  This  legend  may,  it  is  true,  be  classed  with  what 
might  be  termed  the  "illustrative  fictions"  of  Lamar- 
tine's  glimpses  of  Lord  Byron  on  the  storm-tossed  waves 
of  the  Lake  of  Geneva,  or  of  Mesdames  de  Stae'l  and 
R6camier,  in  a  cloud  of  dust  on  the  highroad  between 
Coppet  and  Lausanne.  These  illustrative  fictions  his 
vivid  imagination  seized  upon  and  transmogrified  into 
living  images  with  suitable  settings  of  time  and  place,  so 
that  when  completed  they  stood  out  in  his  mind  as  actual 
facts,  or,  so  to  speak,  historical  documents. 

So  with  Chateaubriand's  curt  mention  of  the  poet.  "  I 
have  often  wondered  by  what  inexplicable  whimsical- 
ity this  great  judge  showed  me  such  disfavour  during 
his  lifetime,  when  reserving  for  me  such  partiality  after 
his  death.  I  think  I  have  guessed:  but  I  would  never 
dare  to  confess  it."  Of  course  what  he  dares  not  confess 
is  that  Chateaubriand  was  jealous  of  his  fame  as  a  poet 
and  a  statesman,  and  there  is  certainly  a  foundation  of 
truth  in  the  assumption,  as  has  been  already  pointed  out ; 
yet,  flattering  as  jealousy  from  such  a  quarter  must  have 
been,  the  "ample  justice"  rendered  in  the  posthumous 
memoirs  would  seem  but  meagre  solace  to  a  less  com- 
placent nature.  The  histrionism  of  a  Chateaubriand  is 
continually  and  aggressively  conspicuous,  but  one  hesi- 

1  "Lamartine,"  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  November  i,  1856.  In  this 
connection  it  is  interesting  to  read  Lamartine's  study  of  Chateaubriand  in 
his  Souvenirs  et  Portraits,  vol.  n,  pp.  83-132,  wherein  he  styles  Rene  "le 
Werther  de  ce  Goethe  francais." 

.  .  265  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


tates  to  apply  the  term  in  an  opprobrious  sense  to  Lamar- 
tine,  inseparable  though  it  be  from  highly  imaginative 
temperaments.  The  undeniable  charm  of  his  ingenuous- 
ness, combined  with  the  sweetness  of  his  disposition,  and 
the  entire  absence  of  envy,  hatred,  and  malice  in  his  char- 
acter, must  ever  shield  him  from  the  acrimonious  criti- 
cism to  which  the  elder  poet  was  subjected.  Rather 
would  we  agree  with  Zyromski  that,  when  his  imagina- 
tion takes  fire  from  the  very  intensity  of  the  recollection 
it  evokes,  the  multiplicity  of  spiritually  refracted  rays 
tinge  the  apparition  with  such  colour  and  glamour  that 
the  vision  becomes  transformed  into  a  species  of  hallu- 
cination.1 If  this  be  true  of  his  lyrical  compositions,  it  is 
equally  so  when  he  evokes  from  the  recesses  of  his  inner 
consciousness  the  episodes  related  in  his  reminiscences, 
which  are  in  reality  prose-poems.  With  few  exceptions 
this  phenomenon  is  rare  in  his  contemporaneous  corre- 
spondence: hence  the  inestimable  importance  of  these 
documents  in  establishing  true  values,  so  to  speak. 

Intercourse  with  the  diplomatists  he  met  in  London 
would  seem  to  have  reawakened  Lamartine's  ambitions 
for  active  service.  De  Vignet  came  frequently  to  Rich- 
mond, and  the  friends  talked  politics  and  poetry;  "his 
two  passions,  as  they  were  mine,"  asserts  his  host.2  To 
M.  de  Genoude  he  complains  that  he  is  left  inactive,  not 
being  considered  worthy  to  copy  and  seal  letters  in  an 
idle  Italian  Legation,  while  others  are  awarded  places 
high  in  the  service.  And  he  adds:  "I  am  ashamed,  at  my 
age,  of  my  title  of  'attacheV  only  suitable  to  a  boy  of 
sixteen."  3  If  we  judge  by  an  epistle  to  his  former  chief  in 
Naples,  M.  de  Fontenay,  Lamartine  blames  his  reputa- 
tion as  a  poet  for  the  neglect  of  his  superiors  to  make  use 
of  his  diplomatic  talents.  "It  is  a  great  misfortune  to 

1  Ernest  Zyromski,  Lamartine,  polte  lyrique,  p.  287. 

*  Cours  de  litter ature,  vol.  xxi,  p.  211.    ,     *  Correspondence,  CCLXXXIII. 

•  •  266  •  • 


GROWING  LITERARY  REPUTATION 


have  once  in  one's  life  composed  some  verses;  one  is  con- 
sidered forever  incapable  of  anything  else."  * 

Towards  the  middle  of  October,  in  spite  of  his  son's 
frail  health,  Lamartine  took  his  family  to  Paris,  in  order 
to  be  nearer  headquarters.  But  the  change  was  to  prove 
fatal  to  the  child,  and  barely  had  his  parents  established 
themselves  before  his  life  flickered  out.  In  spite  of  the 
fact  that  he  was  on  the  spot,  and  consequently  better 
qualified  to  push  his  claims,  the  outlook  was  far  from 
satisfactory,  and  he  again  contemplated  renouncing  all 
ambition,  and  settling  down  definitely  at  Saint-Point. 
Before  this  could  be  accomplished,  however,  the  remod- 
elling and  furnishing  of  the  old  house  was  imperative. 
Lamartine  had  become  passionately  enamoured  of  the 
Gothic  architecture  he  had  seen  so  profusely  adopted  in 
English  homes,  and  was  determined  to  apply  some  of  its 
features  to  the  essentially  seventeenth-century  structure 
at  Saint- Point,  an  anachronism  all  those  who  have  visited 
the  mutilated  and  disfigured  old  chateau,  with  its  cheap 
and  tasteless  Gothic  appurtenances,  must  ever  deeply 
deplore.  Funds  were  scarce,  however,  and  the  would-be 
builder  was  at  his  wits'  ends  to  raise  the  necessary  credits. 
An  appeal  to  Virieu  to  procure  six  thousand  francs  in 
Lyons,  secretly,  as  his  uncle  must  know  nothing  of  the 
affair,  seems  to  have  been  unsuccessful. 

A  little  later  things  brighten,  and  he  informs  Virieu, 
"I  have  just  sold  for  fourteen  thousand  francs,  cash,  my 
second  volume  of  '  Meditations,'  to  be  delivered  and  paid 
for  this  summer.  This  more  than  meets  all  present  needs. 
Moreover,  the  King  has  granted  me,  they  say,  a  pension 
of  two  thousand  francs  (this  between  ourselves),  and  my 
salary  is  to  be  continued,  I  believe,  during  the  year.  .  .  . 
Having  sold  my  book  it  was  necessary  to  make  it,  and  I 
have  been  doing  so  for  some  days.  It  progresses  finely. 

1  Correspondence,  CCLXXXV. 
•  •  267  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


I  have  already  about  the  specified  number  of  verses.  I 
will  copy  it  out,  and  see  you,  in  order  that  we  may  go  over 
it  together,  for  you  alone  are  my  Muse."  1  As  has  been 
said,  Lamartine  considered  Virieu's  literary  taste  impec- 
cable, and  entertained  the  most  implicit  confidence  as 
to  his  judgment,  rarely  admitting  as  finished  a  poem 
which  had  not  been  submitted  to  his  friend's  critical  in- 
spection. The  tenth  edition  of  the  first  collection  of 
"Meditations"  was  about  to  be  issued  (March  15, 1823),  a 
success  almost  unparalleled  for  a  volume  of  verses.  This 
event,  —  for  the  new  edition  was  to  be  a  "chef-d'oeuvre," 
—  combined  with  the  continual  illness  of  his  wife,  crushed 
by  her  recent  loss,  delayed  the  projected  departure  for 
Mclcon.  Early  in  May,  however,  Lamartine  had  the  joy 
of  settling  in  his  own  home  at  Saint- Point.  A  couple  of 
months  later  a  return  to  Aix  was  necessitated  by  his 
wife's  health,  as  well  as  his  own ;  and  thence  he  wrote  to 
Virieu  that  the  second  volume  was  finished  and  about  to 
be  despatched  to  Paris.  A  pot-boiler,  entitled  "Cesar," 
was  to  occupy  his  leisure  agreeably  that  autumn,  and 
bring  him  ten  thousand  francs,  "sorely  needed."  " E  poi, 
il  gran  poema  epico,  lyrico,  metaphysico,  etc.,  si  Dieu  le 
veut."  2 

By  the  middle  of  September  another  cheering  stroke  of 
good  luck  is  announced  to  Virieu:  "I  have  sold  'Socrate' 
for  six  thousand  francs ;  am  to  get  fifteen  thousand  for  the 
'Meditations.'"  3  The  success  of  the  second  "Medita- 
tions," although  not  equalling  that  of  the  first,  was  most 
satisfactory.  The  only  explanation  of  this  colder  recep- 
tion of  his  verses,  and  a  very  reasonable  one,  is  given  by 
Lamartine  himself:  the  first  were  the  first,  and  the  second 
followed  them :  the  sensation  of  delighted  surprise  on  the 

1  Correspondance,  ccxcn.  Letter  dated  Paris,  February  15,  1823. 
*  Correspondance,  ccxcvn.   The  faulty  Italian  is  Lamartine's. 
1  Correspondance,  ccc.  La  Mori  de  Socrate. 

•  •  268  •  • 


GROWING  LITERARY  REPUTATION 


part  of  the  public  had  evaporated,  the  flower  of  novelty 
had  lost  its  freshness.  The  only  reproach  that  can  fairly 
be  made  is  that  the  second  resembled  too  closely  the  first. 
The  verses  were  as  delicately  subtle  and  as  musical  as 
those  of  the  first  volume,  and  their  structure  perhaps  even 
more  perfect.  As  M.  de  Pomairols  extravagantly,  per- 
haps, but  not  fulsomely,  claims:  "He  verily  held  in  his 
grasp  the  lute  of  the  angels,  and,  with  its  harmonies,  he 
led  the  ravished  hearts  of  a  generation,  more  fortunate 
than  our  own,  towards  purity  and  beauty."  x  Yet  the 
perennial  fascination  of  Lamartine's  poetry  lies  not  in  the 
transcendentalism  or  exquisite  technique  of  the  verses, 
but  in  the  sentiments  he  expresses  out  of  fulness  of  heart. 
The  cry  of  his  soul's  anguish  is  pathetically  and  nakedly 
human-true,  yesterday,  to-day,  and  for  all  time.  The  in- 
fluence he  wields  over  the  hearts  of  his  readers  springs 
from  the  fact  that  he  is  first  of  all  a  man,  possessing  all 
the  frailty  inherent  to  human  nature,  and  incidentally  a 
poet. 

In  a  letter  from  Saint- Point  to  M.  de  Fontenay,  dated 
November  29,  1823,  Lamartine  makes  casual  mention  of 
an  accident  which  befell  him  when  riding,  and  which  for 
two  months  incapacitated  him.  And  on  December  5  he 
again  mentions  the  mishap  in  a  note  to  Madame  de  Raige- 
court:  "Je  suis  honteux  d'etre  tombe  de  cheval.  ..."  * 
That  the  accident  was  more  serious  than  he  was  willing  to 
admit  appears  from  an  enquiry  from  the  Duchesse  de 
Broglie  (Madame  de  StaeTs  daughter)  who  has  learnt 
that  he  is  now  out  of  danger.' 

The  late  autumn  and  early  winter  were  spent  at  Saint- 
Point  and  in  Macon.  Madame  de  Lamartine  was  far  from 

1  Cf.  De  Pomairols,  Lamartine,  pp.  5^-67. 

1  Correspondence,  cccix  and  cccin. 

»  LeUres  a  Lamartine,  p.  26.  The  date  of  this  letter,  Coppet,  October  28, 
is  evidently  erroneous,  as  Lamartine  wrote  Virieu  on  the  zgth,  making  no 
mention  of  an  accident.  .  ' 

•  •  269  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


well,  and  the  family  was,  moreover,  intensely  worried 
over  the  health  of  Lamartine's  sisters,  Madame  de 
Montherot,  and  Cesarine,  who  had  married  Xavier  de 
Vignet,  both  of  whom  passed  away  during  the  winter.  In 
spite  of  domestic  worries  and  afflictions,  however,  Lamar- 
tine  began  at  this  period  to  take  a  perfunctory  interest  in 
home  politics.  The  campaign  in  Macon  had  made  it  clear 
that,  had  he  been  of  the  required  age  (forty)  he  could  un- 
doubtedly have  secured  an  election  to  the  Chamber.  "I 
shall  be  very  glad  of  it  when  the  times  come,"  he  signifi- 
cantly confides  to  Virieu.1  But  nearly  ten  years  were  to 
elapse  before  that  time  came.  Domestic  bereavements 
and  poor  health  interfered  seriously  with  poetic  inspira- 
tion, and  his  friends  began  to  twit  him  with  insinuations 
of  literary  lassitude.  During  the  summer  he  and  his  wife 
had  sought  relief  at  the  baths  of  Schinznach,  in  Switzer- 
land, but  without  great  benefit.  "Ma  melancolie  est  re- 
venue comme  a  seize  ans,  avec  le  vague  espoir  en  moins," 
he  sadly  wrote  Virieu.  The  doctors  insisted  on  a  warm 
climate  during  the  coming  winter,  and  a  diplomatic  ap- 
pointment at  Florence  appeared  as  his  only  salvation: 
once  more  he  sets  in  motion  the  machinery  best  calcu- 
lated to  advance  his  interests,  and  again  the  faithful 
Virieu  is  pressed  into  service.2  The  success  of  the  "Se- 
condes  Meditations"  had  established  the  author's  literary 
reputation  on  a  solid  and  permanent  basis.  Friends  and 
admirers  in  Paris  began  to  hint  that  the  poet  might  aspire 
to  a  seat  in  the  French  Academy,  and  to  urge  him  to  take 
the  necessary  steps.  At  first  he  hesitated,  dreading  a  re- 
buff. But  eventually  he  allowed  his  objections  to  be  over- 
ruled, and  towards  the  middle  of  November  set  to  work, 
in  Paris,  canvassing  for  votes,  and  paying  the  obligatory 
visits  of  courtesy.  From  the  outset  he  realized  that  suc- 
cess was  more  than  doubtful:  yet  once  immersed  in  the 
1  Correspondence,  cccxi.  *  Ibid.,  cccxxm. 

•  •  27O  •  • 


GROWING  LITERARY  REPUTATION 

struggle  the  spirit  of  battle  seized  him ;  he  was  loath  to 
retire,  at  least  until  he  could  do  so  with  honour.  His  rival, 
M.  Droz,  a  practically  unknown  name  in  literature,  con- 
trolled political  influences  which  could  not  be  overcome 
and  which  eventually  secured  for  him  the  coveted  seat. 
Chateaubriand,  to  the  candidate's  great  joy,  had  lent  him 
kindly  support :  but  he  felt  from  the  outset  that  he  was 
doomed  to  failure.1  Although  the  quest  for  Academic 
honours  had  been  vain,  Lamartine  had  received  what  he 
considered  substantial  assurances  that  within  a  year  the 
coveted  billet  at  Florence  should  be  his,  together  with  a 
salary  of  six  thousand  francs.  This  consoled  him,  in  a 
manner,  for,  as  he  insists,  when  informing  Virieu  of  his 
disappointment,  it  was  principally  by  reason  of  his  par- 
ents' desire  that  he  had  made  the  effort.  The  mother's 
diary  confirms  this  assertion.  "I  regret  having  too  per- 
sistently urged  my  son  to  present  himself.  Especially  am 
I  sorry  on  my  husband's  account,  for  he  attached  great 
importance  to  success."  *  < 

1  Correspondence,  cccxxxn;  cf.  also  Pierre  de  Lacretelle,  "La  premiere 
candidature  de  Lamartine  4  1 'Academic,"  Grande  Revue,  May  15,  1905. 

1  Correspondence,  cccxxxil  and  cccxxxrv;  cf.  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire, 
p.  262. 


CHAPTER   XXII 
CHILDE  HAROLD  — CHANT  DU  SACRE 

LAMARTINE'S  admiration  for  Byron,  the  man  and  the 
poet,  was  sincere  and  profound.  The  personality  of  the 
author  of  "Childe  Harold"  fascinated  him,  and  the  cir- 
cumstances of  his  brilliant,  adventurous  life  found  an 
echo  of  almost  envious  commendation  in  his  secret  soul. 
The  English  poet  appeared  to  him,  by  virtue  of  his  revolt 
and  his  genius,  as  a  sort  of  angel  of  darkness,  a  species  of 
Black  Prince  of  Satanic  legions,  whose  example  tempted 
and  provoked  him  to  demand  an  accounting  with  the 
Almighty.1  The  death  of  the  poet  in  Greece,  on  April  19, 
1824,  had  stirred  the  fibres  of  his  deepest  sympathy,  and 
he  determined  to  add  a  final  canto  to  the  pilgrimage  of  his 
hero.2  On  January  4,  1825,  writing  to  Virieu,  he  says: 
"...  Guess  what  I  am  about!  the  fifth  canto  of  'Childe 
Harold,'  of  Lord  Byron:  his  death,  and  Greece.  There  are 
already  five  or  six  hundred  verses.  It  amuses  me,  and  I 
will  publish  them,  if  you  agree  after  having  heard  them ; 
of  course  anonymously."  *  On  the  same  date  the  mother 
notes  in  her  journal :  "  Alphonse  is  writing  a  poem  entitled 
'Childe  Harold,'  in  which  he  celebrates  the  heroic  death 
of  Lord  Byron,  for  the  cause  of  Greek  independence. 
There  are  passages  which  distress  me:  I  fear  he  shows 
dangerous  enthusiasm  for  modern  ideas  of  philosophy  and 
revolution,  contrary  both  to  religion  and  to  the  monarchi- 
cal principle."  4  Six  weeks  later  the  poet  had  finished 
his  task,  and  the  manuscript  of  between  seventeen  hun- 

1  Cf.  De  Pomairols,  op.  cit.t  p.  70;  cf.  also  E.  Esteve,  Byron  et  le  Roman- 
tisme  franf ais,  p.  330. 

1  Cf.  CEvores  computes,  vol.  II,  p.  74. 

'  Correspondence,  cccxxxv.  *  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  264. 

•  •  272  •  • 


CHILDE  HAROLD  — CHANT  DU  SACRE 

dred  and  eighteen  hundred  verses  was  to  be  disposed  of  to 
a  publisher  in  Lyons,  for  nine  thousand  francs,  "money 
down."  It  was  in  Paris,  however,  that  the  poem  found  a 
publisher,  and  on  April  7  he  writes  that  owing  to  the 
most  unsatisfactory  proofs  sent  him,  and  the  destruction 
of  "style  and  form  they  convey  to  eye  and  ear,"  he  must 
fly  to  the  rescue  of  his  offspring.1 

He  carried  with  him  his  "Chant  du  Sacre,"  composed 
in  honour  of  the  coronation  of  Charles  X  at  Reims  (May, 
1825),  and  which  is,  certain  religious  and  military  de- 
scriptions apart,  nothing  more  or  less  than  an  expression 
of  his  political  views  on  the  Restoration.  To  Virieu  he 
defines  it  as  "1'horreur  des  horreurs  po£tiques,"  and  most 
of  his  friends  agreed  with  him.  Nevertheless,  although 
condemning  his  own  folly,  he  insists  that  he  wrote  the 
verses  conscientiously  in  order  to  prove  that  he  was 
frankly  an  adherent  of  the  monarchical  party,  although 
entertaining  certain  independent  sentiments  of  his  own.1 
Despite  the  undeniable  splendour  of  the  descriptions  of 
the  ceremony,  this  official  effusion  cannot  be  said  to  have 
added  to  Lamartine's  fame.  That  it  was  written  with 
decided  parti  pris  was  evident  from  the  outset.  Madame 
de  Lamartine,  mere,  to  whom  her  son  read  passages  of 
his  poem,  was  greatly  shocked  by  the  omission  of  any 
mention  of  the  Due  d 'Orleans,  son  of  Philippe  £galite,  or 
of  that  prince  himself.  According  to  the  mother's  diary, 
a  painful  scene  ensued,  and  it  was  only  in  consequence  of 
her  tears,  and  the  use  of  what  she  terms  "my  maternal 
authority,"  that  Alphonse  yielded.1  The  omission,  how- 
ever, had  been  preferable  to  the  lines  Lamartine  eventu- 
ally inserted.  Enumerating  the  glorious  names  of  the 
Bourbon  dynasty,  the  poet  makes  the  King  exclaim : 

1  Correspondence,  CCCXL. 

•  Ibid.,  CCCXLII;  cf.  also  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  n,  p.  37,  wherein 
Lamartine  expresses  freely  his  opinions  of  the  Orleans  family. 

*  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  268. 

.  .  273  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


" D'Orleans! 

Ce  grand  nom  est  couvert  du  pardon  de  mon  frere: 
Le  fils  a  rachete  les  crimes  de  son  pere! 
Et  comme  les  rejets  d'un  arbre  encore  fecond, 
Sept  rameaux  ont  cache  les  blessures  du  tronc."  l 

The  poem  was  published  a  week  before  the  coronation 
of  Charles  X,  instead  of  after  the  ceremony,  as  originally 
intended,  and  the  King  subscribed  for  three  thousand 
copies.2  It  is  probable  that  advance  sheets  had  fallen  into 
the  Due  d'Orl£ans's  hands  before  the  order  for  the  Tui- 
leries  was  filled.  Writing  on  May  21,  M.  de  Pansey,  a 
member  of  the  Duke's  household,  informed  Lamartine 
concerning  his  royal  master's  displeasure.  "The  Prince 
tells  me  that  this  work  is  only  to  appear  after  the  corona- 
tion. If  so,  you  still  have  time  to  suppress  the  four  verses ; 
I  strongly  urge  you  to  do  so.  It  is  always  unfortunate  to 
have  the  first  prince  of  the  blood  as  an  irreconcilable 
enemy."  3 

Madame  de  Lamartine  writes  that  her  son  immediately 
replied,  regretting  that  his  verses  should  have  wounded  a 
prince  whose  family  had  shown  such  favours  to  his  grand- 
parents, and  stating  that  he  would  instruct  his  publishers 
to  suppress  the  obnoxious  verses.  Before  action  could  be 
taken,  however,  a  second  menace  from  the  Duke  so  exas- 
perated the  poet  that  he  refused  to  make  any  change. 
"On  receipt  of  this  letter,"  notes  the  mother,  "the  natu- 
ral pride  of  my  son  was  aroused.  At  no  price  would  he 
yield  to  a  threat  that  which  he  had  immediately  accorded 
to  a  request,  and  he  summarily  ordered  his  publisher  to 
reinsert  the  verses."  At  the  same  time  Lamartine  wrote 
personally  to  the  Duke  explaining  to  him  that,  as  the 
newspapers  had  already  published  the  letter  of  intimida- 
tion, which  could  only  have  leaked  out  through  some  in- 

1  The  original  manuscript  contains  the  word  "iniquitS,"  which  was 
softened  (?)  to  "crimes" 
1  Seche,  Lamartine,  p.  195.  *  Lettres  a  Lamartine,  p.  38. 

•  •  274  .  • 


CHILDE  HAROLD  — CHANT  DU  SACRE 


discretion  at  the  Palais  Royal,  he  deemed  it  necessary,  for 
his  own  reputation,  to  insist  on  the  insertion  of  the  verses; 
but  he  begged  the  Duke  not  to  attribute  them  to  any  de- 
liberate intent  to  offend  him.  To  which  the  Duke  in- 
stantly and  generously  replied  that  since  the  publication 
in  the  Liberal  papers  of  the  letter  of  intimidation,  he 
realized  the  young  man's  position,  and  the  necessity  of 
safeguarding  his  personal  honour.  The  above  is  quoted 
almost  verbatim  from  Madame  de  Lamartine's  account 
of  the  affair.1  There  is  ground  for  shrewd  suspicion,  how- 
ever, that  Lamartine,  when  " dressing"  the  manuscript 
for  publication,  took  liberties  with  the  original  text. 
Whole  pages  of  the  diary  are  either  missing,  or  have 
been  so  defaced  that  the  writing  is  illegible.  His  own 
contemporaneous  account  of  the  incident  as  given  in 
a  letter  to  Virieu,  dated  from  Aix  on  June  6,  1825,  is 
much  less  pretentious.  "Do  you  know  the  row  which  is 
being  made  against  its  author  [he  refers  to  the  "Chant 
du  Sacre"]?  The  Due  d'Or!6ans  went,  'co'  fiocchi,'  to 
complain  to  the  King  concerning  the  insults  I  levelled 
against  him.  The  King  ordered  the  suppression  of  the 
passage.  The  publishers  refused.  I  heard  of  it  too  late, 
but  hastened  to  write  that  publication  be  suspended, 
changes  made,  in  fact  anything  to  satisfy  the  King.  The 
King  instructed  M.  Doudeauville  to  write  me  from  Reims 
expressing  his  dissatisfaction.  I  answered  as  best  I  could. 
The  Liberal  journals  took  the  matter  up."  And  he  goes 
on  to  add  that,  although  he  regrets  having  wounded  the 
King,  the  whole  affair  has  "brought  him  friends";  pre- 
sumably among  the  Liberals.2 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  269. 

1  Corrcspondance,  CCCXLIV.  In  his  Souvenirs  et  Portraits,  vol.  n,  p.  120, 
Lamartine  writes:  "There  are  two  actions  which  posterity  will  never 
forgive  the  ambitious  designs  of  the  House  of  Orleans:  the  vote  for  the  death 
of  Louis  XVI  in  1793,  and  the  public  accouchement  of  the  Duchesse  de 
Berri,  at  Blaye,  in  1831.  The  second  crime,  although  less  atrocious,  equalled 
the  first." 

.  .  275  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


From  the  publishers*  standpoint  the  success  of  the 
"Chant  du  Sacre"  was  great;  principally  on  account  of 
the  scandal  created  by  the  offending  verses.  Between 
twenty  and  thirty  thousand  copies  were  sold :  five  thou- 
sand in  a  single  day.  "My  publishers  get  fifty  thousand 
francs,"  Lamartine  adds  in  this  same  letter,  "by  virtue 
of  this  'litany'  which  nets  me  a  hundred  louis  and  dis- 
grace." 

"  Childe  Harold  "  was  also  attracting  widespread  atten- 
tion, although  for  other  and  more  essentially  literary 
reasons:  "six  thousand  copies  in  two  days!"  wrote  the 
author.  On  the  whole  the  verdict  was  favourable,  al- 
though some  critics  saw  in  the  verses  only  a  servile  imi- 
tation of  the  great  English  bard.  Imitation  there  cer- 
tainly is :  but  purely  a  nominal  one,  wherein  the  thoughts 
and  sentiments  of  Byron  are  imperceptibly  woven  into 
the  ideals  which  Lamartine  preferred.  This  discreet  and 
skilful  evolution  dispels  all  resemblance,  even  a  distant 
one,  with  the  genius  he  was  accused  of  imitating,  and  the 
conception  and  psychology  remain  throughout  essentially 
and  unmistakably  Lamartinian. 

That  Charles  X  did  not  bear  a  grudge  against  the 
imprudent  author  of  the  "Chant  du  Sacre"  is  evidenced 
by  his  appointment,  in  July,  as  Secretary  of  Legation 
at  Florence.  Lamartine  and  his  wife  were  travelling  in 
Switzerland  when  the  official  confirmation  of  his  nom- 
ination reached  him.  If  we  are  to  believe  him,  it  was 
principally  his  wife's  health  which  prompted  the  ac- 
ceptance of  the  post,  the  offer  of  which,  he  professes, 
"rather  stunned"  him.1  Be  this  as  it  may,  he  lost  no 
time  in  regaining  Saint- Point  and  making  the  necessary 
preparations  for  a  prolonged  absence  from  home.  During 
August  Victor  Hugo  and  Charles  Nodier  were  his  guests. 
Lamartine  had  met  "1'Enfant  sublime,"  as  Chateau- 
1  Correspondence,  CCCXLV. 
.  .  276  •  • 


CfflLDE  HAROLD  — CHANT  DU  SACRE 

briand  christened  Hugo,  in  Paris  in  1822,  when,  with 
the  Due  de  Rohan,  he  sought  the  young  poet  in  his 
modest  dwelling  near  Saint-Sulpice.1  Later  these  two 
greatest  poets  of  the  nineteenth  century  were  to  be- 
come friends  and  entertain  a  lifelong  mutual  admiration. 
At  this  period  Charles  Nodier  had  but  recently  been 
appointed  librarian  of  the  famous  old  Bibliotheque 
de  1' Arsenal,  where,  with  his  wife  and  daughter  Marie, 
he  held  one  of  the  foremost  literary  salons  of  the  period. 
In  1822  the  author  of  "Trilby"  had  already  made  his 
mark,  and  young  Lamartine  acknowledged  in  him  a 
master.2 

On  that  memorable  August  morning  in  1825  it  was  a 
motley  company  that  the  chatelain  of  Saint-Point  dis- 
cerned winding  their  way  down  through  the  chestnut 
forest  above  the  chateau:  "a  caravan  of  travellers,  men, 
women,  and  children,  some  on  foot,  others  mounted  on 
steady-going  mules.  .  .  .  The  party  consisted  of  Victor 
Hugo  and  Charles  Nodier,  followed  by  their  charming 
young  wives  and  comely  children.  They  craved  my  hos- 
pitality for  a  few  days  on  their  way  to  Switzerland.  .  .  . 
Since  that  sojourn  we  have  remained  friends,  in  spite 
of  systems,  opinions,  revolutions,  and  diverse  political 
views."  *  Hugo  had  urged  Lamartine  to  join  "La  Muse 
francaise,"  a  periodical  which  made  some  stir  in  literary 
circles  about  1823:  but  the  elder  poet  had  no  liking  for 
cliques  and  coteries,  and  preferred  to  abstain  from  all 
intimate  connection  with  them.  He  offered  Hugo  to 
subscribe  a  thousand  francs  towards  this  literary  enter- 
prise; but  on  the  condition  that  his  association  remain 

1  Cours  de  liUerature,  vol.  n,  p.  288,  and  vol.  x,  p.  181 ;  also  Seche,  Lamer- 
tine,  p.  221. 

1  Cf.  Salomon,  Charles  Nodier,  p.  107. 

1  Cours  de  liUerature,  vol.  n,  p.  289;  also  vol.  x,  p.  181.  Marie  Nodier,  in 
the  biography  of  her  father,  has  left  a  charming  account  of  this  visit;  cf. 
p.  219.  .-' 

'  '  277  " 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


secret.  In  spite  of  his  generosity  the  "Muse"  was  not 
always  tender  in  its  criticisms,  and  that  same  year  La- 
martine  wrote  Hugo:  "I  have  read  several  of  the  little 
diatribes  in  question,  but  they  do  not  disturb  my  politi- 
cal equanimity.  I  do  not  belong  to  the  genus  irritabile" 
It  was  an  attack  on  the  "Mort  de  Socrate"  to  which  he 
referred,  and  to  the  purely  literary  criticism  he  did  not 
object ;  but  the  author  had  questioned  his  political  credo, 
and  this  Lamartine  could  not  brook.1 

The  literary  quarrels  of  the  day  affected  Lamartine 
not  a  jot.  From  the  serene  heights  of  his  independence  he 
viewed  with  complete  detachment  the  warring  of  Classics 
and  Romantics,  holding  aloof  from  intimate  association 
with  either  school.  Yet  he  certainly  agreed  with  Nodier's 
definition  of  what  Romanticism  should  aspire  to:  "La 
Libert6  regie  par  le  gotit."  "  I  am  neither  a  romanticist  as 
you  understand  the  term,  nor  a  classic  as  they  define  it; 
I  am  what  I  am  able  to  be,"  he  wrote  M.  de  Genoude.2 
And  in  an  open  letter  to  Stendhal  (Henri  Beyle),  on 
March  19,  1823:  "Imitation  of  Nature  is  not  the  sole 
aim  of  art:  the  beautiful  is  above  all  the  principle  and 
the  object  of  all  creations  of  the  intellect."  *  This  was  a 
doctrine  Lamartine  invariably  observed.  As  M.  Emile 
Deschanel  pertinently  puts  it:  "While  Victor  Hugo  the 
more  often  conveys  ideas  through  images,  and  lends  con- 
crete form  to  abstractions,  Lamartine,  inversely,  spiritu- 
alizes, so  to  speak,  matter,  discerning  both  in  the  physi- 
cal world  and  in  real  life  moral  analogies,  and  making 
frequent  use  of  such  transpositions."  4  If  it  be  true,  as 
Joubert  insists:  "c'est  surtout  dans  la  spirituality  des 
idees  que  consiste  la  poesie,"  then  indeed  Lamartine  was 
a  great,  a  very  great  master  of  his  art.  "Nature  was  for 

1  Revue  de  Paris,  April  15, 1904;  cf.  also  S6che,  Cenack  de  la  Musefran- 
faise,  p.  65. 

2  Correspondence,  cccxx.1 

1  Cf.  Stendhal,  Racine  et  Shakespeare.         *  Lamartine,  vol.  i,  p.  216. 

.  •  278  •  - 


CHILDE  HAROLD  — CHANT  DU  SACRE 

Lamartine,"  opines  Zyromski,  "merely  the  symbolism 
through  which  he  laid  bare  the  inner  life."  *  In  other 
words,  through  the  spiritualization  of  Nature,  the  splen- 
dour and  enthusiasm  of  his  imagination  rises  trium- 
phantly over  matter  and  the  melancholy  or  bitterness 
at  times  discernible  in  his  verse. 

Lamartine  was  a  Very  poor  critic  of  his  own  work.  In 
"Comment  je  suis  devenu  poete,"  written  during  the 
later  years  of  his  life,2  the  subjectivity  of  this  auto-criti- 
cism is  stilted  and  manifestly  insincere.  He  terms  himself 
a  dilletante  and  an  amateur,  with  no  ambitions  to  be 
otherwise  considered.  Nevertheless,  the  confession  has  a 
decided  psychological  value  when  read  understandingly, 
as  well  as  an  undeniable  fascination;  owing,  perhaps,  as 
much  to  the  ingenuousness  of  the  sentiments  expressed 
as  to  the  unparalleled  beauty  of  his  eloquence.  Every- 
thing that  Lamartine  wrote  partakes  directly  or  indi- 
rectly of  the  nature  of  a  confession :  at  times  a  fragment 
infinitely  minute,  yet  ever  a  particle  of  his  soul.  "True 
literary  art,"  he  insisted  in  his  old  age,  "is  not  an  art:  it 
is  a  soul.  .  .  ."  "Le  sublime  lasse,"  he  adds,  "le  beau 
trompe,  le  pathetique  seul  est  infaillible.  Celui  qui  sait 
attendrir  sait  tout."  *  In  less  consummately  skilful 
hands  the  constant  use  (one  is  tempted  to  write,  abuse) 
of  the  pathetic  must  inevitably  cloy:  yet  such  is  the  ex- 
traordinary quality  of  Lamartine's  art  that  this  feeling 
of  satiety  is  rarely  experienced.  The  human  interest  is 
too  tense  and  too  sustained  to  permit  of  lassitude. 

To  a  much  lesser  degree  is  this  subjectivity  apparent 
in  the  fifth  canto  of  "Childe  Harold."  The  personality 
of  the  author  is  merged,  so  to  speak,  in  Byron,  and  this 

1  Op.  tit.,  p.  222.  *  Cf.  Souvenirs  el  Portraits,  vol.  I,  p.  56. 

*  Cf.  essay  on  decadence  of  literature,  Souvenirs  et  Portraits,  vol.  I,  p.  127. 
Cf .  also  Georges  Herwegh,  by  Victor  Fleury,  p.  244  et  seq.  Herwegh  trans- 
lated nearly  all  of  Lamartine's  poetical  works  into  German  during  the 
first  half  of  the  nineteenth  century. 

•  •  279  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


duality  detracts  from  the  Lamartinianism  of  the  style. 
Here  and  there,  however,  the  "  ego"  of  the  poet  reappears, 
and  the  images  he  evokes  become  significant  of  the  fla- 
grant contradictions;  especially  when  he  attributes  to 
Byron  religious  aspirations  essentially  inherent  to  La- 
martine.1  That  the  mother  should  have  felt  anxiety 
when  shown  passages  from  "Childe  Harold"  is  con- 
ceivable. The  unorthodoxy  of  his  Catholic  dogma  is 
herein  revealed  for  the  first  time.  The  oppositions  of 
language  or  doctrine  expressed  by  the  hero  are  rarely, 
and  then  but  feebly,  refuted  by  his  sponsor.  Although 
the  opinions  professed  by  Harold  do  not  exactly  repre- 
sent Lamartine's  convictions  at  the  time  he  wrote  the 
poem,  they  nevertheless  show  clearly  the  philosophical 
tendencies  he  was  even  then  experiencing,  and  resistance 
to  which  necessitated  a  constant  effort.  "Sa  foi  chr£- 
tienne  a  deja  bien  pali  et  vacille  au  vent  du  siecle."  * 

Passing  in  review  the  numerous  systems  of  religion 
which  have  governed  the  world,  " Childe  Harold"  de- 
duces that  nothing  eternal  or  infallible  can  be  hoped  for. 
The  depths  of  the  human  heart  can  grasp  but  two  un- 
changeable sentiments: 

41  Deux  sentiments  divins  plus  forts  que  le  trepas, 
L'amour,  la  liberte,  dieux  qui  ne  mourront  pas."  * 

In  his  preface  to  the  poem  in  the  complete  edition  of  his 
works  (1860),  Lamartine  protests  against  the  criticisms 
which  hold  him  responsible  for  "Childe  Harold's" 
scepticism.  Especially  does  he  take  umbrage  when  his 
work  is  termed  "1'hymne  du  decouragement  et  du  scep- 
ticisme,"  insisting  that  the  religious  convictions  he  him- 
self holds  could  not  with  verisimilitude  be  placed  in  the 
mouth  of  his  hero.4 

1  Cf.  De  Pomairols,  op.  tit.,  p.  80. 

*  Cf.  J.  des  Cognets,  La  Vie  interieure  de  Lamartine,  p.  139. 

*  Le  Dernier  Chant  du  Pelerinage  d' 'Harold,  I. 

*  Cf.  op.  tit.,  vol.  n,  p.  80. 

.  .  280  •  • 


CHILDE  HAROLD  — CHANT  DU  SACRE 


This  disclaimer  notwithstanding,  authoritative  critics 
are  unanimous  in  discerning  in  "Childe  Harold"  the 
beginnings  of  Lamartine's  metaphysical  evolution,  de- 
spite the  intense  religiosity  of  the  "Harmonies  poli- 
tiques"  which  followed  the  earlier  work  a  couple  of 
years  later.  But  certain  political  opinions  expressed  in 
"Childe  Harold"  were  destined  to  cause  the  poet  more 
serious  annoyance  than  that  experienced  at  the  hands 
of  captious  French  critics  seeking  a  flaw  in  his  religious 
orthodoxy. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 
DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 

MEANWHILE  Lamartine  and  his  household  were  pre- 
paring for  the  journey  to  Florence.  The  trip  was  to  be 
a  leisurely  one,  the  route  followed  crossing  the  Mont 
Cenis,  with  stops  in  Turin,  Genoa,  and  the  enchanting 
towns  of  the  Italian  Riviera.  Finally,  on  October  2, 
1825,  the  party  reached  the  Tuscan  capital.  "The  jour- 
ney, although  more  complicated  for  eleven  persons  and 
five  horses,  than  for  three,  went  off  happily,"  he  wrote 
Virieu  on  arrival.1  An  apartment  was  selected  near  the 
Porta  Romana,  close  to  Poggio  Imperiale;  but  before 
settling  down  in  these  quarters,  Lamartine  paid  a  visit 
to  Lucca,  to  which  Court  the  French  representative  was 
also  accredited.  At  that  period  the  little  principalities 
of  Modena  and  Parma  were  included  within  the  dip- 
lomatic jurisdiction  of  the  Legation  to  Tuscany:  but 
their  political  importance  was  insignificant.  Neverthe- 
less, occasional  courtesy  visits  to  the  rulers  of  these 
bailiwicks  were  obligatory,  and  afforded  plausible  pre- 
texts for  summer  idling  midst  fairy-like  surroundings. 
Especially  was  the  microscopic  Court  of  Lucca  re- 
nowned for  the  continuous  round  of  social  pleasures 
which  its  young  and  dissipated  prince,  a  member  of  the 
Bourbon  family,  so  lavishly  encouraged.2  The  Duke  of 
Modena,  the  hated  Habsburg,  Francis  IV,  whom  the 
Congress  of  Vienna  had  likewise  furnished  with  a  throne, 
terrorized  his  subjects  and  himself  cringed  to  the  Jes- 
uits whose  puppet  he  was  supposed  to  be.  In  spite  of 

1  Correspondence,  CCCL. 

2  Charles  Louis,  eon  of  the  Bourbon  King  of  Etruria. 

.  .  282  •  • 


DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 


his  evil  political  reputation  the  Duke  of  Modena  would 
seem  to  have  captivated  the  young  Secretary  of  the 
French  Legation,  who  records  that  he  never  left  this 
princely  residence  without  regret.1 

At  the  adjacent  Court  of  Parma  ruled  the  ex-Empress 
Marie- Louise,  widow  of  Napoleon  I,  to  whom  the  Powers 
assembled  at  Vienna  had  allotted  this  modest  appanage. 
Count  Neiperg  was  installed  at  Parma,  nominally  as 
counsellor  to  the  Duchess.  "Nameless  children,  whose 
parents  were  a  mystery  to  none,  wandered  about  the 
corridors  of  the  palace.  .  .  .  The  household  of  Marie- 
Louise  resembled  that  of  a  noble  widow,  happy  over  the 
loss  of  her  throne,  having  cheerfully  forgotten  the  pomp 
of  a  world's  empire.  .  .  .  She  took  me  one  day,"  con- 
tinues Lamartine,  "to  the  dusty  upper  apartments  of 
her  palace,  where  odd  personal  effects  had  been  rele- 
gated, souvenirs  of  the  epoch  of  her  splendour,  and  there 
showed  me  the  golden  cradle  which  the  City  of  Paris 
had  presented  to  the  Empress  when  the  King  of  Rome 
was  born.  Turning  aside,  she  pointed  to  them  with  a 
slightly  disdainful  smile  mingled  with  sadness,  exclaim- 
ing: 'There  they  are:  they  cost  me  dear.  I  have  hidden 
them,  for  their  sight  recalls  painful  memories.  Let  us 
go!'"2 

At  Lucca  Lamartine's  diplomatic  functions  would 
certainly  not  appear  to  have  been  onerous.  The  Villa 
Saltochio,  where  the  Minister  resided  during  the  summer 
months,  was  given  over  to  social  entertainments  and  the 
cultivation  of  literature  in  its  most  graceful  and  pleasing 
forms.  The  Marquis  de  la  Maisonfort  was  himself  a 
poet,  and,  moreover,  an  accomplished  man  of  the  world, 
possessing  all  the  charm  and  moral  frailty  of  the  old 
r6gime,  to  which  he  belonged  by  long'  association  and  in- 
eradicable atavistic  instincts.  On  the  return  to  Florence 

1  M&moircs  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  192.  *  Ibid.,  p.  194. 

•  •  283  •  - 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


life  became  even  more  agreeable  in  the  company  of  this 
amiable  chief,  and  the  social  and  intellectual  horizon  more 
extended.  After  his  morning  ride  in  the  Cascine,  the 
fortunate  Secretary  of  Legation  proceeded  to  his  chan- 
cery, there  to  copy  out  "a  few  very  insignificant  but  ex- 
ceedingly witty  despatches,"  the  aim  and  principal  func- 
tions of  the  Minister  at  that  time  being  to  amuse  the  King 
by  his  clever  quizzing  of  the  agents  of  Prince  Metter- 
nich.1  This  arduous  task  accomplished,  the  poet  was  free 
to  devote  himself  to  literary  composition  or  any  occupa- 
tion he  desired.  Nevertheless,  the  subordinate  position 
he  held  chafed  his  pride.  On  November  5  he  complains 
to  the  Marquise  de  Raigecourt  that,  although  he  is  doing 
his  best,  he  blushes,  at  his  age  (he  was  now  thirty-five) 
and  after  so  considerable  a  novitiate,  to  be  still  judged 
worthy  of  but  a  secretaryship  in  a  Legation  instead  of 
that  of  an  Embassy.2 

The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  enjoyed,  at  the  period 
of  which  we  write,  the  reputation  of  being  the  most 
enlightened  and  liberal  ruler  in  Italy.  Although  of  for- 
eign origin  the  House  of  Lorraine  had  successfully  iden- 
tified itself  with  the  people,  and  the  paternal  govern- 
ment continued  the  intellectual  and  artistic  traditions 
of  the  Medici.  Closely  related  to  the  Austrian  sovereign, 
the  Tuscan  rulers  pursued,  nevertheless,  a  policy  differ- 
ing essentially  from  that  adopted  by  the  Habsburgs 
towards  their  Italian  subjects  in  Lombardy  and  Venetia. 
Tuscan  patriots  had  little  to  complain  of  under  the  mild 
administration  of  their  Grand  Duke,  and  Florence  had 
actually  become  the  haven  of  many  political  refugees  who 
found  too  hot  for  them  Naples,  the  States  of  the  Church, 
Piedmont,  or  the  Austrian  dominions  of  northern  Italy. 

1  Memoires[politiques,  vol.  i,  p.  200;  cf.  also  Lamartine  par  Iui-m2me, 
p.  252. 

*  Correspondence,  CCCLI. 

.  .  284  •  • 


DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 


Florence  was  styled  the  Athens  of  Italy.  Although  La- 
martine  was  cordially  welcomed  at  the  Grand  Ducal 
Court,  he  was  soon  made  aware  that  the  publication  of 
his  ''Dernier  Chant  de  Childe  Harold"  had  awakened 
deep  resentment  in  the  breasts  of  Italian  patriots.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  this  fifth  canto  he  added  to 
Lord  Byron's  poem  was  very  favourably  received  in 
France,  and  that  the  poet  himself  considered  it  the  best 
work  he  had  produced.  In  Italy,  however,  certain  dispar- 
aging verses  concerning  Italian  patriotism  had  brought 
down  the  anathemas  of  the  Liberal  conspirators  upon  his 
head.  In  the  poem  Childe  Harold  (Lord  Byron),  shaking 
the  dust  of  Italy  from  his  shoes  and  hastening  to  the 
relief  of  the  downtrodden  Greeks,  reproaches  modern 
Italians  with  inertia,  sloth,  and  voluptuous  servitude.  In 
his  indignation  at  their  lack  of  patriotic  vigour  Childe 
Harold  disdainfully  exclaims: 

"  Monument  ecrou!6,  que  1'echo  seul  habite; 
Poussiere  du  passe,  qu'un  vent  sterile  agite; 
Terre,  oil  les  fils  n'ont  plus  le  sang  de  leurs  a'ieux, 
Oft  sur  un  sol  vieilli  les  hommes  naissent  vieux, 
Ob  le  fer  avili  ne  frappe  que  dans  1'ombre, 
Oil  sur  les  fronts  voiles  plane  un  nuage  sombre, 
Oti  1'amour  n'est  qu'un  piege  et  la  pudeur  qu'un  fard, 
OO  la  ruse  a  fauss6  le  rayon  du  regard, 
Oil  les  mots  6nerves  ne  sont  qu'un  bruit  sonore, 
Un  nuage  eclat6  qui  retentit  encore: 
Adieu!  Pleure  ta  chute  en  vantant  tes  h£ros! 
Sur  des  bords  oil  la  gloire  a  ranim6  leurs  os, 
Je  vais  chercher  ailleurs  (pardonne  ombre  romaine!) 
Des  hommes,  et  non  pas  de  la  poussiere  humainel"  * 

It  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  patriots  who  had 
staked  life  and  liberty  in  the  cause  they  upheld  would 
tamely  accept,  without  protest,  such  scathing,  withering 
contempt.  Nor  was  this  the  case. 

On   his  arrival  in  Florence  Lamartine  was  received 
1  Cf.  CEuvres  completes,  voL  n,  p.  102. 
.  .  285  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


with  every  outward  mark  of  courtesy  by  the  aristo- 
cratic society  which  clustered  round  the  Court  of  the 
Grand  Duke.  The  sovereign  himself  would  appear  to 
have  been  fascinated  by  the  charm  and  intelligence  of 
the  young  French  diplomatist.  The  library  of  the  Pitti 
Palace  was  put  at  his  disposal,  and  the  sovereign  there 
met  his  guest  and  led  him  to  his  private  apartments,  where 
they  spent  hours  in  literary  and  political  discussions,  in- 
terrupted only  by  occasional  visits  from  the  young  prin- 
cesses. On  November  15,  1825,  shortly  after  his  return  to 
Florence  for  the  winter,  the  Grand  Duke  had  written 
the  poet,  whose  own  dwelling  was  close  at  hand,  urging 
him  to  make  use  of  the  library,  and  professing  admiration 
for  his  talents.1  Jealousies  were  inevitably  excited  by  this 
signal  mark  of  favour,  and  the  wildest  rumours  were 
current  concerning  the  danger  to  the  State  such  foreign 
influences  might  create.  Lamartine  assures  us  that  the 
Prime  Minister,  Fossomboni,  did  not  share  the  univer- 
sal suspicion  with  which  his  intimacy  with  the  Grand 
Duke  was  viewed,  nor  fear  the  possibility  of  the  French 
superseding  him.2  It  is  probable  that  he  exaggerates  the 
importance  the  diplomatic  and  official  world  of  Tuscany 
'attached  to  the  liking  the  Prince  manifested  for  the 
literary  genius  accredited  to  his  Court.  Nevertheless, 
writing  the  Due  de  Montmorency  concerning  events 
which  subsequently  made  his  sojourn  in  Florence  un- 
comfortable, he  says:  "J'ignore  si  quelque  jalousie  de 
cour  n'avait  pas  favoris£  1'explosion  de  ces  sentiments 
hostiles."  « 

Be  this  as  it  may,  a  decided  feeling  of  resentment 
against  the  foreigner  who  had  harshly  criticized  na- 
tional patriotism  soon  became  apparent.  The  offensive 
verses  were  quoted  in  political  and  social  circles  until 

1  Lettres  a  Lamartine,  p.  43. 

1  M&moires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  209.  *  Correspondence,  cccLVin. 

-  -  286  •  • 


DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 


indignation  was  fanned  to  such  a  pitch  that  Colonel 
Gabriel  Pepe,  a  Neapolitan  exile,  escaping  the  vigilance 
of  the  censor,  issued  a  pamphlet  containing  insulting 
references  to  the  author  of  "Childe  Harold."  Pepe 
(1779-1849)  had  fought  with  the  armies  of  Napoleon 
in  both  Italy  and  Spain,  and  after  the  Revolution  in  the 
Two  Sicilies  had  been  (1820)  a  member  of  the  Parlia- 
ment assembled  in  Naples.  When  the  reaction  triumphed 
he  took  refuge  in  Florence,  where  he  gained  a  precarious 
livelihood  giving  lessons  in  history  to  the  children  of  the 
Grand  Duke,  and  to  strangers  hibernating  in  the  Tuscan 
capital.1  The  vehicle  chosen  by  Pepe  to  launch  his  shaft 
against  Lamartine  was  that  of  an  apparently  inoffensive 
literary  essay  interpreting  Dante's  mysterious  verse: 

"Poscia  piti  che  il  dolor  potS  il  digiuno."1 

A  controversy  was  raging  in  intellectual  circles  as  to  the 
meaning  of  the  words.  Some  held  that  the  verse  proved 
without  a  doubt  that  Count  Ugolino  had  devoured  his 
dead  children :  others  maintained  the  contrary,  and  indig- 
nantly refuted  such  anthropophagical  accusations.  Pepe, 
an  accomplished  litterateur  and  an  ardent  student  of  the 
great  Florentine  poet,  threw  himself  into  the  fray.  His 
"Cenno  sulla  vera  intelligenza  del  verso  di  Dante: 
Poscia  piti  che  il  dolor  pot£  il  digiuno,"  to  give  it  its  full 
title,  is  an  effort  of  considerable  erudition.  When  he  en- 
tered the  intellectual  lists  it  is  probable  that  militant 
politics  were  far  from  his  thoughts.  Several  attempts 
had  been  made  by  pamphleteers  to  call  Lamartine  to 
account  for  his  slight  on  Italian  manhood  in  the  last 
canto  of  "Childe  Harold";  but  these  the  censorship  had 

1  Cf.  L.  Guerrini,  "Lamartine  secretaire  de  Legation,"  Revue  de  Paris, 
October  15  and  November  15,  1915;  also  Luigi  Ruberto,  "Un  Articolo 
Dantesco." 

1  "Then  greater  than  pain  was  the  power  of  hunger,"  pamphlet  pub- 
lished in  Florence  in  1898.  Inferno,  Canto  xxxni,  75. 

•  •  287  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


hitherto  frustrated.  To  Pepe  and  his  friends  this  oppor- 
tunity to  thwart  the  vigilance  of  the  authorities  seemed 
almost  providential.  An  essay  on  such  a  recondite  sub- 
ject was  hardly  likely  to  awaken  the  suspicious  curios- 
ity of  the  "Sbirs."  The  enthusiasm  of  many  Italian 
patriots  bordered  on  exaltation  —  they  craved  martyr- 
dom; they  burned  to  sacrifice  life  and  liberty  on  the 
altar  of  Country.  Had  the  verses  in  the  fifth  canto 
of  "Childe  Harold"  been  written  by  a  compatriot,  they 
would  have  been  considered  a  salutary  lash  of  the  whip, 
calculated  to  stimulate  the  flagging  energies  of  weak 
and  indifferent  adherents  to  the  abhorred  regime  under 
which  they  languished.  Written  by  a  foreigner,  the 
verses  appeared  only  as  a  stinging  insult. 

It  is  in  the  closing  pages  of  his  essay  that  Pepe  gives 
vent  to  his  contempt  for  the  French  poet.  Ridiculing  the 
interpretation  of  Dante's  verse  which  insists  that  Ugo- 
lino  devoured  his  dead  children,  the  writer  maintains  that 
it  was  merely  a  figure  of  speech  intended  to  discredit 
the  Pisans,  whom  he  hated,  and  that  all  those  who  inter- 
preted his  words  otherwise  were  not  worthy  of  serious 
consideration.  Then  follow  the  incriminating  epithets: 
"The  rhymester  of  the  'Last  Canto  of  Childe  Harold' 
could  alone  be  capable  of  such  an  ineptitude;  he  who 
strives  to  atone  for  his  lack  of  inspiration  and  ideas 
worthy  of  his  subject,  by  insipidities  against  Italy, 
insipidities  we  would  qualify  as  insults  were  it  not,  as 
Diomedes  says  (in  the  Iliad),  that  the  taunts  of  fools 
and  cowards  are  of  no  account."  1 

Colonel  Pepe's  essay  was  published  early  in  January, 

1826,  and  was  received  with  exultant  glee  by  the  Italian 

patriots.    In  a  private  letter  to  his  friend,  Carlo  Troya, 

Pepe  heaps  insults  upon  the  unfortunate  author  of  the 

offending  verses:  "If  I  cannot  accept  all  that  is  repeated 

1  Guerrini,  op.  cit.;  also  Ruberto,  op.  cit.,  p.  22. 

•  •  288  •  • 


DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 


to  me  concerning  my  essay  on  Dante  as  compliments  ad- 
dressed to  its  author,  I  can  affirm  notwithstanding  that 
the  article  has  not  given  displeasure.  Young  Molini  as- 
sured Materazzo  that  within  the  first  two  days  after 
its  publication  two  hundred  copies  were  sold.  ...  In 
order  to  hide  nothing  from  you  I  must  confess  that  the 
essay  pleased  also  because  I  inserted  therein  a  scathing 
attack  against  the  very  cowardly  [codardissimo]  Lamar- 
tine,  who  has  so  intrigued  here  that  it  was  permitted 
neither  to  Borghi  nor  to  Giordani  to  publish  refutations 
to  his  very  infamous  [infamissimi]  verses.  My  lash  of 
the  whip  was  allowed  to  pass  because  undetected,  and 
because  it  could  never  be  supposed  that  it  could  be  hidden 
in  an  essay  concerning  a  verse  of  Dante."  *  Writing  on 
February  17  to  his  brother  Raphael,  Pepe  makes  no  men- 
tion of  his  quarrel  with  Lamartine.  The  letter  is  full 
of  details  of  his  literary  success:  "Several  persons,  too 
high  placed  that  they  be  considered  adulators  of  an  ex- 
patriate, have  paid  me  very  flattering  compliments.  Even 
His  Highness  the  Grand  Duke,  to  whom  Count  Bardi 
had  the  kindness  to  present  a  copy,  did  me  the  honour 
to  read  it."  The  Grand  Duke  —  all  Florence,  in  fact  — 
was  cognizant  of  the  resentment  existing  against  Lamar- 
tine. Naturally  it  would  have  been  the  duty  of  the  Tus- 
can Government  to  protect  the  foreign  diplomatist 
against  any  explosion  of  hostile  feeling:  nevertheless,  it  is 
positively  certain  that  Lamartine  never  claimed  any  such 
protection,  and  it  is  equally  certain  that  the  French  poet 
never  intrigued  for  the  suppression  of  open  letters  or  re- 
torts of  any  kind  by  those  who  considered  their  country 
insulted  by  his  verses.  In  his  letter  to  Troya,  Pepe 
affirms  that  a  triumvirate  of  literary  censorship  had  been 
constituted  to  deal  with  the  author  of  the  "Dernier  Chant 
de  Childe  Harold,"  and  that  these  dispensers  of  justice 
1  Hubert o,  op.  tit.,  p.  53. 
•  •  289  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


were  much  vexed  that  their  action  should  have  been  an- 
ticipated by  a  private  individual  who  had  not  even 
deigned  to  submit  his  essay  to  their  approbation. 

Lamartine  had,  of  course,  been  long  aware  of  the 
feeling  his  imprudent  verses  had  excited.  He  knew  that 
his  appointment  to  Florence  was  construed  by  the  rev- 
olutionary factions  as  being  a  direct  insult  on  the  part 
of  the  King.1  In  a  letter  to  his  brother,  written  after 
he  and  Lamartine  had  become  reconciled,  Pepe  states 
that  the  French  diplomat's  reception  was  extremely  cold : 
"nobody  spoke  to  him:  in  society  all  turned  their  back 
on  him."  2  Although  manifestly  an  exaggeration,  we  know 
from  Lamartine's  correspondence  that  his  advent  in  the 
Tuscan  capital  had  been  regarded  with  suspicion.  "His 
attachment  to  the  Bourbon  dynasty,  the  religious  tone 
of  his  poetry,  which  smacked  of  intolerant  Catholicism," 
all  combined  to  cause  him  to  be  viewed  as  a  blind  parti- 
san of  despotism.8  "  Je  passe  ici  pour  un  jesuite  deguise," 
Lamartine  wrote  De  Fontenay; 4  and  the  generally  ac- 
credited calumny  has  certainly  contributed  to  the  effer- 
vescence his  presence  excited  in  revolutionary  political 
circles.  That  Lamartine  should  have  considered  the 
epithets  applied  to  him  as  imperatively  demanding  sat- 
isfaction is  fully  comprehensible.  "I  resolved  immedi- 
ately to  reply  simultaneously  in  two  ways,"  he  says  in 
his  reminiscences;  "with  my  pen  so  far  as  the  public  was 
concerned,  with  my  sword  as  regarded  the  Colonel."  6 

Unfortunately  immediate  action  was  made  impossible 
by  a  painful  accident.  While  riding  with  Captain  Med- 
win,  whose  "  Conversations  with  Lord  Byron"  had  just 

Cf.  Lamartine  par  lui-meme,  p.  242. 

Letter  dated  March  10,  1826,  cited  by  Ruberto;  cf.  also  Cantti,  Delia 
Indipendenza  italiana.  Cronistoria,  pp.  623-24. 
Guerrini,  op.  cit.t  also  Correspondance,  CCCLVII. 
Correspondance,  cccLxrv. 
Lamartine  par  lui-meme,  p.  243;  also  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  222. 

•  •  290  •   • 


DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 


been  published,  a  kick  from  the  captain's  horse  had  com- 
pletely disabled  Lamartine.  While  bedridden  on  account 
of  this  injury  to  his  foot,  Lamartine  wrote  a  short  justi- 
fication of  the  verses  he  had  put  in  the  mouth  of  Childe 
Harold,  veiledly  referring  to  his  determination  to  seek 
another  means  of  reparation  at  the  hands  of  the  man  who 
had  publicly  insulted  him.  This  vindication  of  his  literary 
indiscretion  was  privately  circulated  amongst  those  per- 
sons in  Florence  who  might  be  supposed  to  Delaware  of 
Colonel  Pepe's  insulting  attack.1  To  the  Colonel,. La- 
martine wrote,  on  February  12,  stating  that  he  had  only 
that  day  been  made  aware  of  the  essay  containing  offen- 
sive references  to  certain  verses  of  his  poem,  and  demand- 
ing an  explanation.2  "An  accident,  which  momentarily 
deprives  me  of  the  use  of  one  foot,  alone  prevents  my 
going  in  person  to  seek  this  explanation."  Fully  aware 
of  Pepe's  situation  as  a  political  refugee,  Lamartine 
generously  adds  that  no  matter  what  the  nature  of  his 
reply  may  be  the  contents  shall  be  kept  secret.  The  poet 
is  anxious  to  ascertain  whether  the  offensive  criticism 
levelled  against  him  applies  to  his  literary  talents  (a  con- 
tingency he  is  quite  prepared  to  accept  philosophically) 
or  whether  a  direct  personal  insult  is  intended  (in  which 
case  he  must  hold  his  assailant  responsible,  and  take 
measures  to  defend  his  honour).  In  the  four  letters  La- 
martine wrote  the  Colonel  on  this  subject  there  is  no 
trace  of  personal  animosity :  the  writer  appears  convinced 
of  the  essentially  political  purport  attaching  to  Pepe's 
provocation. 

Contrary  to  the  etiquette  usually  observed  in  such 
affairs  the  principals  were  from  the  outset  in  direct 

1  The  title  of  this  pamphlet  was,  Sur  V interpretation  d'un  passage  du  cin- 
quieme  Chant  de  Childe  Harold,  published  by  F.  Baroni,  in  Lucca,  1826. 

J  Guerrini,  op.  cit.,  publishes  letters  not  included  in  the  Correspondance. 
These  letters  are  preserved  in  the  Public  Library  of  Florence.  (Manoscritti 
V,  busta  63.)  " 

.  .  291   •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


communication  with  each  other,  without  intermedi- 
aries. None  could  accuse  the  French  diplomatist  of 
cowardice,  yet  he  courteously  sought  throughout  to  af- 
ford his  aggressor  every  opportunity  for  a  satisfactory 
explanation  on  purely  literary  grounds.  Pepe,  while  him- 
self carrying  on  the  correspondence  in  the  measured 
terms  of  a  man  of  the  world,  obstinately  refused  any 
explanation  concerning  the  true  import  of  the  language 
he  had  used.  "I  do  not  consider  it  seemly  that  writers 
should  demand  explanations  one  from  the  other,"  he 
wrote  (on  February  15).  "The  text  speaks  for  itself.  In 
a  passage  of  your  verses  you  very  violently  attacked 
Italy.  I  defended  my  country  in  a  phrase  contained  in 
my  essay.  That  is  all."  Nevertheless,  he  adds  that  he 
notes  with  pleasure  Lamartine's  desire  to  appease  the 
just  resentment  of  Italian  patriots  with  an  explanation 
of  the  offensive  passage,  "...  for  it  is  noble  and  honour- 
able to  acknowledge  that  one  has  been  mistaken  when 
judging  a  moral  entity  of  twenty  million  men."  1  The 
atmosphere  was,  however,  surcharged  with  that  peculiar 
intensity  so  often  surrounding  political  passions.  As  La- 
martine  wrote  in  reply  (February  14),  the  affair  now  con- 
cerned the  public  more  than  it  did  him  personally,  and 
as  an  explanation  was  refused  him  he  must  insist  on  the 
only  other  form  of  satisfaction  available.  Yet  he  con- 
tinued to  seek  a  personal  interview  in  order  that  an 
exchange  of  views  might  be  attempted.  "If  you  prefer 
that  I  come  to  you,"  he  adds  in  a  postscript  to  this  letter, 
"permit  that  I  present  myself  in  my  invalid's  attire, 
without  my  boots;  it  will  be  the  first  time  I  leave  the 
house  since  a  fortnight,  but  my  condition  fortunately 
allows  of  sufficient  strength  to  stand  upright  for  a  few 
moments." 

The  greatest  secrecy  was  necessary,  for  the  laws  of 
1  Guerrini,  op.  tit. 
.  .  292  •  • 


DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 


Tuscany  severely  prohibited  duelling,  and  the  punish- 
ment, in  Pepe's  case,  must  have  entailed  immediate  ban- 
ishment. Lamartine  was  probably  aware  that  Pepe  be- 
longed, or  had  belonged,  to  the  Carbonari,  although  in  his 
"Memoires  politiques"  he  denies  it.1  An  intimate  friend 
of  Colletta,  Poerio,  Arcovito,  and  many  other  revolu- 
tionary heroes,  he  had  suffered  imprisonment  in  Austrian 
fortresses,  and  his  name  was  writ  large  in  the  Black  Book 
of  the  Neapolitan  police.2  He  was  tolerated,  even  es- 
teemed, in  the  more  liberal  Grand  Ducal  State,  on  con- 
dition that  he  ceased  his  intrigues  and  obeyed  the  laws 
of  the  land.  A  word,  an  indiscretion  on  Lamartine's  part, 
would  have  resulted  in  his  instant  arrest.  This  Pepe 
knew  full  well,  and  we  can  only  find  admiration  for  the 
moral  courage  he  displayed.  Of  course  his  fellow-plotters 
and  revolutionary  partners  were  behind  him :  the  letters 
of  Carlo  Troya  and  others  are  there  to  prove  it.*  As  has 
been  said,  martyrdom  was  sweet  to  the  exalted  patriots 
of  the  Risorgimento :  and  from  the  revolutionist's  stand- 
point Pepe's  conduct  was  exemplary.  Nor  can  a  deroga- 
tory word  be  uttered  anent  his  conduct  as  a  gentleman, 
once  launched  on  the  affair  of  honour  with  Lamartine. 
Unable  himself,  for  obvious  reasons,  to  take  any  initia- 
tive in  the  matter,  or  even  to  find  a  second  to  represent 
him,  he  placed  himself  unreservedly  in  the  hands  of  his 
antagonist,  agreeing  without  demur  to  the  arrangements 
Lamartine  and  his  friends  deemed  fitting.  A  personal 
interview  took  place  on  the  i8th  between  the  parties  con- 
cerned, and  took  place  in  Pepe's  lodgings.  It  was  then 
agreed  that  a  duel  was  inevitable,  but  Pepe  refused  to 
fight  until  his  adversary  should  have  completely  recovered 
from  the  effects  of  his  recent  accident.4 

1  Op.  cit.,  vol.  i,  p.  221.  *  Cf.  Carte  delta  Polizia  Borbonica,  IV. 

*  Ruberto,  op.  cit.,  pp.  45-58. 

4  Cf.  Guerrini,  op.  cit.;  Lamartine  par  lui-meme,  p.  246;  Memoires  poli- 
tiques, vol.  I,  p.  225;  also  Correspondance,  CCCLVIIL 

•  •  293  -., 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Lamartine  in  later  years  composed  for  his  volumes  of 
reminiscences  lengthy  and  detailed  accounts  of  his  en- 
counter with  the  Neapolitan  Colonel.  His  letter  to  the 
Due  de  Montmorency  (personal  friend  and  hierarchical 
chief)  dated  from  Florence,  February  24,  1826,  contains, 
however,  a  succinct  and  straightforward  narrative  of  the 
duel,  written  (or  rather  dictated)  five  days  after  the 
event.  After  giving  the  French  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  a  synopsis  of  the  question  in  dispute  and  his  pre- 
liminary negotiations  in  behalf  of  a  satisfactory  settle- 
ment of  the  unfortunate  affair,  Lamartine  says:  "The 
Colonel  having  obstinately  refused  to  fight  until  I  had 
free  use  of  all  my  members,  the  matter  was  postponed  for 
a  week.  But  two  days  later,  having  learnt  that  the  Govern- 
ment and  police  had  conceived  suspicions,  and  proposed 
taking  measures  which  would  inevitably  have  been  at- 
tributed to  me,  I  thought  well  to  forestall  them.  I  went, 
therefore,  very  early  on  Sunday  morning  to  the  Colo- 
nel's lodging,  accompanied  by  my  second  together  with 
the  weapons.  The  swiftness  of  our  horses  enabled  us  to 
elude  the  watchfulness  of  the  police,  and  we  betook  our- 
selves to  a  spot  a  league  from  Florence,  where  the  affair 
took  place.  It  lasted  but  a  few  moments,  and  I  received 
a  sword-thrust  in  the  arm.  After  this  the  Colonel  gave 
me  "every  satisfaction.  The  witnesses  were,  for  me,  Count 
de  Virieu,  for  the  Colonel,  Count  Villamilla.  I  beg  you 
to  be  assured  that  during  the  combat  as  well  as  before, 
I  only  acted  as  public  and  private  honour  demanded  of 
me,  and  that  if  I  considered  it  necessary  to  expose  my 
life,  I  never  believed  in  my  right  to  exact  that  of  my 
adversary."  l 

That  matters  did  not  run  quite  as  smoothly  as  this 
letter  implies  is  evidenced  in  the  official  documents 
M.  Guerrini  has  brought  to  light  in  his  exhaustive  mono- 
1  Correspondence,  CCCLVIII. 

,  '  '  294  •  • 


DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 

graph  concerning  the  episode.  Pepe  found  himself  in- 
extricably embarrassed  by  the  close  surveillance  of  the 
police,  which  forbade  any  successful  attempt  on  his  part 
to  communicate  with  persons  who  might  assist  him  as 
second  in  the  proposed  duel.  Hopelessly  enmeshed  by 
this  insurmountable  difficulty  he  finally  had  recourse  to 
the  good  offices  of  his  antagonist,  suggesting  that  La- 
martine's  second  serve  in  a  double  capacity  for  both  com- 
batants: expressing  his  absolute  faith  in  the  French- 
men's loyalty.  To  such  a  proposition  Lamartine  could  not 
well  consent;  but  he  agreed  to  procure  for  his  adversary 
a  suitable  witness.  Count  Villamilla,  whose  services 
were  eventually  enlisted,  was  a  Spanish- American  tem- 
porarily residing  in  Florence.  Although  totally  unknown 
to  Pepe,  and  only  slightly  acquainted  with  Lamartine, 
Villamilla  undertook  to  act  the  part  assigned  him.1  At 
the  last  moment,  however,  the  affair  seemed  conclusively 
compromised,  as  the  police,  getting  wind  of  the  arrange- 
ments, established  a  rigorous  scrutiny  over  all  the  travel- 
lers leaving  the  city,  and  posted  guards  at  the  doors  of 
both  Lamartine  and  Pepe.  It  would  appear  that  on  the 
morning  of  the  duel  it  was  not  due  to  the  swiftness  of  the 
horses,  as  Lamartine  believed,  that  the  conspirators  were 
enabled  to  elude  the  police,  but  rather  to  the  stupidity 
of  the  agent  detailed  to  watch  Lamartine's  dwelling, 
who  lost  precious  time  by  going  to  headquarters  to  re- 
port, instead  of  following  the  carriage.  In  any  case,  a 
meeting  was  effected  in  a  secluded  grove  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Arno,  opposite  the  lower  glades  of  the  Cascine. 
Lamartine  states  that  swords  were  selected  instead  of 
pistols,  as  a  fatal  issue  was  not  desired.  As  a  fact,  the 
antagonists  would  seem  to  have  been  mutually  desirous 
of  avenging  their  honour  according  to  established  eti- 
quette, but  with  the  least  possible  risk  of  serious  conse- 

1  Guerrini,  op.  cit.,  passim. 
•  -  295  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


quences.  "The  fight  was  long  between  two  men  equally 
expert  who  sought  to  wound  without  taking  life,"  La- 
martine  tells  us  in  his  "Memoires  politiques."  "Elle 
dura  quelques  minutes,"  in  his  report  to  the  Due  de 
Montmorency.1  In  his  letter  to  his  brother  describing  the 
duel,  its  antecedents  and  consequences,  Pepe  writes  that 
"after  a  few  seconds"  his  adversary  received  a  thrust  in 
the  right  arm,  and  that  he  himself  bound  up  Lamartine's 
wound  with  his  handkerchief.2 

Lamartine's  hurt  was  not  serious;  nevertheless,  it  ne- 
cessitated a  few  days  of  bed.  The  French  poet's  anxiety, 
however,  was  not  for  himself,  but  for  his  antagonist,  for 
of  course  the  affair  was  immediately  bruited  about  and 
the  police  was  in  possession  of  all  the  details.  Lamartine 
enjoyed  diplomatic  immunity,  and  could  not  be  molested ; 
but  Pepe  ran  grave  peril  of  imprisonment  and  expulsion 
from  Tuscan  territory.  The  machinery  of  the  French 
Legation  was  immediately  set  in  motion  to  secure  the 
safety,  and  eventually  the  pardon,  of  the  Neapolitan  ex- 
ile. Pepe  himself  asserts  that  the  Marquis  de  la  Maison- 
fort  sent  his  carriage  to  convey  him  to  the  French  Lega- 
tion, where  he  would  find  asylum.  Pepe  was,  however, 
already  in  the  clutches  of  the  police.  But  owing  to  the 
prompt  intercession  of  the  French  Minister  the  penalty 
of  imprisonment  demanded  by  the  law  was  limited  to  a 
period  of  arrest  in  his  own  lodgings  —  a  punishment 
which  was  speedily  followed  by  the  complete  restoration 
of  his  liberty,  thanks  to  the  continual  efforts  of  his  gener- 
ous antagonist.  Nor  was  this  all:  both  Lamartine  and 
Villamilla  gave  entertainments  in  honour  of  the  brave 
colonel,  and  he  was,  of  course,  treated  as  a  hero  by  his 
enthusiastic  compatriots.3  Madame  de  Lamartine,  at 

1  Op.  cit.,  p.  226;  Correspondence,  cccLVin.        *  Ruberto,  op.  cit.,  p.  43. 
8  Ruberto,  op.  cit.;  letter  from  Pepe  to  his  brother  Raphael,  dated 
March  21,  1826;  also  Correspondence,  CCCLXI. 

•  •  296  •  • 


DUEL  WITH  COLONEL  PEPE 


her  husband's  earnest  request,  sought  the  Grand  Duke, 
and  readily  obtained  from  him  that  the  Government 
shut  its  eyes  concerning  the  affair.  When  the  French 
poet  was  able  to  show  himself  in  his  box  at  the  opera,  the 
highest  representatives  of  Italian  society,  even  those 
who  had  scowled  at  him  previously,  flocked  to  his  side, 
expressing  congratulations  on  his  recovery  and  admira- 
tion for  his  conduct.  "Une  goutte  de  sang  bien  verse 
dans  1'occasion  efface  mille  preventions  et  bien  des  torts," 
exclaims  the  author  in  his  reminiscences.1 

Politically  as  well  as  socially  the  episode  had  cleared 
the  hostile  atmosphere  created  by  the  verses  in  "Childe 
Harold."  It  would  seem  from  a  passage  in  a  letter  to 
Aim6  Martin,  written  after  the  duel,  that  Lamartine  had 
been  warned  by  this  friend  before  leaving  France  that 
he  might  find  himself  involved  in  annoying  affairs  on  his 
arrival  in  Italy.2  Moreover,  he  realized  from  the  outset 
of  his  controversy  with  Pepe  that  should  he  seriously 
wound,  or  slay,  his  antagonist  an  "interminable  series" 
of  Italians  would  insist  on  taking  the  disabled  champion's 
place.  In  which  case  he  believed  himself  condemned  to 
the  choice  of  two  equally  disastrous  courses:  either  to 
succumb  in  the  long  run  at  the  hands  of  one  of  his  ad- 
versaries, or  to  be  forced  to  leave  the  country,  sacri- 
ficing both  his  personal  honour  and  his  diplomatic  ca- 
reer.3 As  things  now  stood  he  had  vindicated  his  honour, 
effaced  with  his  blood  the  insult  to  Italian  patriotism 
conveyed  in  his  verses,  made  a  friend  of  his  quondam 
enemy,  and  gained  the  esteem  of  patriots  and  society 
alike.  The  drop  of  blood  had  indeed  been  fraught  with 
miraculous  results.  Not  content,  however,  with  the  sit- 

»  Memoires  poliliques,  vol.  I,  p.  229.  *  Correspondence,  CCOJU. 

•  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  227.  Writing  Virieu  a  few  months  later 
Lamartine  says:  "Colonel  Pepe  talks  of  you  every  time  I  see  him.  He  is 
very  destitute,  and  I  have  offered  assistance.  But  he  insists  on  gaining  his 
bread:  Vest  le  plus  noble  des  Napoli tains.""  Correspondence,  CCCLXXV. 

•  •  297  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


uation  achieved  in  Italy,  Lamartine  appealed  earnestly 
to  friends  in  France  to  permit  no  insinuation  against  the 
Colonel  to  appear  in  the  newspapers  at  home;  eulogizing 
the  patriotism  and  personal  character  of  his  adversary, 
and  appreciating  the  motives  which  had  impelled  him  to 
seek  the  quarrel. 

The  affair  caused  the  poet's  mother  intense  pain.  It 
is  under  date  of  May  24  that  reference  is  made  to  the 
subject  in  her  diary.  It  was  for  her  son's  soul  as  much  as 
for  the  danger  to  life  he  had  run  that  the  pious  woman 
grieved.  "  If  he  has  been  guilty  in  the  eyes  of  God,  surely 
he  repents.  ...  He  writes  me  that  in  his  hours  of  leisure 
he  has  composed  some  very  religious  verses  which  he 
calls '  Harmonies,'  and  of  which  he  sends  me  some  samples 
quite  according  to  my  heart.  Ah !  that  is  the  use  I  always 
desired  him  to  make  of  a  talent  which  is  only  really 
divine  when  it  reaches  up  towards  God."  1 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mtre,  p.  277. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 
CHARGE  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE 

ONCE  more  life  in  Florence  settled  down  to  quiet 
routine.  "  J'6cris  peu  pour  la  posterity  et  beaucoup  pour 
la  poste,"  wrote  Lamartine  to  M.  Martin  on  March  26, 
I826.1  Official  correspondence  did  not,  however,  monop- 
olize him  to  the  exclusion  of  all  literary  and  social  activ- 
ity, and  the  hymns,  as  he  styled  the  "Harmonies,"  con- 
tinued to  surge  in  his  brain  and  worldly  distractions  to 
occupy  the  leisure  following  well-filled  days.  Politics 
both  at  home  and  abroad  excited  his  keen  interest.  The 
situation  in  France,  where  the  admixture  of  militant  re- 
ligious sentiment  with  practical  politics  was  becoming 
apparent,  caused  him  apprehension.  The  germs  of  his 
later  convictions  concerning  the  advantages  accruing 
from  the  separation  of  Church  and  State  would  seem  to 
date  from  this  period.  "I  would  fain  see  religion  a  mat- 
ter entirely  between  God  and  the  individual,  outside  of 
politics.  Governments  profane  it,  when  they  make  use  of 
it  as  an  instrument."  2 

Early  in  May,  Lamartine  was  recalled  to  France  owing 
to  the  death  of  his  uncle,  the  Abbe  de  Lamartine,  whose 
beautiful  estate,  Montculot,  near  Dijon,  he  inherited. 
The  description  Lamartine  gives  of  this  fine  old  residence 
in  the  "Nouvelles  Confidences"  is  somewhat  fantastic, 
for  the  chateau  can  hardly  boast  of  being  a  specimen  of 
"the  purest  Italian  architecture  lost  in  the  wilds  of  a 
country  of  druids."  8  In  reality  the  Chateau  d'Urcy,  or 

1  Correspondence,  CCCLXI. 

*  Ibid.,  CCCLXIV:  letter  to  Fontenay  wherein  Lamartine  complains  that 
in  Florence  he  passes  for  a  "disguised  Jesuit." 

*  Op.  cit.,  p.  506;  cf.  also  Cows  de  literature,  vol.  iv,  p.  455,  and  vol.  v, 

P-  174- 

-  •  299  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Montculot,  as  it  more  frequently  is  called,  is  a  long, 
irregular  construction  of  the  early  eighteenth  century, 
without  great  distinction  or  architectural  pretension. 
"It  was  here,"  wrote  the  poet  in  after  days,  "that  I  in- 
toxicated myself  with  long  draughts  of  solitude;  never 
sated,  however."  It  was  here  also  that  he  wrote  some  of 
the  most  popular  of  his  verses,  "La  Source  dans  les 
Bois";  l  and  where,  during  the  restless  days  of  his  ado- 
lescence, he  sought  the  indulgent  sympathy  and  always 
ready  aid  of  the  ecclesiastic  whose  gentle  scepticism 
harmonized  with  his  moody  discontent.  "I  loved  the 
place,  I  loved  my  uncle,  I  loved  the  old  servants  who  had 
known  me  as  a  child,  and  for  whom  my  arrival  in  their 
desert  was  as  a  ray  of  light.  .  .  .  My  uncle  was  the  most 
affectionate,  the  most  tender-hearted  and  the  best- 
natured  of  all  the  members  of  the  family.  He  neither 
willed,  resisted,  nor  commanded:  his  only  function  was 
to  please."  Such  a  haven  of  retreat  from  the  storms 
his  youthful  inconsequences  gave  rise  to  in  Macon  was 
indeed  a  godsend.  '-\ 

Lamartine  left  Florence  the  first  days  of  May  (1826), 
entrusting  his  wife  and  child  to  the  care  of  the  Minister, 
Marquis  de  la  Maisonfort.  From  M&con,  on  the  I3th, 
he  wrote  of  his  safe  arrival,  and  of  his  probable  return  to 
Italy  before  the  end  of  July.  A  month's  sojourn  at  Mont- 
culot, to  settle  the  various  details  of  his  inheritance,  the 
sale  of  a  small  portion  of  the  estate,  and  the  leasing  or 
farming  of  the  remainder;  a  few  days  in  Paris,  in  June, 
where  he  transacted  some  private  diplomatic  business  for 
his  chief,  and  he  was  back  in  Mcicon  for  a  short  visit  prior 
to  his  return  to  Florence.  M.  de  la  Maisonfort  had 
availed  himself  of  a  leave  of  absence  and  departed  for 
France  before  his  secretary  returned.  It  was  consequently 
as  Charge  d' Affaires  that  the  young  diplomatist  again 
1  Nowoettes  Confidences,  p.  507. 
•  •  300  •  • 


CHARGfi  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE 


resumed  his  duties  about  the  2Oth  of  July,  and  the  dig- 
nity, together  with  the  increase  of  salary,  was  balm  to  his 
ambitious  soul.1  The  late  summer  and  early  autumn 
were  spent  at  Leghorn  in  a  delicious  villa  close  to  the  sea. 
In  this  retreat  poetic  inspiration  welled  up  automatically 
and  the  composition  of  the  "Harmonies"  progressed 
apace.  As  usual  copies  or  fragments  were  regularly  de- 
spatched to  Virieu.  Even  after  the  phenomenal  success  of 
the  "Meditations,"  a  triumph  calculated  to  turn  a  much 
stronger  head  than  his,  Lamartine  still  instinctively 
turned  for  advice  and  criticism  to  this  trusted  mentor;  and 
what  is  more,  nine  times  out  of  ten  accepted  unchallenged 
his  verdict.  But  if  Virieu's  literary  judgment  was  unques- 
tioned, his  influence  where  political  or  social  problems 
were  under  consideration  was  null.  Lamartine  fre- 
quently openly  deplored  his  friend's  lack  of  acumen  in 
dealing  with  affairs  of  State.  Politically  the  two  were  as 
far  apart  as  the  poles,  Lamartine's  incipient  democratic 
and  republican  ideals  being  a  source  of  perpetual  bitter- 
ness to  the  ultra-conservative  convictions  to  which  Vi- 
rieu held.  Yet  never  for  an  instant  did  the  latter  allow 
personal  prejudices  to  interfere  with  the  sympathy,  nay 
the  pride,  with\ which  he  followed  his  friend's  triumphal 
parliamentary  career.  During  the  languorous  summer 
heats  in  Leghorn  the  divine  inflatus  had  been  more  or 
less  latent,  but  the  coming  and  going  of  vessels  to  and 
from  the  [Orient  had  fanned  the  smouldering  embers  of 
his  ambition  to  compose  the  great  epic  which  first  took 
form  in  his  brain,  it  will  be  remembered,  on  leaving 
Naples  in  182 1.2  Already  his  plans  are  made,  and  in  the 
same  breath  in  which  he  urges  Virieu  to  buy  a  villa  in 
Florence,  he  invites  him  to  take  part  in  the  "immense 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  279.  Twenty  thousand  francs  according  to 
his  mother:  twenty-two  thousand,  if  we  credit  the  letter  to  Virieu.  Cones- 
pondance,  CCCLXX. 

•  Cf.  Correspondence,  CCXLI. 

•  •  301  -  •   , 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


pilgrimage,"  extending  over  a  period  of  three  years.  One 
hundred  thousand  francs  must  be  procured  for  this  voy- 
age; a  ship  chartered  to  convey  the  travellers  to  Greece, 
Asia  Minor,  and  Egypt,  and  to  fetch  them  thence  three 
years  later.  Meanwhile  the  party  will  roam  the  Holy 
Land  and  adjacent  countries  with  tent  and  caravan. 
"Think  it  over,"  he  pleads  with  Virieu;  "the  rendezvous 
is  to  be  in  Marseilles  in  fifteen  months  or  two  years."  l 
The  alluring  prospect  was  not  to  be  carried  out  for  an- 
other six  years,  but  the  dream  was  cherished  ever  more 
fondly  and  referred  to  again  and  again  in  hours  of  dis- 
content or  intense  poetic  enthusiasm. 

Meanwhile  the  present  was  full  of  pleasant  action. 
Madame  de  Lamartine,  mere,  soliloquizes  in  her  journal 
over  the  excessive  luxury  her  son  employs  in  representing 
his  country  at  this  period,2  and  it  would  indeed  seem  that 
the  brilliant  Charg6  d'Affaires  entertained  his  travelling 
compatriots  right  royally.  All  Europe  passes,  and  must 
be  visited  and  sent  on  its  way  rejoicing  over  the  lavish 
hospitality  it  has  received  at  the  hands  of  the  official 
representative  of  the  King  of  France.  With  the  fashion- 
able throng  of  French,  English,  and  Russian  aristocrats 
who  tarry  in  Florence  on  their  way  to  Rome,  Lamartine 
feels  more  at  ease  than  among  the  native  families,  for 
even  after  his  duel  with  Pepe  had  apparently  placated 
local  hostility,  he  writes  his  mother,  "avec  les  gens  du 
pays  toute  societ6  est  impossible."  3  The  assertion  is  the 
more  astonishing  as  from  time  immemorial  the  charm  of 
Italian  social  intercourse  has  been  proverbial.  Nor  did 
Lamartine  lack  Italian  friends  and  admirers:  witness  his 
assiduous  correspondence  with  the  Marquis  Gino  Cap- 
poni,  Alessandro  Manzoni,  and  others.  The  only  expla- 
nation of  this  anomaly  would  seem  to  be  the  persistence 

1  Correspondence,  CCCLXXI. 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  279.  *  Correspondance,  CCCLXIH. 

•  •  3O2  •  • 


CHARGfi  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE 


of  insinuations  of  his  close  connection  with  the  Jesuits  and 
participation  in  political  intrigues  hostile  to  the  patri- 
otic aspirations  of  the  Liberals.  In  any  case  the  coldness 
of  Florentine  society  —  excepting^  that  of  the  Court  — 
was  undeniable,  and  would  account  for  the  zest  with 
which  he  threw  himself  into  that  of  the  foreign  residents 
and  travellers. 

Lamartine  strongly  disapproved  of  literary  women, 
in  spite  of  his  juvenile  fervour  for  Madame  de  Stael. 
"L'art  est  une  decheance  pour  la  femme,"  he  wrote; 
adding,  "elle  est  bien  plus  que  poete,  elle  est  la  poesie."  l 
It  was  therefore  with  but  scant  enthusiasm  that  he  wel- 
comed the  advent  in  Florence  of  Madame  Gay,  accom- 
panied by  her  daughter,  Delphine,  whose  reputation  as 
a  poet  was  only  equalled  by  that  of  her  beauty.  "We 
are  at  this  moment  enjoying  your  friend,  Mademoiselle 
Delphine  Gay,"  he  wrote  Count  de  la  Grange,  on  October 
8,  1826.  "She  seems  a  nice  person,  and  her  verses  are 
what  I  like  least  in  her.  Nevertheless  she  has  a  pretty 
feminine  talent,  mais  le  feminin  est  terrible  en  poesie."  * 
This  is  all:  yet  the  acquaintance  thus  formed  was  des- 
tined to  ripen  into  a  friendship  which  was  not  without 
its  influences  on  his  later  life.  That  Delphine  (who  mar- 
ried Emile  de  Girardin  and  became  a  social  and  literary 
figure  of  importance  in  Paris)  at  one  time  entertained 
a  warmer  feeling  than  friendship  for  Lamartine  is  pos- 
sible, although  by  no  means  proved.  Writing  many  years 
later  (1856),  on  learning  of  the  death  of  this  gracious  and 
gifted  woman,  Lamartine  draws  vividly  on  his  imagina- 
tion when  describing  the  first  meeting  with  the  young 
poetess.  The  scene  of  this  supposititious  encounter  is  laid 
at  Terni,  on  the  brink  of  the  famous  cascades.  On  a  plat- 
form overhanging  the  foaming  torrent,  Lamartine's  eyes 

»  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  IV,  p.  469;  vol.  xxvi,  p.  83. 
*  Correspondance,  CCCLXXII. 

•  •  303  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


first  beheld  "the  beautiful  young  girl  who  was  intoxi- 
cating herself  with  the  thunder,  the  vertigo  and  suicide 
of  the  waters."  1  Pages  of  rapture  follow,  the  physical 
and  moral  attributes  of  this  divine  apparition  midst 
romantic  surroundings  enhancing  the  perfection  of  the 
picture.  "She  left  me  a  gracious  and  sublime  impression. 
It  was  poetry,  but  not  love,  not  passion,  as  those  pre- 
tended who  sought  to  interpret  my  attachment  to  her. 
I  loved  her  to  the  grave  without  ever  thinking  of  her  as 
a  woman:  I  had  seen  her  a  goddess  at  Terni."  Delphine 
Gay,  however,  cherished  a  lifelong  affection  bordering 
on  tenderness  for  the  handsome  poet  and  successful  states- 
man. "Beg  M.  de  Lamartine,"  she  is  alleged  to  have 
written  in  a  letter  enclosed  in  her  will,  "to  finish  my 
poem  'La  Madeleine,'  to  which  cantos  are  lacking,  and 
which  is  of  all  my  poetical  works  the  one  to  which  memo- 
ries are  most  closely  bound.  I  look  to  this  as  a  remem- 
brance of  me.  In  days  gone  by  I  expected  much  of  M.  de 
Lamartine's  friendship.  He  was  always  gracious  and 
kind,  but  never  completely  devoted.  This  coldness  was 
my  first  delusion  in  life.  When  I  am  dead  he  will  not  re- 
fuse to  grant  this  last  desire  of  my  heart."  2  It  must  be 
remembered,  however,  that  it  is  Lamartine  who  cites  the 
above,  the  authenticity  of  which,  although  vouched  for 
in  Jean  Balde's  "Madame  de  Girardin,"  is  not  irre- 
futable.1 Delphine's  literary  gifts  as  well  as  her  social 
graces  were  directly  inherited  from  her  mother,  who,  as 
Madame  Sophie  Gay,  held  an  enviable  position  in  French 
letters  and  society.  The  snub  she  administered  to  Na- 
poleon during  a  ball  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  gives  evidence  of 

1  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  I,  p.  109.  *  Ibid.,  p.  157. 

1  Op  tit.,  p.  345.  The  will  is  dated  August  8,  1844,  but  that  of  the  letter 
to  Lamartine  is  not  given.  The  poem  "Madeleine  "  was  begun  in  France 
in  1822,  the  last  canto  (the  ninth)  being  written  in  Rome  in  April,  1827. 
It  seems  strange  that  the  poetess  should  have  waited  until  her  death,  in 
1855,  before  asking  Lamartine  to  finish  it. 

•  •  304  •  • 


CHARGfi  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE 


her  ready  wit.  Like  Lamartine,  Napoleon  I  had  no 
fondness  for  literary  women  and  was  prone  to  humiliate 
them  on  occasion,  as  witness  Madame  de  Stael.  Plant- 
ing himself  before  Madame  Gay,  and  transfixing  her 
with  his  eagle's  glare,  he  gruffly  queried:  "So  you  write, 
do  you?  What  have  you  produced  since  you  have  been 
here?"  Without  allowing  herself  to  be  intimidated,  Ma- 
dame Gay  replied  in  the  same  tone:  "Three  children, 
Sire."  Napoleon,  who  expected  the  enumeration  of  the 
titles  of  as  many  romances,  smiled  disconcertedly,  and 
passed  on. 

But  to  return  to  Lamartine's  relations  with  the  even 
more  famous  daughter.  The  dying  woman's  request  that 
he  finish  the  poem  was  not  acceded  to.  "Alas!  the  prayer 
came  too  late  to  be  granted :  the  sap  of  beautiful  verses 
runs  dry  with  the  spring,  like  that  of  roses."  l  The  man 
of  sixty-six  (these  lines  were  written  in  1856)  had  out- 
lived his  sentimental  tenderness  for  the  beautiful  young 
goddess  who  in  1826  had  charmed  his  imagination.  Nor 
is  it  probable  that  even  in  those  early  days  he  admired 
her  otherwise  than  as  a  faultless  work  of  Nature.  As  M. 
Seche  writes:  "  II  avait  dit  adieu  a  1'amour,  apres  la  mort 
de  Madame  Charles,  et  c'est  ce  qui  explique  qu'onne 
trouve  dans  sa  vie  aucune  histoire  de  canape."  a  This 
is  unquestionably  true.  And  yet  there  is  a  disquieting 
phrase  in  a  letter  to  Virieu,  written  after  the  Gays'  visit, 
which  haunts  the  imagination.  "J'ai  la  melancoliede  la 
premiere  jeunesse,  et  je  n'ai  plus  cette  vague  esperance 
qui  vous  aide  a  la  supporter.  .  .  .  Cependant  je  pourrais 
encore  €tre  amoureux,  si  je  le  voulais,  mais  je  le  puis 
et  ne  le  veux  pas.  C'est  peut-etre  pire  que  de  le  vouloir 
et  de  ne  pas  le  pouvoir."  8  Was  Delphine  Gay  the  cause 
of  his  melancholy?  Hesitation  is  permissible  in  spite  of 

1  Cours  de  literature,  vol.  I,  p.  158. 

J  Delphine  Gay,  p.  9.  *  Correspondence,  cccxcuc. 

.  •  305   •  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


his  impetuous  remark  to  M.  de  Marcellus  just  after  the 
young  poetess's  departure  for  Rome:  "Don't  let  us  talk 
of  poetry:  my  ears  are  wearied  with  it.  I  want  nothing 
more  than  despatches.  .  .  .  There  is  more  of  politics  than 
poetry  in  my  head,  whatever  you  may  think.  .  .  .  Solus 
populi  suprema  lex"  1  Writing  from  Rome,  Madame 
Gay  acknowledges  that  Lamartine  was  right  when  he  had 
urged  the  ladies  to  remain  in  Florence  and  seek  inspira- 
tion in  its  enchanting  surroundings.  Association  with  him, 
she  avers,  must  arouse  the  most  lethargic  muse;  while 
friendship,  united  with  the  graces  of  the  spirit  and  the 
most  beautiful  talent  in  the  world,  must  perforce  charm 
"old  mothers  as  well  as  young  poetesses."  And  a  few 
months  later  she  adds  that,  although  the  beautiful 
Delphine  has  been  immensely  feted  in  the  Eternal  City, 
from  the  point  of  view  of  art  the  sojourn  has  not  been 
a  success:  "Aussi  la  pauvre  muse  ne  s'est  jamais  trouv6e 
moins  inspiree."  2 

Taken  in  conjunction  with  Lamartine's  impulsive  pref- 
erence for  diplomatic  despatches  and  his  professed  dis- 
gust of  poetry,  the  episode  is  suggestive.  But  in  1856  all 
this  was  ancient  history,  and  the  romantic  reminiscences 
of  the  obituary  in  the  "Cours  de  litterature"  smack  sus- 
piciously of  literary  copy.  At  this  same  period  he  sadly 
confesses:  "Of  all  the  manifold  men  who  dwelt  within 
me  in  various  degrees,  the  man  of  sentiment,  the  man  of 
poetry,  the  man  of  the  rostrum,  the  man  of  action,  none 
remain  but  the  literary  man."  *  The  literary  man  instinc- 
tively realized  the  pathos  such  a  posthumous  request  as 
Madame  de  Girardin's  would  lend  to  his  story  of  her  life. 
The  sentimental  attraction,  the  mutual  admiration,  the 
close  and  lifelong  friendship,  all  were  true :  a  climax  only 
was  needed  —  hence  the  letter  found  in  her  will. 

1  Correspondence,  CCCLXXIII. 

2  Lettres  d.  Lamartine,  pp.  51,  53.          '  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  i,  p.  69. 

•  •  306  •  • 


CHARGfi  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE 

In  spite  of  the  demands  made  upon  his  time  by  official 
duties  and  the  increasingly  onerous  tax  of  social  hospi- 
tality, Lamartine  forwarded  Virieu,  early  in  January, 
1827,  a  couple  of  hundred  verses  inspired  by  a  recent 
catastrophe  at  Tivoli,  where  the  fall  of  a  portion  of  the 
cliff  threatened  to  destroy  the  picturesque  cascades.  "  It 
was  a  fortunate  opportunity  for  me  to  compose  some 
flattering  verses  making  reparation  to  Italy,  which  treats 
me  perfectly  now,"  he  informs  Virieu  when  submitting 
the  copy  to  his  criticism.1  "La  Perte  de  1'Anio,"  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  effaced  all  the  bitterness  "Childe  Harold" 
had  aroused,  and  fully  reconciled  the  French  poet  and  his 
quondam  detractors.  Following  on  the  duel  and  the  sub- 
sequent courteous  treatment  of  Pepe,  the  lines  quoted  be- 
low were  a  compliment  which  no  patriotic  Italian  could 
ignore : 

"Terre  que  consacra  1'empire  et  1'infortune, 
Source  des  nations,  reine,  mere  commune, 
Tu  ne's  pas  seulement  chere  aux  nobles  enfants 
Que  ta  verte  vieillesse  a  port6s  dans  ses  flancs; 
De  tes  ennemis  me"me  enviee  et  chdrie, 
De  tout  ce  qui  nalt  grand  ton  ombre  est  la  patrie!" 

That  Lamartine  himself  thought  highly  of  these 
verses  we  judge  by  a  letter  to  Virieu,  in  which,  not  hear- 
ing of  their  receipt,  he  expresses  fear  lest  they  have  been 
lost.  "  I  regret  it;  it  is  of  the  best  I  have  ever  written." 
On  the  same  occasion  he  tells  his  friend  that  he  has  some 
four  thousand  stanzas  in  his  portfolio,  and  hopes  to 
add  at  least  another  two  thousand  during  the  course  of 
the  year.  Virieu,  however,  was  not  as  enthusiastic  over 
the  "Perte  de  1'Anio"  as  his  friend.  "  I  am  confounded," 
replied  Lamartine,  "that  you  don't  find  my  verses  on 

1  Correspondence,  CCCLXXIX;  cf.  also  commentary  of  the    "Perte  de 
1'Anio,"  CEwres  completes,  vol.  11,  p.  383. 
*  Correspondance,  CCCLXXJC. 

.  -  307  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Tivoli  to  your  entire  liking.  I  consider  it  the  only  piece 
worthy  of  comparison  with  Lord  Byron:  'Italic,  Italic! 
etc.'"  l  But  Virieu's  criticism,  as  was  invariably  the 
case,  was  taken  to  heart,  and  Lamartine  informed  his 
friend  that  he  had  laid  aside  all  verses,  "finished,  com- 
menced, or  interrupted,  for  three  or  four  years."  "My 
lyrical  vein  is  exhausted,"  he  writes;  "for  three  months 
I  have  not  composed  a  stanza;  my  epic  imagination  has 
regained  possession  during  the  last  few  days.  .  .  ."2  The 
"  Perte  de  1'Anio"  was  dedicated  to  the  Marquis  de  Barol, 
of  Turin,  and  to  him,  as  to  Virieu,  Lamartine  forwarded 
a  copy  of  the  verses  before  deciding  to  keep  them  under 
lock  and  key  for  a  few  years.  The  Marquis  had  his  copy 
lithographed^and  distributed  both  in  Italy  and  in  France: 
a  proceeding  which  caused  the  author  some  annoyance,  as 
he  wished  to  avoid  political  manifestations  of  any  kind.8 
All  Paris  had  read  the  verses  and  commented  on  them, 
and  Italians  were  not  slow  to  follow;  but  the  publication 
caused  no  stir,  not  even  the  faintest  political  ripple  being 
noticeable  throughout  the  Peninsula.  In  Paris,  Ville- 
main  recited  the  verses  in  his  lectures  at  the  Sorbonne 
in  1828,  but  his  comments  were  purely  literary.4  Italians 
accepted  the  poem  as  a  graceful  tribute,  an  amende 
honorable  in  atonement  for  a  gratuitous  slight:  French 
critics  did  not  seek  below  the  surface,  and  merely  wel- 
comed the  verses  as  a  worthy  addition  to  the  national 
store  of  belles-lettres.  Notwithstanding  his  assertion  to 
Virieu  that  his  lyrical  impulse  was  exhausted,  the  years 
1827  and  1828  were  fruitful  in  that  form  of  his  art.  Per- 

1  Cf.  Byron's  Childe  Harold's  Pilgrimage,  XLII,  fourth  canto,  which  be- 
gins: 

"  Italia!  oh,  Italia!  thou  who  hast 
The  fatal  gift  of  beauty,  which  became 
A  funeral  dower  of  present  woes  and  past, 
On  thy  sweet  brow  is  sorrow  plough'd  by  shame, 
And  annals  graved  hi  characters  of  Same." 

1  Correspondance,  cccxci. 

8  Ibid.,  CCCLXXXVU.  *  Lettres  a  Lamartine,  p.  55. 

•  •  308  •  • 


CHARGE  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE 


haps  the  return  to  Florence  of  Madame  Gay  and  her 
daughter  "for  an  indefinite  stay"  acted  as  an  incentive: 
certainly  the  success  in  Paris,  both  in  Victor  Hugo's 
salon  and  at  Villemain's  lectures,  of  the  unpublished,  or 
rather  privately  circulated,  "Hymne  du  Matin"  and 
"Perte  de  1'Anio,"  very  effectively  stimulated  his  poetic 
inflatus. 

The  death  at  Macon,  in  April,  1827,  of  the  head  of 
the  family,  the  stern  old  uncle  who  had  terrorized  and 
ruled  with  a  rod  of  iron  the  entire  countryside,  came 
almost  as  a  relief.1  Although  Alphonse  was  the  old  do- 
mestic tyrant's  heir,  the  inheritance,  burdened  with 
many  bequests  and  pensions,  did  not  add  substantially 
to  his  worldly  goods  at  first.  During  the  liquidation  and 
readjustment  of  his  uncle's  estate  Lamartine's  buoyant 
optimism,  not  to  say  careless  heedlessness,  in  business 
matters  became  apparent.  To  Virieu  he  writes:  "I  find 
myself  very  rich ;  in  spite  of  the  strangeness  of  the  will 
it  may  some  day  turn  out  advantageous  for  me.  Even 
now  it  yields  me  double  what  I  expected  ...  ";  and 
he  adds  that  his  income  from  that  day  on  is  more  than 
fifty  thousand  francs.  "You  ask  me  how?  I  don't  know: 
there  is  for  me  evidently  multiplication  of  the  loaves; 
the  more  I  consume  or  give  away,  the  greater  is  the 
return." 2 

The  mother's  anxiety  over  her  son's  lavish  expendi- 
ture has  been  mentioned.  All  Florence  gossiped  over 
the  young  diplomatist's  stables.  Like  Byron,  Lamartine 
was  an  impassioned  lover  of  horseflesh  and  an  accom- 
plished equestrian.  An  idea  of  his  stud  may  be  gathered 
from  the  following  request  to  Virieu:  "Could  you  in- 
form me  promptly  and  with  certainty  whether,  during 
November,  I  could  find  in  the  stables  of  the  dealers 
at  Lyons  a  fine  pair  of  German  or  Normandy  horses? 

1  Cf.  Manuscrit  de  ma,  mire,  p.  282.  •  Correspondence,  ccccvn. 

•  •  309  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Mine  are  used  up.  I  have  just  ordered  in  Tripoli  two 
first-class  Arabian  steeds,  for  my  wife  and  self.  ...  I 
have  a  superb  Mecklenbourg  mare,  besides  your  mare, 
whose  legs  have  become  like  steel  in  this  climate.  I  would 
not  sell  her  to-day  for  sixty  louis.  In  addition  I  have  a 
good  Sardinian  saddle-horse;  but  I  use  it  for  the  tilbury."1 
Later  he  plans  buying  land  and  building  a  villa:  a  project 
almost  immediately  superseded  by  the  purchase  of  a 
house,  which,  although  in  town,  was  surrounded  by 
gardens  and  an  olive  orchard.  The  price  was  between 
100,000  and  120,000  francs,  and  in  spite  of  his  recent 
inheritance  Lamartine  found  himself  under  the  necessity 
of  applying  to  Virieu  for  aid  in  raising  this  sum,  re- 
questing the  immediate  despatch  of  six  thousand  francs, 
for  furniture  and  repairs.  "Don't  speak  of  this  as  yet 
to  my  family,"  he  adds.2  Expenses  for  the  entertainment 
of  the  numerous  compatriots  who  flocked  to  Florence 
were,  as  we  know,  heavy.  Lamartine  loved  nothing  better 
than  the  r61e  of  dispenser  of  hospitality,  and  mentions 
forty  or  fifty  dependents  and  guests  at  his  table.  "For- 
tunately I  have  a  well-filled  purse  and  a  good  cook;  but 
it  fatigues  and  bores  me."  8  It  was  a  continual  drain, 
not  only  upon  his  financial  resources,  but  upon  his  time, 
and  one  is  not  surprised  to  discover  an  occasional  note 
of  discontent.  A  characteristic  letter  to  his  parents, 
written  at  the  end  of  December  (1827),  gives  vent  to  the 
lassitude  he  was  experiencing.  "I  have  refused  Brussels 
and  Berne,"  he  writes,  asserting  that  he  has  no  am- 
bition. But  this  disclaimer  is  immediately  followed  by 
a  contradiction  in  terms,  for  he  enthusiastically  exclaims : 
"To  represent  one's  country  in  Parliament,  to  influence 
its  destinies,  a  la  bonne  heure!  cela,  je  ne  le  refuserai 
jamais!"  4 

1  Correspondence,  ccccvin.  J  Ibid.,  ccccxxm. 

»  Ibid.,  ccccxix.  *  Ibid.,  ccccxxiv. 

•  •  310  •  • 


CHARGfi  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE 

Was  it  a  passing  whim?  In  the  light  of  subsequent 
events  one  is  inclined  to  think  it  was  not,  and  to  believe 
that  even  at  this  period  the  ambition  for  a  political  ca- 
reer had  taken  deep  root.  A  few  months  later,  referring 
to  a  published  essay  of  Lamartine's  on  an  economic  prob- 
lem confronting  French  wine-growers,  M.  de  Marcellus 
wrote:  "It  is  as  well  written  as  argued.  The  statesman 
and  man  of  affairs  are  perceptible:  I  did  not  need  this 
essay  on  our  public  questions,  however,  to  learn  that 
you  would  treat  them  supremely  well.  As  soon  as  the 
absurd  rule  requiring  the  candidate  to  be  forty  years  of 
age  no  longer  separates  you  from  the  rostrum,  you  will 
be  the  man  the  department  needs.  If  I  then  wield  the 
slightest  local  influence,  I  shall  consider  that  I  am  con- 
ferring a  public  service  in  giving  to  the  country  and  the 
monarchy  so  clever  a  champion."  l  Even  Victor  Hugo, 
the  poet's  great  artistic  rival,  added  his  prophecy  to  the 
chorus  of  encomium,  expressing  the  conviction  that  his 
success  on  the  rostrum  would  equal  that  of  his  verses, 
and  prove  a  direct  refutation  to  the  popular  dictum 
that  men  of  imagination  make  poor  practical  politi- 
cians.2 

As  early  as  April,  1828,  Lamartine  gives  the  measure, 
so  to  speak,  of  his  future  politico-religious  programme, 
in  a  letter  that  he  wrote  to  Virieu.  The  superannuated 
religious  solemnities  accompanying  the  coronation  of 
Charles  X,  and  the  laws  enacted  against  sacrilegious 
tendencies,  had  provoked  discontent  among  the  public, 
which  discerned  in  the  policies  reactionary  principles 
tending  to  absolutism.  The  Jesuits,  hand  in  glove  with 
the  clergy  and  the  Papal  Nuncio,  had  intrigued  with  the 
King  for  the  omission,  at  the  ceremony  at  Reims,  of 
the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the  Charte,  on  the  pretext  that  this 
pact  admitted  freedom  of  worship.  Charles  X  was  in- 
1  Lettres  a  Lamartine,  p.  56.  *  Ibid.,  p.  58. 

.  .  311  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


clined  to  submit  to  the  exactions  of  the  reactionaries, 
but  the  Prime  Minister,  M.  de  Villele,  was  finally  suc- 
cessful in  frustrating  the  schemers.  Nevertheless,  the  an- 
tiquated ceremonial  dictated  by  tradition  was  insisted 
on,  and  although  in  the  eyes  of  the  majority  it  only  lent 
ridicule  to  the  King,  the  performance  undoubtedly 
strengthened  the  position  of  the  Clericals  at  Court. 
Hence  the  popular  unrest  which,  culminating  with  the 
revolution  occasioned  by  the  promulgation  of  the  Or- 
donnances  in  1830,  swept  away  the  last  vestiges  of  a 
reactionary  political  covenant  between  Church  and 
Throne. 

How  far  Virieu  was  in  accord  with  the  Government's 
policy,  we  have  no  means  of  accurately  computing.  But 
it  would  appear  from  Lamartine's  letter  that  the  dis- 
tance separating  the  friends  was  measurable,  in  spite 
of  Virieu's  ultra-conservatism.  Lamartine  apparently 
agrees  with  him  in  principle,  although  he  cannot  go  to 
the  extreme  length  of  his  convictions.  "  If  I  want  liberty 
anywhere,  it  is  where  intellect  and  creed  are  concerned: 
on  this  head  I  have  never  varied.  You  will  return  to  it; 
you  will  realize  that  the  opposite  system,  which  dates 
from  1823,  has  never  accomplished  else  than  frightful 
and  irreparable  harm  to  good  doctrines.  I  am  far  more 
liberal  in  religion  than  in  politics,  and  I  think  it  is  con- 
sistent, for  material  force  is  of  no  avail  against  intelli- 
gence, but  avails  greatly  with  human  conglomerations 
such  as  cities  or  empires.  There  is  the  point  which  sepa- 
rates us."  But  he  would  appear  to  foresee  a  close  under- 
standing with  his  friend,  for  he  prophesies  that  when 
they  are  both  Ministers  of  State,  Virieu  will  keep  his  eye 
on  the  compass,  while  he,  Lamartine,  steers  the  course. 
"  Perhaps  you  are  right,"  he  admits;  "you  are  the  stronger 
in  principles,  and  I  in  consequences.  But,  bah !  you  think 
I  am  getting  too  liberal:  don't  worry.  You  think  I  en- 

.  .  312  .  . 


CHARGfi  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE 


tertain  illusions  concerning  the  present ;  undeceive  your- 
self. We  are  in  the  thick  of  a  prolonged,  inevitable,  and 
overwhelming  flood.  If  I  have  expressed  satisfaction  over 
it,  it  is  because  it  has  come  in  time:  two  years  later  it 
would  have  carried  all  before  it:  as  a  matter  of  fact  it 
will  even  now  destroy  too  much.  It  was  inevitable:  I 
felt  it  as  if  I  had  seen  it.  I  possess  the  instinct  of  the 
masses :  that  is  my  sole  political  virtue.  I  feel  what  they 
feel,  and  what  they  will  do,  even  when  they  are  silent. 
We  are  going  to  tumble  about  head  over  heels  for  a  year 
or  two,  and  shall  then  regain  our  footing,  rather  stunned 
by  these  somersaults.  Then  we  must  be  wiser,  build  on 
rock  and  not  on  the  dust  of  revolutions:  in  which  case 
we  shall  prevail."  And  he  goes  on  to  compare  social  laws 
with  those  Newton  discovered  in  the  physical  world. 
"Rock  nations  about  as  you  will:  they  must  always 
regain  their  equilibrium."  l 

Here  we  -have  in  germ  the  philosophy  developed  in 
"Sur  la  Politique  rationelle"  (published  in  October, 
1831);  that  epitome  of  the  social  and  political  standards 
which  were  as  the  loadstone  of  his  subsequent  career.  The 
ancients  called  their  poets  vales  (soothsayer,  prophet, 
seer),  and  although  Lamartine  laid  no  claim  to  infalli- 
bility, he  certainly  possessed  to  a  remarkable  degree  the 
"instinct  of  the  masses."  Lacking  as  he  undoubtedly  was 
in  the  details  of  political  science,  this  phenomenal  in- 
stinct carried  him  triumphantly  over  supposedly  insur- 
mountable obstacles.  Both  by  contemporaneous  socio- 
logical and  economic  standards  he  must  be  measured  as 
years  in  advance,  while  his  conceptions  of  religious  liber- 
ties were  those  of  half  a  century  later.  In  1828  the  politi- 
cal and  social  unrest  prevailing  in  France  at  once  dis- 
tressed and  encouraged  him.  "I  see  that  Liberalism  has 
been  successful  at  Macon  as  elsewhere,"  he  wrote  his 
1  Correspondence,  ccccxxxvn. 
.  .  313  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


parents  in  April.  "Like  Royalism  a  halt  will  be  called 
if  it  goes  too  far.  It  appears  that  public  opinion  dreads 
excesses  on  either  side  and  will  thus  save  us  from  revolu- 
tion. These  are  the  inevitable  oscillations  after  great 
shocks.  But  representative  government  will  prevail, 
I  trust."  *  And  again  a  month  later  to  the  same  corre- 
spondents :  ' '  The  Girondins  who  rule  to-day,  detestable 
in  beginning  a  revolution,  may  be  of  service  in  ending 
one."  From  his  pen  the  phrase  is  fraught  with  signifi- 
cance. Of  course  he  wrote  figuratively :  but  twenty  years 
later  his  "History  of  the  Girondins"  was  by  competent 
authorities  considered  as  a  factor  of  no  mean  importance 
in  the  revolution  which  cost  Louis-Philippe  the  throne 
the  "Girondins"  who  "ruled"  in  1828  had  given  him. 
The  eventual  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits,  despite  his  happy 
years  at  Belley,  caused  him  little  or  no  concern.  He  saw 
no  valid  reason  why  educational  privileges  and  a  practi- 
cal monopoly  of  the  public  conscience  should  be  granted 
them.  He  blamed  them  for  not  appreciating  the  fact 
that,  by  submitting  to  the  laws  of  the  country  in  which 
they  resided,  they  would  be  serving  the  best  interests 
not  only  of  religion,  but  of  good  citizenship.  Abuses 
there  had  been,  but  these  could  be  readily  amended. 
"I  believe  that  this  monopoly  of  religion  by  a  single 
body,  even  if  composed  entirely  of  the  elect,  is  contrary 
both  to  common  sense  and  to  well-regulated  religion."  2 
Meanwhile  the  sojourn  at  Florence  was  drawing  to 
a  close.  The  considerable  period  during  which  he  had 
fulfilled  the  functions  of  Charg6  d'Affaires,  during  the 
absence  of  an  accredited  Minister  (September,  1826, 
to  August,  1828),  had  been  one  of  dual  activity,  diplo- 
matic and  literary.  But  the  uncertainty  of  his  tenure 
of  office  and  the  expectations  raised  after  the  death  of 
M.  de  la  Maisonfort  and  the  interval  preceding  the  appoint- 
1  Correspondence,  CCCCXLI.  *  Ibid.,  CCCCXLV. 

•  •  314  •  • 


CHARGfi  D'AFFAIRES  AT  FLORENCE 


merit  of  his  successor,  M.  de  Vitrolles,  had  exhausted  his 
patience.  He  considered  his  claims  for  promotion  well 
founded,  and  wearied  of  the  perpetual  subordinate  situ- 
ation allotted  him.  Discontent,  amounting  almost  to  a 
sentiment  of  personal  injury,  seized  upon  him,  and  ennui 
ruled  supreme.1  That  he  was  disappointed  over  the 
failure  of  the  advancement  he  anticipated  is  compre- 
hensible. But  his  life  was  a  full  one  at  this  period,  his 
social  and  official  duties  congenial,  the  country  particu- 
larly to  his  liking,  and  the  esteem  —  one  may  well  say 
affection  —  in  which  he  was  held  by  the  reigning  sover- 
eign, most  flattering.  Yet  this  ennui,  this  unrest  and 
dissatisfaction  with  his  material  and  moral  surroundings, 
is  clearly  visible  in  his  correspondence.  When  the  moment 
came,  however,  for  leaving  Florence  and  the  many  friends 
and  interests  he  had  there,  he  lets  drop  the  phrase:  "  II  est 
impossible  de  partir  plus  regrette  et  regrettant  plus."  * 

Among  the  documents  at  our  disposal  there  is  no  men- 
tion of  the  exact  date  of  departure  from  Florence;  it  is 
probable,  however,  that  the  start  was  made  between 
the  2Oth  and  last  days  of  August,  1828.  As  the  party 
travelled  in  their  own  conveyances  they  assuredly 
made  the  journey  by  easy  stages,  halting  frequently  by 
the  way.  On  the  other  hand,  Madame  de  Lamartine's 
diary  fixes  "Wednesday,  loth  of  this  month"  (she  wrote 
in  September)  as  the  day  of  the  arrival  of  her  son  and 
family  at  Macon.1 

Thus  ended  Lamartine's  diplomatic  career,  for  al- 
though he  had  not  handed  in  his  resignation,  and  per- 
severed unremittingly  in  seeking  the  oft-promised  but 
ever-elusive  promotion  he  craved,  he  was  not  again  em- 
ployed on  active  service. 

1  Correspondance,  CCCCL. 

1  Ibid.,  CCCCLI;  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  234. 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  287. 


CHAPTER  XXV 
ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 

LEAVING  wife  and  child  in  the  lately  inherited  Chateau 
de  Montculot,  near  Dijon,  Lamartine  hastened  to  Paris. 
Although  the  ostensible  object  of  this  trip  was  to  report 
to  his  superiors  concerning  his  two  years'  directorship 
of  the  Tuscan  Legation  and  to  seek  instructions  as  to 
future  employment,  home  politics  made  his  presence  in 
the  capital  advisable.  In  her  journal  the  mother  states 
that  friends  in  Paris  desired  his  views,  owing  to  threat- 
ened complication  of  a  serious  nature,  and  that  her  son 
had  expressed  the  opinion  that  should  the  Bourbons  defy 
public  opinion  their  doom  was  sealed.1  The  "Memoires 
politiques"  bear  out  this  assertion.  The  Martignac  Min- 
istry was  struggling  to  reconcile  the  Crown  with  the 
Opposition,  which,  although  as  yet  not  irretrievably 
hostile  to  the  monarchy,  was  embittered  by  the  retro- 
grade Clerical  influences  which  threatened  a  scrupulous 
observance  of  both  the  spirit  and  the  letter  of  con- 
stitutional liberties.  Lamartine  informs  us  that  he  was 
summoned  to  a  confidential  colloquy  with  the  Prime 
Minister,  who  offered  him  the  Government's  active  aid 
and  support  should  he  consent  to  stand  as  their  candi- 
date at  the  forthcoming  elections.  Believing  Lamartine 
to  be  within  a  few  months  of  the  eligible  age  (forty), 
M.  de  Martignac  supplemented  his  proposal  with  the 
astounding  offer  to  postpone  the  elections  until  the  can- 
didate could  legally  present  himself  at  the  hustings. 
On  learning  that  the  young  man  had  not  yet  attained 
his  thirty-eighth  birthday,  and  that  there  would  conse- 
1  Manuscrit  de  ma  nitre,  p.  288. 
•  •  316  •  • 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


quently  be  two  years  to  wait,  the  Minister  expressed 
disappointment  and  regret  over  the  loss  of  an  opportu- 
nity he  seemed  to  consider  as  important.1 

The  King  had  received  Lamartine  in  private  audience, 
expressing  his  warm  appreciation  of  the  services  ren- 
dered in  Italy,  and  freely  discussing  the  political  situa- 
tion which  faced  him.2  From  these  conversations,  as 
well  as  from  those  exchanged  with  many  friends,  Lamar- 
tine's  concern  as  to  the  gravity  of  the  political  crisis  was 
increased.  "Republicanism,  which  I  thought  dead,  is 
germinating  afresh  among  the  younger  men.  This  gives 
food  for  reflection,  and  prevents  making  plans  far  ahead. 
There  is  no  revolutionary  fanaticism,  but  there  is  com- 
plete estrangement  from  royalism  and  the  Bourbons":' 
a  conviction  which  he  reiterates  to  Virieu,  adding:  "There 
are  no  revolutionary  intentions,  but  there  exists  an 
ultra-liberal  madness  among  thinking  youth,  and  symp- 
toms of  Bonapartism  with  the  populace."  4  Perhaps  it 
was  as  much  the  uncertainty  of  the  political  situation  at 
home  as  distaste  for  the  post,  which  caused  Lamartine  to 
refuse  the  proffered  secretaryship  in  the  Legation  at 
Madrid.  He  preferred  to  wait  for  London,  which  might 
be  his  within  a  year,  he  was  assured,  and  which  was  a 
direct  stepping-stone  to  the  official  independence  of  a 
Minister  Plenipotentiary  —  the  acme  of  his  diplomatic 
ambition. 

Only  a  month  later,  however,  we  notice  another  of 
those  disconcerting  contradictions  which  make  so  difficult 
any  reliable  analysis  of  Lamartine's  character.  Writing 
from  Saint-Point,  where  sixty  workmen  are  renovating 
and  transforming  the  chateau,  he  admits  that  he  is  more 
than  ever  a  philosopher,  more  than  ever  weary  of  the 
"active  world,"  adding  paradoxically,  "That  is  the  rea- 

1  Mbnoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  239. 

1  Correspondence,  ccccuv.         •  Ibid.,  CCCCLV.         *  Ibid.,  CCCCLVII. 

.  .  317  .  ... 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


son  I  shall  go  far  in  the  active  world."  London  tempts 
him  and  he  will  go  when  the  time  comes,  "mais  £  mon 
coeur  defendant :  j'aime  mieux  ma  vallee  et  ma  paix."  His 
heart  was  full  of  poetry.  "  I  would  fain  leave  all  else  and 
follow  my  genius."  The  shade  of  Dante  appears  and 
reproaches  him.  "I  am  remorseful;  a  poetical  vulture 
is  tearing  my  soul."  l  And  to  his  Florentine  friend,  the 
Marquis  Gino  Capponi,  a  week  later: "  Don't  congratulate 
me  on  having  ambition.  Ah!  my  dear,  where  could  it 
find  a  place  in  a  life  so  full  and  so  happy?  ...  I  rise  at  five 
in  the  morning.  I  shut  myself  up  in  my  little  library, 
over  a  good  fire,  apart  from  the  noise  of  the  chateau 
and  overlooking  the  valley  where  the  moon  shines  when 
there  is  a  moon.  There  I  read,  I  write,  I  meditate,  or  I 
rest  until  nine  o'clock,  no  noise  disturbing  my  peace." 
Then,  putting  on  his  wooden  shoes,  the  owner  of  Saint- 
Point  sallies  forth  to  oversee  and  encourage  his  workmen, 
and  to  receive  the  homage  of  his  vassals,  who,  from  all 
corners  of  the  vast  estate,  bring  gifts  of  poultry,  eggs, 
game,  or  fruits.  "What  do  you  say  to  that?"  he  queries 
of  his  Italian  correspondent;  "is  not  that  a  life  according 
to  nature  and  to  poetry?  Well,  it  gives  me  happiness. 
I  desire  nothing  better.  I  dread  anything  that  must 
alter  it."  2 

All  his  correspondence  at  this  period  is  imbued  with 
the  joy  of  this  peaceful  life.  "  I  am  traversing  one  of  those 
rare  moments  when  a  man,  measured  and  sobered,  can 
proclaim : '  I  am  happy.  I  am  resting  between  two  periods 
of  fatigue.  But  my  leisure  is  fully  occupied.' "  8  To  Del- 
phine  Gay,  on  the  last  day  of  the  same  year  1828,  he 
reiterates:  "As  for  myself,  I  am  happy  and  busy.  But  I 
write  and  above  all  print  nothing.  I  dare  not.  I  have 
passed  the  period  of  poetical  felicity.  I  have  reached  that 
of  real  quiescence.  It  is  better  so.  I  fear  to  compromise 

1  Correspondance,  CCCCLVIII.        *  Ibid.,  CCCCLIX.        *  Ibid.,  CCCCLX. 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


it,  and  if  I  sometimes  make  verses  it  is  only  'talking 
with  myself.'"  l 

Early  in  January  (1829)  there  are  distinct  indications 
that  the  diplomatic  career  no  longer  attracts  Lamar- 
tine  as  it  did  in  former  years.  The  freer  field  of  politics 
allures  him  in  spite  of  his  contentment  midst  rural  sur- 
roundings. "I  write  neither  verse  nor  prose:  has  the 
time  for  such  things  passed?  I  feel  myself  much  more  apt 
for  action  and  political  discourse,  and  I  despise  myself 
on  this  account."  2  The  growing  interest  in  public  affairs, 
the  lurking  ambition  to  mount  upon  the  stage  of  human 
activities  in  the  full  glare  of  political  battle,  is  ever  more 
apparent.  "  I  feel  within  me  strong  impulsions  of  various 
kinds,  but,  except  poetry,  all  leave  me  remorseful,  and 
of  verses  I  make  hardly  any.  Poetry  appears  to  me,  in 
its  form,  a  childishness  beneath  a  man  of  thirty-eight. 
On  all  sides  they  talk  of  appointing  me  deputy.  That 
would  decide  my  immortality,  if  any  question  of  it  exists. 
I  would  not  refuse,  but  I  offer  up  secret  prayers  that  I 
be  sent  back  to  my  muse."  Then  follows  the  enigmatic 
phrase,  in  the  same  strain  as  that  noted  in  Florence  two 
years  earlier:  "Moreover,  in  every  respect,  this  world 
bores  me.  There  is  only  one  happiness,  love,  and  this  we 
forbid  ourselves.  The  kind  we  style  virtue  is  very  cold 
and  very  dry:  nevertheless,  I; cling  to  it  by  conviction 
and  instinct  of  the  future."  *  Of  course  the  confidence 
is  made  to  Virieu :  to  no  other  would  he  have  risked  a 
like  confession.  The  psychic  phenomenon  is  significant, 
demonstrating  as  it  does  the  human  frailty,  bereft  of 
which  no  man  or  woman  can  long  hold  sympathy,  de- 
spite the  admiration  we  may  vouchsafe.  The  bonds  unit- 
ing Lamartine  with  his  English  wife  were  strong,  but 
passion  had  never  entered  into  their  partnership.  If  we 
turn  back  a  few  pages  we  read  in  a  letter  to  Virieu  that 

1  Corrcspondance,  ccccLxn.  •  Ibid.,  ccccucv.  »  Ibid.,  ccccucx. 
.  -  319  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Madame  de  Lamartine  is  constantly  "souffrante,"  and 
that  she  bores  herself  beyond  words  at  M^con.  "Now 
that  I  love  my  dear  old  country,"  he  complains,  "she 
dreams  but  of  Italy.  Her  longing  or  her  regrets,  which 
she  hides  but  ill,  keep  me  in  suspense  concerning  our 
final  settlement  here.  I  trust  that  beyond  the  skies  our 
establishments  will  be  more  solid,  more  comfortable, 
and  more  durable."  l  And  yet,  if  we  are  to  credit  the 
testimony  of  eye-witnesses,  the  stream  of  Lamartine's 
married  life  was  singularly  free  from  even  a  disturbing 
ripple.  "Madame  de  Lamartine  did  not  share  the  fate 
of  so  many  wives  of  men  of  genius,  Madame  de  Chateau- 
briand, Lady  Byron,  Mrs.  Carlyle,  who  died  abandoned 
by  their  husbands,"  wrote  one  of  the  biographers  of  the 
poet's  wife,  Charles  Alexandre.  "She  was  loved  and  re- 
spected by  her  husband;  his  letters  and  his  books  are 
there  to  prove  it:  nevertheless,  the  poet's  inner  soul 
remained  closed,  as  a  sanctuary."  Genius  is  a  tyrant, 
and  woman  is  its  victim.  But  this  daily  and  hourly 
witness  of  the  Lamartines'  private  life,  who,  as  confi- 
dential secretary,  shared  the  hospitality  of  their  home, 
positively  asserts  that  Lamartine's  respect  for  the  mar- 
riage tie  and  the  dignity  and  sanctity  of  the  domestic 
hearth,  was  irreproachable.  "If  to  Marianne  Birch  fell 
more  than  her  fair  portion  of  human  sorrows,  the  heart 
of  her  husband  was  not  at  fault,  but  destiny,  the  in- 
gratitude of  France,  the  fatality  of  circumstances." 2  At 
times  undoubtedly  the  wife's  continued  ill-health,  her 
British  reserve  and  phlegmatic  temperament,  so  foreign 
to  his  own  expansive  and  impulsive  nature,  grated  on 
the  sensitive  organism  and  peculiarly  Latin  fibre  of 
the  husband.  "Be  thou  chaste  as  ice,  as  pure  as  snow, 

1  Correspondance,  cccCLvn. 

*  Charles  Alexandre,  Madame  de  Lamartine,  pp.  1-4;  cf.  also  Lebailly, 
Madame  de  Lamartine,  passim. 

•  •  320  •  • 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


thou  shalt  not  escape  calumny,"  Shakespeare  makes 
Hamlet  exclaim.  But  although  literary  chit-chat,  so  busy 
with  the  reputations  of  men  and  women  of  the  period, 
has  not  spared  its  innuendoes,  no  single  valid  proof  is 
forthcoming  of  Lamartine's  infidelity  either  to  the  wife 
he  had  married,  or  to  the  sanctified  memory  of  the  lost 
"Elvire." 

It  would  seem  to  have  been  in  compliance  with  his 
wife's  desire  that  the  poet  finally  tore  himself  from  the 
idyllic  seclusion  of  Saint- Point,  and  consented  to  return 
to  Paris  in  order  to  remind  his  influential  friends  there 
concerning  the  promised  appointment  to  the  Embassy 
in  London.  Personally  he  would  have  preferred  his 
"busy  leisure"  in  the  beloved  rural  retreat,  until,  on  the 
attainment  of  his  fortieth  year,  a  parliamentary  career 
became  accessible.  About  the  middle  of  May,  his  wife 
having  gone  for  a  cure  at  Aix,  the  poet,  accompanied 
by  his  mother  and  sister,  set  forth  for  the  capital.  To 
the  woman  whose  youth  had  been  spent  at  the  Court  of 
the  Palais-Royal,  but  who  had  for  so  many  years  pa- 
tiently and  uncomplainingly  sunk  her  individuality  in 
domestic  cares,  struggling  with  the  rasping  annoyances 
of  inadequate  means,  this  glimpse  of  the  splendours  of  the 
great  world  was  an  unalloyed  delight.  "Thanks  to  my 
son,"  she  wrote,  "it  has  been  a  continual  intoxication." 
Her  son's  friends,  numbering  all  that  were  most  dis- 
tinguished for  birth  and  talent,  vied  with  each  other  to 
do  honour  to  the  mother.  "Madame  Recamier,  whom 
I  am  supposed  to  resemble,"  she  notes  in  her  journal, 
"received  me  with  incomparable  graciousness.  I  as- 
sisted in  her  salon  at  a  reading  by  M.  de  Chateaubriand 
from  his  tragedy  'Moise':  his  face  struck  me  more  for- 
cibly than  his  verses.  He  has  the  majestic  look  of  a  king 
surrounded  by  his  court."  l 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mire,  p.  290 ;  also  Court  de  litterature,  vol.  IX,  pp.  1 1-36. 
•  •  321  '  v 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Although  the  sojourn  in  Paris  did  not  materially  ad- 
vance the  diplomatic  promotion  Lamartine  sought,  in- 
tercourse with  high-placed  officials  and  the  leaders  of  the 
political  world  had  opened  his  eyes  to  the  increasing 
gravity  of  the  situation.  To  Lamartine  the  advent  to 
power  of  the  Prince  de  Polignac  (August  8,  1829)  spelt 
disaster.  As  early  as  August  16  he  wrote  Virieu:  "I  tell 
you,  between  ourselves,  that  now  I  believe  in  the  possi- 
bility of  a  revolution  which  will  sweep  away  the  dynasty: 
I  did  not  believe  it  yesterday."  And  he  adds:  "Yester- 
day I  scribbled  my  electoral  manifesto  in  readiness  for 
time  and  place.  I  shall  not  have  it  printed  before  having 
submitted  the  text  to  you."  In  strictest  confidence  he 
reports:  "Day  before  yesterday  I  received  an  appeal  to 
go  at  once  to  Paris  to  help  the  Prince  de  Polignac  reor- 
ganize our  Ministry  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  to  have  al- 
lotted to  me  afterwards  a  suitable  place.  I  deliberated  a 
moment,  then  answered  that  it  was  impossible  for  me  to 
comply,  but  that  I  still  maintained  my  rights  for  Lon- 
don." Lamartine  goes  on  to  explain  his  motives  in  re- 
fusing the  Minister's  request,  stating  that  he  had  no 
confidence  in  either  the  home  or  foreign  policies  it  was 
proposed  to  inaugurate;  that  he  did  not  care  to  risk  the 
unpopularity  he  felt  convinced  must  attach  to  those  who 
lent  their  names  to  the  movement ;  that  he  feared  to 
compromise  his  future  by  a  premature  and  too  precise 
declaration  of  the  opinions  he  held,  etc.1  Although  La- 
martine insists  in  this  same  letter  that  he  has  kept  the 
matter  secret  even  from  his  father,  the  mother's  diary 
affords  still  more  ample  details  concerning  the  scruples  of 
prudential  considerations  which  prompted  her  son  to 
reject  the  Minister's  appeal.  The  constitution  of  the 
Polignac  Ministry  had  already  excited  public  clamour 
and  reprobation,  and  Lamartine's  boasted  "instinct  of 
1  Correspondence,  CCCCLXXXI. 
.  .  322  •  • 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


the  masses"  stood  him  in  good  stead  when  it  prompted 
him  to  cut  loose  from  this  dangerous  association.  AccorcJ- 
ing  to  the  mother  his  final  reply  to  M.  de  Polignac's 
reiterated  solicitations  was  categorical.  "  My  son  an- 
swered him  that  at  no  price  would  he  run  the  risk,  even 
as  a  subordinate,  of  being  an  accomplice  to  a  coup 
d'etat  against  the  Charte:  that  this  coup  d'etat,  in  his 
opinion,  must  prove  the  undoing  of  the  Bourbons;  that 
although  he  realized  that  M.  de  Polignac  did  not  ac- 
tually meditate  such  an  action,  the  reciprocal  hostility 
existing  between  the  Ministry  and  the  country  must, 
despite  M.  de  Polignac,  produce  this  fatal  result."1  In 
the  "Cours  de  litterature"  Lamartine  states  that  M.  de 
Polignac  so  insisted  on  a  personal  interview  that  he 
eventually  complied  with  the  Minister's  request,  and 
went  to  Paris,  where  he  repeated  verbally  his  objections 
to  identifying  himself  with  a  policy  he  was  convinced 
must  end  in  disaster  to  the  throne.*  His  mistrust  of  the 
Minister  was  deep-rooted.  "M.  de  Polignac  is  going  to 
direct  us,"  he  wrote  privately  to  Virieu,  "and  in  order 
that  we  submit  they  say  he  comes  with  Liberalism  in 
one  pocket,  and  something  else  in  the  other.  I  fear 
there  is  nothing  in  either.  Faith  in  him  is  not  strong."  * 
Lamartine  foresaw  that  the  advent  of  the  Polignac 
Ministry  must  perforce  entail  a  prolongation  of  his  own 
inaction,  for  he  was  determined  not  to  return  to  Flor- 
ence in  the  capacity  of  Second  Secretary  of  Legation, 
and  promotion  under  existing  circumstances  was  not  to 
be  counted  upon,  in  spite  of  ministerial  promises.  There 
was  question  of  lowering  the  age  of  eligibility  to  Parlia- 
ment from  forty  to  thirty,  and,  as  we  know,  he  would 
have  liked  to  stand  for  a  constituency  in  his  native  de- 
partment. His  own  politics  were  more  or  less  vague 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mtre,  p.  292. 

1  Op.  cit.,  vol.  xiv,  p.  32.  *  Correspondence,  CCCCLXXIX. 

.  .  323  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


and  flouting  at  this  period,  but  he  was  a  conservative 
at  heart.  To  the  Marquis  Gino  Capponi,  he  wrote  on 
August  27,  1829,  that  there  was  again  an  inclination  to 
nominate  him:  "These  recent  events,"  he  continues, 
"would  appear  to  me  an  indication  that  both  parties  will 
resort  to  extreme  measures,  and  my  views  are  between 
the  two,  my  monarchical  convictions  being  as  fervent  as 
my  desire  for  wise  and  legal  liberty."  l  But  these  "mo- 
narchical convictions"  were  destined  to  become  more 
and  more  enfeebled.  Unremittingly,  half  consciously, 
perhaps,  the  principles  of  democracy  were  leading  him  to 
the  full  and  generous  acceptance  of  republicanism.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  however,  at  this  period,  although  in 
private  letters  he  hinted  more  or  less  vaguely  at  per- 
sonal sympathies,  he  was  careful  to  confine  himself  to 
abstractions.  Say  what  he  might  concerning  his  lack 
of  ambition,  the  iron  was  in  his  soul :  the  craving  for  po- 
litical action,  in  the  fullest  sense  of  the  term,  gnawed 
his  entrails,  even  the  strong  drug  of  poetic  inspiration 
acting  but  as  a  palliative. 

Meanwhile  was  heralded  a  rumour  well  calculated  to 
fan  the  flame  of  his  literary  ambition.  His  failure  to 
secure  the  suffrages  of  the  Academicians  in  1824  had 
resulted  in  his  determination  never  again  to  apply 
for  admission  within  the  sacred  precincts  of  the  Insti- 
tut  de  France.  Now  it  was  the  Immortals  themselves  who 
sought  to  draw  the  successful  poet  within  the  portals 
of  their  temple.  "Many  Academicians,  among  others 
M.  Laine  and  M.  Royer-Collard,  have  urged  my  son 
to  present  himself,  this  time  with  the  certitude  of  ad- 
mittance," noted  Madame  de  Lamartine  in  her  diary. 
"  He  refused  from  a  sentiment  of  pride  I  am  perhaps 
wrong  in  approving:  he  was  rejected  a  first  time,  at  no 
price  will  he  solicit  again.  As  the  rules  forbid  a  nomina- 
1  Correspondence,  CCCCLXXII. 
•  •  324  •  • 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


tion  before  the  candidate  has  renewed  the  courtesy  visits 
to  the  Academicians,  I  believe  he  will  not  be  appointed."  l 
But  although  Lamartine  persisted  in  his  refusal  to  make 
the  customary  visits,  he  condescended  to  enclose  "three 
notes"  in  a  letter  to  Villemain,  with  the  request  that 
they  be  forwarded  to  their  several  addresses,2  and  the 
"  Correspondance "  contains  other  letters  on  the  sub- 
ject of  his  election,  which  demonstrate  that  the  prospect 
interested  him  in  spite  of  assumed  indifference.  Whether 
it  was  at  the  instance  of  his  father,  who  ardently  de- 
sired the  coveted  distinction  for  his  son,  or,  as  Lamartine 
himself  affirms,8  in  compliance  with  the  repeated  calls 
of  Prince  de  Polignac,  the  poet-diplomat  journeyed  to 
Paris  in  the  autumn  of  1829.  The  outcome  of  this  visit 
was  a  double  triumph,  for  he  was  elected  to  the  Academic 
franchise,4  and  closely  following  on  this  supreme  con- 
firmation of  his  literary  worth,  received  the  promise  of 
the  appointment  of  Minister  Plenipotentiary  to  Greece 
—  a  post  which,  as  the  sequel  will  show,  he  was  prevented 
from  holding.6 

The  crowning  of  his  literary  career  was,  however, 
brutally  shattered  by  news  of  a  terrible  calamity,  which 
reached  him  on  the  eve  of  the  return  journey  to  Macon. 
On  regaining  his  hotel  one  afternoon  he  found  his  friend 
Virieu,  pale  and  haggard,  awaiting  him  in  the  courtyard. 
"Trembling  I  jumped  out  of  the  carriage.  Virieu  folded 
me  in  his  arms.  'What  is  the  matter?'  I  cried.  'Your 
mother,'  he  murmured,  softening  the  blow.  .  .  ."  And 
the  devoted  friend  gently  unfolded  the  harrowing  news 
a  letter  from  Marianne  charged  him,  to  impart.  Lamar- 
tine has  described  the  scene  both  in  the  Epilogue  to  the 
"Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,"  and  in  the  pages  of  souvenirs 

1  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  292.        *  Correspondance,  cccCLXXXvm. 

1  Epilogue  to  Manuscrit  de  ma  mere,  p.  309. 

«  November  5,  1829.  •  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  254. 

.  .  325  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


entitled  "Lamartine  par  lui-meme,"1  one  and  the  other 
written  after  the  lapse  of  many  years.  Madame  de  La- 
martine's  letter  is  dated  from  Macon  on  Sunday,  No- 
vember 1 8,  1829.  On  the  preceding  Friday  the  poet's 
mother,  when  taking  a  bath  in  a  convent  at  Macon,  met 
with  an  accident  the  gravity  of  which  was  not  at  first 
apparent.  Desiring  to  add  hot  water  to  the  bath  Madame 
de  Lamartine  turned  the  faucet  so  violently  that  she  was 
deluged  with  the  scalding  vapour.  Help  arrived  almost 
immediately,  and  the  poor  woman  was  conveyed  to  her 
home.  Here  it  was  found  that  she  was  more  terribly 
burnt  than  she  herself  realized,  and  after  lingering  for 
some  forty-eight  hours,  she  passed  away  —  probably  in 
consequence  of  the  severe  shock  to  her  already  feeble 
constitution.2  Lamartine's  poignant  grief  can  more  easily 
be  imagined  than  described.  "Each  day  I  realize  more 
fully  that  I  have  lost  half  of  my  own  being,"  he  wrote 
Virieu  from  Macon  a  fortnight  after  the  terrible  trag- 
edy.3 On  his  arrival  the  funeral  had  already  taken  place 
and  the  body  had  been  laid  to  rest  in  Macon.  Knowing 
his  mother's  wishes  on  this  subject,  however,  her  son 
obtained  the  necessary  legal  authorization  to  remove 
the  remains  to  Saint- Point,  where  they  rest  to-day  in  the 
same  vault  with  Julia,  his  daughter,  Marianne,  his  wife, 
and  his  own  body. 

It  was  only  in  March,  1830,  that  Lamartine  returned 
to  Paris  for  the  ceremony  attending  his  reception  at  the 
French  Academy.  As  custom  ordains,  the  new  Academi- 
cian, on  taking  his  seat  in  the  august  assembly,  pro- 
nounced the  eulogy  of  his  predecessor,  M.  Daru.  This 
memorable  event  took  place  on  April  I,  1830.  Although 
the  function  is  supposedly  a  literary  one,  the  political 
sympathies  and  antipathies  of  the  orator  not  infre- 
quently play  a  conspicuous  part.  In  the  present  instance 
1  Op.  tit.,  p.  275.  »  Correspondance,  ccccxcm.  *  Ibid.,  ccccxcv. 
-„•  •  326  •  • 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


considerable  curiosity  was  felt  as  to  the  convictions  the 
popular  young  diplomatist  and  widely  known  writer 
would  embody  in  his  speech.  Several  reactionary  polit- 
ical or  politico-religious  sects  were  desirous  of  enrolling 
the  new  Academician  within  their  ranks,  and  pressure 
was  brought  to  bear  on  him  for  some  public  expres- 
sion which  would  irrevocably  compromise  the  brilliant 
acolyte  they  sought  to  secure.  "Among  others,"  wrote 
Lamartine,  '^the  Due  de  Rohan,  my  intimate  friend, 
who  from  the  ranks  of  the  Musketeers  had  become  Arch- 
bishop of  Besancon,  and  was  later  to  be  a  cardinal, 
warmly  urged  me  to  lend  no  support  to  the  Charte, 
dearly  menacing  me  with  ostracism  from  all  royal  min- 
isterial favours  should  I  persist  in  not  giving  to  the 
pious  political  association  marks  of  complaisance  equiv- 
alent to  adhesion.  I  answered  energetically  that  never 
would  I  consent  to  profess  from  policy  principles  at  va- 
riance with  my  conscience,  and  that  should  my  diplomatic 
or  other  advancement  be  at  that  price,  I  unhesitatingly 
renounced  them."1  This  uncompromising  declaration  of 
independence  cost  Lamartine  a  friendship  he  valued,  and 
to  which  he  owed  much  of  the  social  success  of  his  early 
years  when  a  stranger  in  Paris.  There  can  be  no  doubt, 
however,  but  that  the  political  opinions  expressed  in  his 
speech,  which,  although  guarded,  extolled  the  necessity 
and  benefits  of  the  Charte,  committed  the  speaker  to 
the  Moderate  Liberal  Party  of  which  M.  Lain6  and 
M.  Royer-Collard  were  the  respected  exponents. 

If  we  analyze  this  first  public  expression  of  sentiments, 
which  he  was  later  to  modify  and  even  apparently  throw 
aside,  we  are  struck  by  two  utterances  which  at  first 
sight  may  appear  paradoxical.  Referring  to  the  men  of  the 
Revolution  and  to  the  calumny  then  attaching  to  many 

1  Lamartine  par  lui-meme,  p.  289;  cf.  also  Manuscrii  de  ma  mere,  p.  310, 
and  Mcmoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  250. 

.  .   327  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


names  formerly  held  in  honour,  he  exclaims:  "They  were 
(what  in  reality  we  are)  men  of  a  dual  epoch,  in  a  century 
of  transition."  And  he  adds:  "This  century  begins  with 
our  dual  restoration :  restoration  of  Liberty  through  the 
Throne,  and  of  the  Throne  through  Liberty.  .  .  .  Don't 
let  us  forget,"  he  continues,  "that  our  future  is  indissolu- 
bly  bound  to  that  of  our  kings,  that  one  cannot  separate 
the  trunk  from  the  roots  without  parching  the  branches, 
and  that  the  monarchy  has  made  all  things  possible  for 
us,  even  the  perfect  fruits  of  Liberty.  History  tells  us 
that  peoples  are  personified,  so  to  speak,  in  certain  royal 
races,  in  the  dynasties  which  represent  them;  that  they 
decline  when  these  races  decline;  that  they  revive  when 
they  are  regenerated;  that  they  perish  when  they  suc- 
cumb ;  that  certain  royal  families  are  like  those  domestic 
gods  which  could  not  be  removed  from  the  hearths  of  our 
ancestors  except  at  the  cost  of  the  rape  and  destruction 
of  the  hearth  itself."  1 

A  more  explicit  formula  of  adhesion  to  the  monarchi- 
cal principle,  it  would  be  difficult  to  imagine.  And  yet 
Lamartine  in  petto  made  his  reservations.  As  we  know, 
he  had  been  elected  to  replace  M.  Daru,2  whose  action 
during  the  Consulate  he  commemorated  and  eulogized. 
There  is  a  passage  in  his  speech  which  is  singularly  pro- 
phetic of  his  own  conduct  eighteen  years  later.  "Yet 
in  these  tumultuous  and  bloody  dramas  which  seethe  at 
the  fall  or  regeneration  of  empires,  when  the  old  order 
has  crumbled  and  the  new  order  is  yet  unborn  [here 
he  paints  at  length  the  social  cataclysm  of  the  Revolu- 
tion] .  .  .  this  same  man  [Daru],  hurried  on  by  the  insta- 
bility of  the  popular  flood,  occupies  in  turn  the  most  di- 
verse situations,  the  most  incongruous  posts;  fortune 
mocks  at  both  talent  and  character;  harangues  are 

1  Discours  de  reception  d  /' 'AcadSmie  }ran$aise. 

1  Count  Pierre  Daru  (1767-1829),  distinguished  statesman  and  litterateur. 

•  •  328  -  • 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


urgent  on  the  public  square;  advice  in  the  council  cham- 
ber; hymns  for  the  celebration  of  triumphs ;  knowledge  for 
legislation;  skilful  hands  to  amass  public  treasure,  and 
honest  hands  to  administer  it.  The  people  seek  a  man, 
designated  by  his  merits:  no  excuses  are  valid,  no  refusal 
can  be  accepted  —  peril  forbids."  The  picture  is  indeed 
prophetic:  line  for  line  it  draws  the  orator's  own  experi- 
ences in  1848:  even  Daru's  fall  was  not  dissimilar  to  that 
fate  held  in  store  for  Lamartine. 

When  in  his  turn  £mile  Ollivier  replaced  Lamartine 
in  the  Acad6mie  franchise,  Napoleon  Ill's  Minister 
wrote:1  "Frequently  the  admirers  of  the  Revolution 
showed  themselves  as  much  attached  to  the  methods 
employed  as  to  the  principles  involved ;  its  foes  were  as 
antagonistic  to  the  principles  as  to  the  means.  Lamartine 
held  himself  aloof  from  these  conflicting  exaggerations. 
Although  the  constant  panegyrist  of  the  verities  of  '89, 
he  was  never  even  a  moderate  terrorist,  or  even  a  parlia- 
mentary pessimist ;  and  although  his  name  was  associated 
with  a  revolution,  he  is  certainly  one  of  the  least  revo- 
lutionary figures  of  our  time."  8  Lamartine  himself 
would  not  appear  to  have  been  satisfied  with  his  eulogy 
of  Daru.  "In  two  mornings,"  he  informed  Virieu,  "I 
composed  my  insipid  eulogy  of  M.  Daru,  for  whom  I  en- 
tertain no  sympathy;  no  more  than  for  a  mandarin  in 
Pekin."  And  commenting  on  the  essence  of  the  speech  he 
has  thus  hastily  prepared,  he  adds:  "It  is  very  royalist, 
yet  plausible  as  to  the  honest  doctrines  of  the  hour."  * 

It  was  late  in  March,  1830,  that  the  family  journeyed 
to  Paris  to  assist  at  Lamartine's  official  reception  by  the 
Academy.  Although  constantly  complaining  of  financial 
embarrassments  owing  to  the  division  of  property  after 

1  Owing  to  considerations  of  a  political  nature  this  speech,  which  was  to 
have  been  delivered  on  March  5,  1874,  was  never  made  by  its  author. 
Emile  Ollivier  died  in  1913. 

1  Lamartine,  p.  66.  *  Correspondence,  D. 

.  .  329  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


his  mother's  death,  the  poet  hardly  seems  to  have  been 
seriously  pinched  by  lack  of  funds,  since  he  wrote  to 
friends  in  the  capital  seeking  an  apartment  "costing 
from  a  thousand  to  twelve  hundred  francs  a  month,  and 
stabling  for  four  or  five  horses."  l 

Although  his  reception  in  the  Academy  was  the  os- 
tensible object  of  the  trip  to  Paris,  considerations  of  a 
political  and  diplomatic  nature  were  not  entirely  foreign 
to  the  move.  The  post  of  Minister  to  Greece  would 
have  suited  his  requirements  in  many  respects,  and  the 
fulfilment  of  the  Prince  de  Polignac's  promise  was  ar- 
dently desired.  But  the  political  situation  in  Greece  for- 
bade the  despatch  of  a  diplomatic  representative,  for 
difficulties  had  arisen  with  Prince  Leopold  of  Saxe- 
Coburg,  whom  the  Powers  desired  to  install  as  King  of 
the  Hellenes.2  Negotiations  with  the  Prince  having  fallen 
through,  and  no  acceptable  candidate  for  the  throne  of 
Greece  being  forthcoming,  Lamartine  requested  and  ob- 
tained an  unlimited  leave  of  absence. 

During  the  sojourn  in  Paris  M.  and  Madame  de  La- 
martine were  invited  by  the  Due  and  Duchesse  d' Or- 
igans to  the  memorable  f£te  given  at  the  Palais  Royal 
for  Charles  X,  during  which  the  angry  crowd  in  the  gar- 
dens set  fire  to  the  wooden  sheds  and  chairs.  The  dis- 
orders, in  conjunction  with  the  very  serious  political 
outlook,  and  the  problematical  issue  of  the  impending 
elections,  impressed  Lamartine  very  forcibly.  The  pol- 
icy of  the  Prince  de  Polignac  was  leading  the  monarchy 
of  the  Restoration  to  its  ruin:  each  false  step,  each  im- 
prudent retrogressive  measure,  was  taken  advantage  of 
by  the  astute  partisans  of  the  younger  branch,  whose 
representative  was  Louis-Philippe,  Due  d'Or!6ans,  son 
of  Philippe  Egalit£.  In  a  measure  behind  the  political 
scenes  during  his  sojourn  in  Paris,  Lamartine  continued 
1  Correspondence,  DIV.  *  Afterwards  King  of  the  Belgians. 

•  •  330  •  • 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


to  take  a  gloomy  outlook  on  public  affairs  after  his  re- 
turn to  Saint-Point.  From  this  haven  of  rest  he  wrote 
on  June  27  (1830)  to  Virieu,  confirming  once  again  his 
pessimism  concerning  the  situation  of  France.  "I  don't 
give  six  months  of  life  to  the  home  government.  I  am 
grieved,  frightened,  full  of  courage,  nevertheless,  and 
ready  to  take  up  arms  on  the  right  or  the  left;  on  the 
one  side  against  madmen,  on  the  other  against  ruffians 
and  scoundrels.  ...  I  am  neither  with  Paul  nor  with 
Cephas,  but  with  common  sense,  the  monarchy,  and 
fidelity  to  the  monarchy."  l  As  £mile  Ollivier  correctly 
insisted,  Lamartine  never  was  a  revolutionist,  nor  had 
he  sympathy  with  revolutionary  movements,  in  spite  of 
his  progressist  tendencies  and  beliefs.  In  the  present 
instance  he  heartily  deplored  the  retrograde  policy  and 
sympathies  of  the  Crown  and  the  advisers  of  the  elder 
Bourbon.  "Let  us  recognize  the  truth,"  he  urges  Virieu, 
"for  in  truth  only  can  strength  reside.  Truth  does  not 
reside  for  France  in  a  government  cherishing  feelings  of 
regret,  repentance,  and  theocratic,  aristocratic,  or  abso- 
lutist traditions;  it  is  to  be  found  in  the  real  needs  of 
the  times,  in  the  cooperation  with  the  interests  of  the 
most  honest  and  large-minded  thinkers,  in  the  aspira- 
tions towards  a  future  dating  from  the  Restoration,  and 
not  from  the  Empire  or  the  decayed  old  regime."  f 

Lamartine  heard  of  the  coup  d'Stat  which  fulfilled  his 
prophecy  at  Aix-les- Bains.  His  confidence  in  the  sound 
common  sense  of  his  compatriots  inclined  him  to  view 
with  comparative  complacency  the  uncertain  future 
which  lay  before  France.  A  counter-revolution  which 
must  inevitably  bring  anarchy  in  its  train  alone  caused 
him  grave  apprehension.  Should  this  occur,  he  confides 
to  Virieu,  "All  is  up  with  us,  with  France,  and  with  Eu- 
rope: it  is  the  universal  deluge,  minus  the  Ark  to  help 
1  Correspondence,  DXIII.  *  Ibid.t  DXIV. 

.  .  331   .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


us  out.  But  between  this  contingency  and  us,  there  is 
an  improvised  government,  strengthened  by  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  middle  classes,  upheld  by  enlightened 
opinion  and  good  intentions.  This  points  out  the  way 
to  fair-minded  people.  Anything  rather  than  anarchy: 
rather  than  a  stupid  and  disgraceful  complicity  with  the 
enemies  of  our  enemies,  who  in  their  turn  would  devour 
us.  Let  us  leave  that  r&le  to  the  idiots  who  have  led  us 
where  we  are,  and  who  seek  to  revenge  themselves  for 
their  own  stupidity  at  our  expense."  And  the  letter  goes 
on  to  state  that  he  longs  to  plunge  into  the  political  fray, 
to  do  battle  for  his  country,  "for  the  principles  saved 
from  the  ruin  of  a  throne,  not  looking  too  closely  as  to 
whether  the  flag  has  three  colours  or  one,  as  to  whether 
what  remains  of  the  monarchical  ideal,  of  liberty,  of  re- 
ligion, or  political  stability  goes  by  the  name  of  Peter 
or  of  Paul.  In  consequence  I  am  ready  to  accept  any 
employment  men  who  think  as  I  do  are  willing  to  entrust 
to  me,  either  in  the  tribune  or  elsewhere.  Scruples  are 
well  enough  during  petty  dangers;  in  extreme  peril  such 
as  this,  inaction  and  apathy  are  to  be  condemned."  l 

The  new  elections  were  to  take  place  in  September,  and 
Lamartine,  by  virtue  of  the  law  fixing  the  legal  age  of 
deputies  at  forty,  would  only  be  eligible  a  month  later. 
For  the  present,  therefore,  he  was  excluded  from  active 
participation  in  the  legislative  affairs  of  his  country. 
Meanwhile,  he  decided  that  the  new  order,  so  antago- 
nistic to  his  personal  views,  demanded  his  resignation  from 
the  diplomatic  service.  For  this  purpose  he  returned  to 
Paris,  alone,  in  September.  On  the  2ist  of  that  month 
he  wrote  Virieu:  "I  handed  in  my  resignation  the  day 
before  yesterday.  .  .  .  The  King,  on  reading  it  to  the 
Council,  remarked :  '  Here  at  least  is  a  resignation  given 
in  honourable,  dignified,  and  polite  terms.'  He  read 

1  Correspondence,  DXVII. 
.  .  332  .  . 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


it  aloud,  and  instructed  that  I  be  informed  of  his  satis- 
faction." 1 

Lamartine's  resignation  was  couched  in  terms  which 
lent  it  both  force  and  dignity.  The  document,  addressed 
to  Count  Mole,  who  had  accepted  the  portfolio  of  Foreign 
Affairs  under  the  new  monarchy,  ran  as  follows:  "Noble 
sentiments  may  have  prevented  certain  persons  from 
taking  the  oath  which  circumstances  demand.  Although 
I  respect  such  scruples,  I  do  not  share  them.  Convinced 
that  failing  the  legitimate  government,  the  blindness  of 
which  I  have  long  lamented,  necessary  authority,  in  other 
terms,  the  country,  must  be  the  rallying-point  of  all  fair- 
minded  and  equitable  opinions;  convinced  that  our  duties 
as  individuals  and  citizens  do  not  cease  when  a  throne 
collapses,  or  a  family  seeks  exile;  convinced  that  it  would 
be  as  absurd  as  blamable  to  brand  one's  self  forever  as 
civilly  and  politically  unfit  by  refusing  allegiance  to  a 
new  government,  established  by  necessity  in  order  to 
save  the  country  from  the  hopeless  evils  of  anarchy,  that 
convulsive  death  of  nations,  I  hold  myself  in  readiness 
freely  and  voluntarily  to  take  the  oath  of  fidelity  to  the 
King  of  the  French,  and  to  accept  from  prince  or  country 
all  the  obligations  which  this  oath  imposes  in  days  of  peril. 
On  the  other  hand,  Monsieur  le  Comte,  and  impelled  by 
strictly  personal  motives  of  fitness,  I  beg  you  to  accept  my 
resignation  of  the  diplomatic  functions  with  which  I  had 
been  invested  by  the  preceding  Government ;  and  I  ven- 
ture, moreover,  to  request  that  you  kindly  make  known 
my  action  and  my  sentiments  to  the  King,  to  whom  I 
profess  not  only  the  homage  due  by  every  Frenchman, 
but,  in  addition,  feelings  of  gratitude  and  devotion, 
prompted  by  his  favours  to  my  family." 

In  his  "Memoires  politiques"  Lamartine  states  that  it 

1  Correspondence,  DXX. 

*  Ibid.,  DXXI;  cf.  also  Court  de  literature,  vol.  ix,  p.  94- 

.  .  333  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


was  at  the  urgent  instigation  of  Count  Mole  that  he  wrote 
the  above,  which  the  Minister  desired  to  hand  personally 
to  the  King.  He  would  himself  have  preferred  that  the 
matter  be  settled  through  the  purely  official  channels  of 
the  Foreign  Office.  If  we  credit  the  political  reminiscences, 
Louis- Philippe  read  the  letter  twice  over;  expressed 
great  satisfaction  with  its  form,  and  sending  for  the  Due 
d'Orleans,  placed  the  document  before  him,  with  the 
request  that  he  show  it  to  the  Queen.  To  Count  Mold 
the  King  added:  "Tell  M.  de  Lamartine  that  I  accept  his 
resignation,  but  that  I  beg  him  to  come  and  see  me:  he 
will  always  be  received  with  the  friendship  he  knows  I 
bear  to  his  mother  and  himself."  l 

That  Lamartine  sincerely  and  permanently  regretted 
the  fall  of  the  legitimate  monarchy  there  is  little  reason 
to  suspect.  That  he  regarded  the  usurpation  of  power  by 
the  younger  branch  as  a  perpetual  menace  to  the  vital 
moral  interests  of  France,  we  have  ample  proof.  Never- 
theless, he  realized  that  a  greater  calamity  must  result 
should  the  subversive  factions,  which  passed  under  the 
name  of  Republicans,  gain  control  of  the  State.  The 
chaotic  condition  of  party  politics  in  France  at  the  mo- 
ment of  the  Revolution  of  July,  the  irremediable  faults 
committed  by  the  Legitimists,  and  the  excesses  to  be 
dreaded  on  the  advent  to  power  of  those  professing  the 
doctrines  of  republicanism,  led  him  to  accept  as  a  tem- 
porary and  palliative  guarantee  of  order  a  regime  which 
his  conscience  abhorred.  To  Virieu  he  wrote  in  October: 
"  My  news  is  most  alarming.  You  will  have  your  Repub- 
lic: I  shudder  at  it.  ...  Should  the  Republic  gain  control 
for  three  months,  I  assure  you,  with  the  confidence  of  a 
prophet,  France  and  Europe  cease  to  exist.  I  am  as  con- 
vinced of  it  as  I  was  of  the  coup  d'etat  under  the  Polignac 
Ministry,  and  of  their  impotency  when  the  storm  broke. 
1  MSmoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  280. 
.  .  334  .  . 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


0  seconde  vue,  malheureux  don  des  homrnes  trls  politiques  ! 
.  .  .  You  say  the  Revolution  of  '89  was  an  unqualified 
evil.   I  maintain  that  the  great  principles  of  the  Revolu- 
tion of  '89  are  true,  beautiful,  and  good;  the  execution 
alone  was  atrocious,  iniquitous,  infamous,  disgusting.  In 
order  that  '89  be  considered  evil  it  must  be  held  that  what 
'89  destroyed  was  beautiful :  now  I  hold  that  '88  was  hid- 
eous!"   In  other  words,  he  vehemently  condemns  the 
scandalous  and  iniquitous  social  abuses  of  the  ancien 
regime.  This  declaration  of  principles,  unfolded  in  heart- 
to-heart  confidence  to  his  most  intimate  friend,  is  of 
inestimable  value  as  an  authentic  expression  of  the  fun- 
damental convictions  which  guided  his  political  actions 
when  he  took  his  place  in  the  council  chamber.  "  Revolu- 
tion for  a  Principle,"  he  goes  on  to  say,  "is  one  of  the 
lofty  and  fruitful  ideals  which  from  time  to  time  renew 
the  form  of  human  society;  and  if  you  will  reason  with 
yourself  without  passion,  you  will  agree  that  the  ideal  of 
liberty  and  legal  equality  is  as  far  above  the  aristocratic 
or  feudal  conception  as  Christianity  is  above  the  slavery 
of  the  ancients.  .  .  .  Centuries  will  pass  over  our  graves 
before  this  ideal  finds  its  real  application,  but  everything 
points  to  the  belief  that  through  floods  of  blood  and 
misery,  the  goal  will  finally  be  reached :  then  the  world 
will  be  transformed."    Meanwhile,  he  dreads  the  proc- 
lamation of  a  republic  which  could  unite  under  its  ban- 
ner but  the  dregs  of  the  political  schemers  of  Europe, 
bringing  social  unrest  and  the  tyranny  of  an  ignorant 
populace  in  its  trail.    (iQtu>d  Deus  avertatfhe  cries. 
Nevertheless,  his  decision  is  taken.    "I  will  remain  in 
France  and  do  my  duty  as  a  citizen  under  all  circum- 
stances.   Until  the  situation  is  clear  I  shall  send  my 
wife  and  child  to  Geneva.    This  separation  is  hard,  but 

1  could  never  forgive  myself  were  my  wife  and  child 
treated  roughly.    My  own  skin  interests  me  but  little: 

•  •  335  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

I  fear  neither  bullets  nor  the  guillotine,  which  both  my 
conscience  and  the  purity  of  my  intentions  would  con- 
front with  equanimity."  l 

Eighteen  years  later  these  brave  words  were  to  be 
translated  into  actions.  The  realization  of  his  prophecy 
was  slow,  but  when  it  came  the  prognostications  were  ful- 
filled to  the  letter,  minus  the  guillotine,  however.  That 
there  was  cause  for  present  alarm  is  certain.  Acts  of 
brigandage  and  pillage  threatened  at  Saint-Point,  and 
the  countryside  was  for  a  time  seriously  perturbed.  The 
surrounding  communes,  however,  remained  loyal,  pro- 
posing to  rise  en  masse  and  hurry  to  the  defence  of  the 
chateau.2  Fortunately  the  crisis  was  averted,  but  the 
peril  had  been  great.  Disgust  at  the  excesses  of  the  politi- 
cal parties  filled  Lamartine's  soul  with  bitterness.  Every- 
where he  discerned  duplicity,  self-seeking,  and  treachery. 
The  royalists  he  blamed  equally  with  the  leaders  of  the 
extreme  factions.  The  "Ode  au  Peuple"  constituted  the 
safety-valve  of  the  seething  of  his  political  conscience. 
"  I  will  never  be  a  member  of  any  party,"  he  assures  Vi- 
rieu,  "  I  shall  live  alone; ...  as  a  consequence  I  shall  not 
become  a  deputy.  ..."  8  A  rash  assertion;  half  of  which, 
however,  he  was  to  observe.  The  "Ode  au  Peuple"  was 
not  a  success :  Virieu  believed  it  was  because  of  the  lack  of 
"a  clear  and  just  idea,"  and  he  was  right.  It  passed  over 
the  heads. of  those  it  was  intended  to  touch,  too  meta- 
physical and  abstract  for  a  proletariat  groping  for  definite 
and  precise  expression  of  a  political  ideal.  Indeed,  it  is 
difficult  to  disentangle  the  skein  of  Lamartine's  political 
theorem  at  this  juncture.  His  resignation  of  his  diplo- 
matic rank  on  the  advent  of  Louis-Philippe  had  been  ten- 
dered because  "I  considered  that  in  my  special  position, 
honour  demanded  it,"  he  confided  to  his  ex-colleague, 
Count  de  Sercey.  And  yet  in  the  same  letter  he  added : 

1  Correspondence,  DXXIV.  *  Ibid.,  DXXII.  *  Ibid.,  DXXVII. 

.  .  336  •  . 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 


''Should  you  find  an  opportunity  of  recalling  me  to 
Madame  Adelaide  [Louis- Philippe's  sister],  don't  fail  to 
tell  her  that  you  know  that  I  am  devoted  to  her  and  her 
brother  in  spite  of  my  resignation,  which  may  have 
shocked  them,  but  was  dictated  only  from  sentiments  of 
honour  and  not  at  all  from  political  estrangement.  A 
time  may  come  when  we  can  follow  a  more  free  and 
pleasant  course."  *  Phrases  of  simple  courtesy,  perhaps, 
dictated  by  a  sentiment  of  gratitude  for  the  consideration 
shown  his  mother's  family.  His  devotion  to  tradition  led 
him  to  deplore  deeply  the  blindness  of  the  Bourbons  of 
the  elder  branch,  who  had  held,  he  maintained,  the  fu- 
ture of  France  in  their  hands.  Nevertheless,  he  realized 
that  their  faults  were  irremediable,  that  France  must 
henceforth  seek  other  guides;  could  not,  indeed,  return 
to  those  "who  on  three  occasions  had  given  proof  of  con- 
genital cecity."  2  The  politics  pursued  by  Charles  X  he 
stigmatized  as  "suicide  devant  Dieu  et  les  hommes": 
but  because  the  Crown  had  committed  self-annihilation 
was  no  reason  why  the  vital  forces  of  the  nation  should 
condemn  themselves  to  atrophy.  The  half-hearted  policy 
of  political  neutrality  adopted  by  scores  of  Legitimists 
during  the  months  following  the  cataclysm  which  had 
swept  away  their  representative  sovereign,  filled  Lamar- 
tine  with  wrath.  "I  could  write  a  hundred  volumes  in 
folio  against  political  neutrality  in  times  of  revolution," 
he  protests  to  Virieu.  "There  is  always  a  side  to  be  taken 
which  is  less  bad  than  the  other,  and  the  citizen,  inter- 
ested in  and  obliged  to  uphold  social  order,  is  driven  to 
make  his  choice,  or  he  fails  in  his  duty  both  to  society  and 
to  himself.  ...  To  be  neutral  means  abdication,  general 
repudiation:  but  to  choose  between  two  parties  the  less 
bad,  does  not  imply  interdiction  to  return  later  to  the 
better."  But  he  adds:  "All  this  does  not  mean:  let  us 
1  Correspondence,  DXXXI.  *  Ibid.,  DXXXUI. 

.  .  337  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


throw  ourselves  into  the  arms  of  the  party  in  power,  take 
its  gold  or  its  favours,  and  declare  ourselves  its  willing 
champions."  It  means,  in  his  opinion,  that  all  the  in- 
terests of  the  country,  present  and  future,  being  at  stake, 
crime  and  anarchy  being  rampant,  the  good  citizen  must 
combat  perforce  in  ranks  not  of  his  own  particular  colour, 
but  alone  capable  of  effecting  the  ultimate  salvation  of 
institutions  indispensable  to  the  public  weal.  "I  believe 
in  moral  laws,"  he  affirms,  "and  in  accordance  with 
moral  laws,  my  faith  asserts  that  a  duty  fulfilled,  even  if 
the  immediate  result  cannot  be  discerned,  even  should 
this  result  appear  at  first  sight  opposed  to  the  object  in 
view,  is  nevertheless  pregnant  sooner  or  later  with  bene- 
ficial and  sovereign  utility."  Neutrality  can  accomplish 
none  of  these  results,  and  only  leaves  a  clear  field  to 
those  subversive  parties  who  seek  selfish  interests  amid 
the  turmoil  of  conflicting  political  creeds.  Neutrality, 
under  these  circumstances,  was  in  Lamartine's  opinion 
a  form  of  cowardice,  contemptible  in  a  thinking  man.1  , 

A  neutral  Lamartine  never  was.  Although  he  refused 
to  compromise  his  political  independence  by  submitting 
to  the  bonds  of  party,  he  fought  constantly,  by  word  of 
mouth  or  with  his  pen,  in  the  ranks  of  justice,  of  human- 
ity, of  material  progress.  In  advance  of  his  times  by  at 
least  a  generation,  he  was  often  considered  an  utopist. 
Free  from  the  shackles  of  party  discipline,  he  paid  for  his 
individual  liberty  by  a  corresponding  lack  of  the  influence 
party  backing  would  have  insured  the  measures  or  policy 
he  advocated.  Again,  as  a  free  lance,  Lamartine  never 
stultified  himself  when  his  principles  were  at  stake.  Al- 
though it  is  sometimes  difficult  to  reconcile  professions 
with  actions  in  his  public  life,  yet  the  oppositions  are 
more  apparent  than  real,  more  paradoxical  than  con- 
tradictory. In  no  sense  an  opportunist  in  politics,  he 

1  Cf.  Correspondence,  DXXXIII,  and  Mtmoircs  politigues,  vol.  I,  p.  292. 
.  .  338  •  . 


ADMITTED  TO  THE  ACADEMY 

not  unfrequently  gave  the  impression  of  time-serving:  a 
totally  erroneous  impression,  as  fair-minded  critics  con- 
cede when  considering  the  immense  personal  sacrifice 
loyalty  to  his  fundamental  convictions  cost  him. 

To  the  close  student  of  Lamartine's  political  sympa- 
thies and  ambitions  many  discrepancies  are  evident  be- 
tween the  sentiments  expressed  in  the  "  Correspondance," 
which  is  contemporaneous  with  the  events  described,  and 
the  "Memoires  politiques"  or  pages  of  the  "Cours  de 
litterature,"  the  "Conseiller  du  peuple,"  and  other  writ- 
ings dating  some  thirty  years  later.  Events,  when  viewed 
in  the  perspective  of  over  a  generation  and  in  the  light 
of  subsequent  experience,  inevitably  assume  hues  they 
lacked  at  the  time.  Yet  we  have  no  hesitation  in  affirming 
that  intrinsically  his  convictions  remained  unaltered, 
although  they  were  necessarily  modified  by  time  and 
circumstance.1 

1  Cf.  Henri  Cochin,  Lamartine  et  la  Flandre  (Paris,  1912),  p.  xi. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 
POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 

HITHERTO  it  has  not  been  possible  to  fix  with  any  ac- 
curacy the  circumstances  under  which  Lamartine  was 
offered  and  accepted  the  candidacy  for  the  parliamentary 
seat  at  Bergues,  a  small  town  in  French  Flanders,  not 
far  distant  from  Calais.  The  patient  and  indefatigable 
researches  of  M.  Henri  Cochin,  French  deputy  from  this 
same  circumscription,  have  singularly  facilitated  the  bi- 
ographer's task  concerning  this  vexed,  often  obscure,  but 
immensely  important  episode.1 

In  March,  1831,  we  find  Lamartine  plunged  in  philo- 
sophical discussions  with  Virieu  over  the  tendencies  of  the 
revolutionary  crisis  still  persisting.  A  certain  pessimism 
is  distinctly  noticeable  in  the  writings  of  this  period,  and 
the  project  of  a  long  exile  in  the  East  —  a  project  for 
years  tenderly  cherished  in  the  recesses  of  the  poet's  mind 
—  again  comes  to  the  fore.  "Not  being  able  to  found  a 
newspaper,  unable  to  take  the  rostrum  by  assault,  my 
true  place  in  this  year  1831, 1  will  go  away:  'Super  flu- 
mina  Babylonis  ibimus  etflebimus* "  2  Six  weeks  later  he 
writes  M.  Aim£  Martin  from  Hondschoote,  near  Bergues: 
"I  was  starting  for  Jerusalem  and  I  stopped  over  here 
en  route,  where  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  populous 
arrondissements  of  France  offers  me  a  very  probable 
election.  I  dine  and  'perorate'  with  all  the  electoral  gen- 
tlemen :  soon  I  shall  be  on  the  hustings.  Then,  if  the  ex- 
perience is  favourable,  I  shall  come  to  the  rue  de  Bour- 
bon [the  Chamber  of  Deputies]  and  be  eloquent  for 

1  H.  Cochin,  Lamartine  et  la  Flandre.  (Paris,  1912.) 
1  Correspondance,  DXXXV. 

t  •  •  340  •  • 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 


the  profit  of  the  loyal  Flemish,  who  have  chosen  me 
for  this  honour,  and,  I  hope,  my  own.  All  this  is  not  a 
joke,"  he  adds;  "  my  election  will  be  the  product  of  an  al- 
liance between  the  moderate  Royalists  and  high-minded 
Liberals.  .  .  ."  l  When  closing  his  letter  the  writer  urges 
M.  Martin  to  make  the  communication  to  the  Paris 
papers  in  suitable  terms,  and  himself  provides  a  sketch 
of  the  substance  of  the  paragraph  he  would  like  to  see  in- 
serted. Excessive  modesty  is  not  discernible  in  the  phrases 
he  suggests  as  fitting;  nor  does  he  disclose  any  precise  no- 
tion of  the  colour  of  the  political  opinions  he  will  represent, 
if  elected ;  yet  the  general  tenor  was  well  calculated  to  stir 
public  interest  and  gain  sympathy  for  the  candidate. 

Lamartine's  political  cravings  had  been  left  unsatisfied 
in  his  own  district  principally  owing  to  his  disinclination 
to  take  sides :  and  this  in  spite  of  his  dissertations  on  the 
iniquity  of  neutrality.  Thiers,  then  at  the  outset  of  his 
own  brilliant  political  career,  seemed  to  favour  this  ab- 
stention. Writing  on  September  26,  1830,  only  a  few 
weeks  after  the  overthrow  of  the  Legitimist  monarchy, 
he  congratulates  him  on  the  attitude  he  has  assumed, 
adding:  "Were  I  in  power  you  would  be  where  your  name 
and  your  talents  indicate  you  should  be.  But  it  will 
come."  2  The  opinions  held  of  his  political  worth  by  the 
future  President  of  the  French  Republic  were  undoubt- 
edly flattering  to  Lamartine.  Yet  the  two  men  never 
became  intimate.  Describing  a  dinner  at  Thiers's  house 
in  Paris  at  about  this  period  (1830),  Lamartine  mentions 
the  unexpected  arrival  of  an  old  woman,  whose  attire  de- 
noted one  of  the  peasant  class,  and  whom  his  host  re- 
ceived with  effusive  affection.  Turning  to  his  guest, 
without  hesitation  or  embarrassment,  Thiers  exclaimed: 
"Here,  Lamartine,  this  is  my  mother!"  This  was  the 
only  moment  of  intimacy  which  ever  existed  between 
1  Correspondence,  DXXXVI.  *  Lettres  a  Lamartine,  p.  115. 

.  .  341  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


them.  Lamartine  extols  the  frank  unconventionality  of 
the  man,  but  intimates  that  their  political  divergences 
forbade  friendship.1  Thiers  was  an  opportunist,  a  states- 
man in  whom  the  clever  and  supple  politician  was  ever 
apparent:  Lamartine,  on  the  other  hand, was  rigidly 
scrupulous  in  the  observance  of  the  form  as  well  as  the 
spirit  of  his  political  and  social  convictions.  Hence  a  cer- 
tain incompatibility  which,  although  it  did  not  estrange 
them,  never  permitted  of  more  than  official  courtesy. 

When  Lamartine  set  forth,  towards  the  end  of  April, 
1831,  for  England,  on  business  connected  with  the  death 
of  his  mother-in-law,  Mrs.  Birch,  he  chose  the  route 
through  Flanders  in  order  to  visit  his  sister,  Madame  de 
Coppens,  at  Hondschoote.  No  notion  of  contesting  the 
election  in  that  distant  province  had  entered  his  head. 
On  the  contrary,  the  voyage  to  the  Orient  was  then  up- 
permost in  his  mind:  a  project  his  retirement  from  the 
diplomatic  service,  the  unpromising  outlook  for  an  early 
opening  in  public  life,  and  tho  recent  death  of  Mrs. 
Birch  now  seemed  to  render  feasible.  It  was  while  visit- 
ing his  sister  that  the  unlooked-for  opportunity  pre- 
sented. The  family  of  Lamartine's  brother-in-law,  M.  de 
Coppens,  was  influential  in  the  D£partement  du  Nord, 
possessing  large  interests  and  dispensing  considerable 
patronage  in  the  district  of  Hondschoote.  Most  certainly 
the  suggestion  that  Lamartine  should  contest  the  parlia- 
mentary election  came  from  the  De  Coppens  themselves. 
But  there  is  also  reliable  evidence  that  a  certain  Madame 
Angebert  was  the  prime  initiator  of  the  scheme,  as  she 
was  its  chief  and  most  efficient  advocate.  In  many  re- 
spects Caroline  Colas,  wife  of  M.  Angebert,  a  naval  pay- 
master stationed  at  Dunkirk,  was  a  remarkable  woman.2 

1  Mimoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  285. 

*  Her  correspondence  with  Victor  Cousin  and  others  has  lately  (1911) 
been  published  by  M.  Leon  Seche.  Cf.  Les  Amities  de  Lamartine,  p.  173. 

.  .  342  •  . 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 


Madame  Angebert  was  a  literary  enthusiast,  and  an  ar- 
dent admirer  of  Lamartine,  of  whose  sister,  Madame  de 
Coppens,  she  was  also  an  intimate  friend. 

Lamartine  met  Madame  Angebert  at  his  sister's  house, 
and  a  couple  of  days  later  addressed  her  the  following 
lines,  which  owing  to  their  importance,  and  the  fact  of 
the  quite  recent  discovery  of  the  letter,  we  cite  in  extenso  : 

Hondschootc,  May  10,  1831.  * 

Madame :  I  did  not  think  a  couple  of  days  ago,  while  en- 
joying at  my  sister's  home  your  most  amiable  and  kind  con- 
versation, that  a  few  moments  later  I  would  put  this  kindness 
to  the  test  by  means  of  a  perhaps  indiscreet  solicitation.  Events 
guide  our  lives,  and  our  thoughts  follow  the  course  of  events. 
An  honourable  candidature  is  offered  me  in  the  second  circum- 
scription of  Dunkirk,  and  I  have  decided  to  accept  it.  Per- 
haps I  mistake  the  frankness  of  my  intentions  for  strength  and 
my  courage  for  talent,  but  patriotism  has  its  noble  illusions. 
My  real  opinions  are  little  known,  the  Dunkirk  newspapers 
may  perhaps  attack  my  presumed  opinions.  You,  Madame, 
doubtless  have  some  influence  with  them  through  your  lit- 
erary connections.  I  dare  beg  you  to  use  it,  not  in  my  favour, 
but  at  least  to  prevent  that  I  be  attacked  in  the  dark;  that  I 
be  judged  unheard.  My  pretensions  go  no  further.  Stand- 
ing for  broad  and  moderate  Royalist  opinions,  my  ambition 
would  be  to  represent  in  the  Chamber  these  still  untried  views, 
which  during  the  last  few  years  have  assumed  shape  in  free 
and  generous  minds  delighting  in  associating,  with  the  loyalty 
of  their  intentions,  deeds  and  equity,  power  and  liberty.  This 
party  cannot  be  defined  by  a  generic  name;  it  has  none  as  yet: 
may  we  be  enabled  to  give  it  one!  In  the  meanwhile  it  must 
be  taken  at  its  word.  Affairs  connected  with  the  inheritance 
of  my  mother-in-law  trail  me  to  London.  My  first  thought  on 
my  return,  independently  of  any  electoral  views,  will  be  to 
profit  by  the  permission  you  kindly  gave  me  to  visit  you.  In 
the  meantime,  graciously  accept  the  assurances  of  my  respect- 
ful homage. 

ALPH.  DE  LAMARTINE.* 

1  Same  date  as  letter  to  M.  Martin  cited  above. 
1  Seche,  Les  Amities  de  Lamartine,  p.  237. 

.  .  343  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


The  reasons  why  Lamartine  felt  his  ground  so  cau- 
tiously both  in  this  letter  and  in  his  epistle  to  M.  Martin 
can  only  be  conjectured.  There  can  be  little  doubt,  how- 
ever, that  he  had  been  taken  by  surprise,  and  that  the 
offer  of  the  constituency  which  greeted  him  on  his  arrival 
at  Hondschoote  caused  him  mixed  feelings  of  satisfaction 
and  hesitancy.  Even  as  late  as  May  15  this  hesitation  is 
apparent.  Writing  to  Virieu  on  that  date  he  states: 
"There  is  great  probability  that  I  shall  be  nominated  by 
the  circumscription  of  Dunkirk  and  Bergues,  Department 
of  the  North.  Should  I  greatly  desire  it,  I  could  be  certain 
of  success;  but  the  prospect  bores  me:  I  leave  to  chance 
the  settlement  of  my  political  fate.  I  start  for  England 
to-morrow.  I  am  supposed  to  return  in  a  week.  I  shall  do 
nothing  of  the  kind,  and  only  come  back  eight  days  before 
the  election,  to  take  part  in  the  struggle  as  a  valiant 
champion.  .  .  ."  1  We  have  difficulty  in  taking  the  above 
seriously.  Yet  the  dream  of  the  Eastern  trip  was  haunt- 
ing him.  It  is  probable  that  disinclination  to  abandon 
this  ardently  desired  expedition  influenced  him  almost  to 
the  same  extent  as  the  pressure  brought  to  bear  by  his 
family  connection  at  Hondschoote,  or  the  fear  of  com- 
promising his  political  future  by  a  too  frank  expression  of 
his  personal  credo.  That  the  poet,  the  fastidious  diplo- 
matist, instinctively  recoiled  from  this  first  contact  with 
the  vulgarity  and  passions  of  an  irreverential  mob  is  con- 
ceivable, and  accounts,  perhaps,  for  the  disgruntled  utter- 
ances of  a  month  later  when  he  finds  himself  in  the  thick 
of  the  turmoil.  To  Virieu  again  he  confides:  "Almost 
do  I  now  repent  of  my  electoral  experiment.  With  ter- 
ror I  face  my  lost  liberty  and  myself  condemned  to  this 
climate.  In  consequence,  should  I  fail  after  making  the 

1  Correspondence,  nxxxvn.  M.  Cochin  possesses  epistolary  evidence  that 
Lamartine's  name  was  casually  mentioned  for  election  in  Dunkirk  in  1830 
by  Michel  Chevalier,  the  Saint-Simonian  Pere  Michel.  Cf.  op.  «'/.,  p.  46. 

.  .  344  .  . 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND   VIEWS 


effort,  I  shall  rub  my  hands  with  glee,  and  thank  God. 
If  I  succeed,  I  will  pray  Him  night  and  day  to  give 
me  light  and  strength."  In  the  opening  lines  of  this 
same  letter  is  the  key  to  this  philosophical  resignation. 
Therein  the  writer  gives  vent  to  the  disgust  caused  him 
by  the  "nastiness,  infamies,  perfidies,  insults,  threats, 
outrages,  in  fact  all  things  one  inevitably  encounters 
from  the  moment  one  puts  one's  hands  in  that  nest  of 
serpents  called  Humanity,  Humanity  let  loose  and  torn 
by  passion."  l 

But  the  die  was  cast,  and  in  spite  of  the  repulsion  he 
may  have  felt  he  could  not  now  retrace  his  steps.  Ma- 
dame Angebert  proved  herself  an  invaluable  ally  and 
a  discerning  critic,  possessing  a  political  acumen  which 
Lamartine  recognized  and  unhesitatingly  took  advantage 
of.  To  her  he  submitted  the  draft  of  his  profession  defoi; 
and  to  the  modifications  she  suggested  he  gave  ready 
assent.  The  text  of  this  original  "profession  of  faith"  is 
lost,  but  a  letter  from  Madame  Angebert  to  Lamartine, 
which  M.  Sech£  has  recently  unearthed,  gives  a  substan- 
tial clue  to  the  modifications  suggested  by  his  political 
coadjutor  to  the  final  document,  dated  Hondschoote 
June  15,  1831,  and  printed  in  the  "Journal  de  Dun- 
kerque."  Madame  Angebert  takes  exception  to  the 
unsatisfactory  vagueness  of  Lamartine's  political  credo, 
and  objects  to  its  general  tone  of  regret  for  a  buried  past. 
The  apparent  pessimism  and  thinly  concealed  personal 
detachment  from  actual  issues  shock  her.  Commenting 
on  this  lack  of  precision,  this  negativeness,  and  absence  of 
the  buoyant  optimism  so  necessary  in  a  candidate  con- 
testing a  constituency  far  distant  from  his  native  prov- 
ince, she  writes:  "I  fear  also,  Sir,  that  the  picture  you 
paint  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  France  [at  the  bottom  of  the 
same  page]  will  appear  terrifying  to  them.  These  people 

1  Correspondence,  DXXXVIIL 
.  .  345  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


want  to  be  reassured.  If  you  maintain  that  all  is  still 
problematical,  that  everything  must  be  begun  afresh, 
may  they  not  conclude  that  in  your  opinion  nothing  has 
been  achieved  in  the  last  ten  months ;  that  you  regard  the 
present  Government  as  non-existent,  and  warrant  it 
neither  faith  nor  future?  Could  not  your  thoughts  be 
construed  as  follows:  'We  find  ourselves  in  chaos,  in  dark- 
ness; a  ray  of  light  will  come,  I  don't  know  or  I  won't  tell 
whence '?  For  those  who  see  light  in  the  new  condition  of 
affairs,  you  must  realize  how  unsatisfactory  this  language 
is.  It  appears  hazardous  to  me  to  affirm  that  no  party,  no 
individual,  represents  France.  It  may  be  true,  but  only 
conditionally.  For  those  who  are  on  a  lower  plane,  and 
who  recognize  facts  only  in  appearances,  there  are  sym- 
bols, indications,  men  who  represent  what  they  call  the 
party  of  France:  there  are  beaten  tracks  which  to  them 
seem  safe.  An  unknown  course  will  appear  suspicious  to 
them,  they  must  be  guided  towards  it  unknowingly.  A 
party  without  a  name  will  seem  very  vague  to  them,  even 
an  evasion.  ...  I  have  heard  the  opinion  expressed  that 
your  manifesto  is  too  poetic,  that  it  would  have  been 
better  to  declare  prosaically  this,  that,  or  the  other  thing; 
but  that  would  be  asking  you  to  cease  to  be  yourself,  that 
you  should  make  a  profession  of  faith  such  as  any  voter 
of  Bergues  or  Gravelines  might  do."  l 

That  Lamartine  agreed  with  this  political  mentor  is 
evidenced  by  his  reply,  dated  from  London  on  May  27, 
1 83 1 .  "I  have  received  your  excellent  advice, ' '  he  asserts, 
"presented  in  such  a  superior  and  convincing  manner 
that  I  have  followed  it  entirely.  You  will  have  seen,  from 
the  new  version  which  I  sent  my  sister  for  transmittal  to 
you,  that  my  mind  recognized  in  every  respect  the  pre- 
cision of  your  political  tact.  Could  I  but  possess  your 
literary  tact,  my  manifesto  would  have  been  the  better. 

1  Cf.  Seche,  Les  Amities  de  Lamartine,  p.  244. 
.  .  346  .  . 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 


Your  letter  appeared  to  me  a  chef  d'ceuvre  of  thought  and 
expression."  1 

The  corrected  and  revised  version  of  the  "profession  of 
faith"  was  composed  in  London,  and  thence  transmitted 
to  Madame  de  Coppens,  who  in  turn  forwarded  it  to 
Madame  Angebert.  On  the  eve  of  its  publication  in  the 
local  papers  it  was  discovered  that  Lamartine  had  for- 
gotten to  sign  the  document,  and  his  sister  requested 
Madame  Angebert  to  kindly  date  the  paper  from  Hond- 
schoote,  June  15,  1831,  and  affix  the  necessary  signature. 
This  important  document  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  col- 
lected works  of  the  poet-statesman. 

The  manifesto  is  addressed  to  the  electorate  of  the 
Second  District  of  Dunkirk,  but  its  eloquent  generalities 
were  unmistakably  intended  for  the  ears  of  a  larger  audi- 
ence, that  of  France.  Bereft  of  superfluous  verbiage,  with 
which,  despite  Madame  Angebert's  comments,  the  mani- 
festo is  burdened,  a  minimum  of  precise  and  tangible 
political  opinions  remains.  No  wonder  the  burghers  of 
Dunkirk  found  it  vague  and  unsatisfactory.  The  candi- 
date opens  his  appeal  for  suffrages  with  a  not  very 
reassuring  picture  of  the  political  situation  in  France  and 
Europe,  placed,  according  to  him,  between  despotism  and 
anarchy.  A  stranger  in  their  midst,  he  pledges  himself  to 
adopt  the  interests  of  the  district,  should  they  elect  him, 
as  his  own,  and  to  defend  local  rights  and  liberties  side  by 
side  with  the  great  social  reforms  demanded  by  the  coun- 
try at  large.  Anticipating  the  questions :  "To  which  polit- 
ical party  do  you  belong?  On  which  bench  will  you  sit  in 
the  Chamber?"  he  replies:  "We  are  still  in  the  throes  of  a 
great  political  upheaval ;  parties  have  lost  their  places  and 
their  leaders,  even  opinions  have  shifted  in  significance: 
but  France  remains ;  let  us  cleave  to  France.  Don't  let  us 
attempt  to  define  our  opinions  by  words,  using  the  names 
1  S6ch6,  op.  tit.,  p.  248. 

.  •  '  347  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


of  men  or  parties,  or  benches  in  the  Chamber.  Words  lose 
their  meanings,  names  become  obsolete,  men  pass,  only 
deeds  remain ;  let  us  define  deeds.  I  belong  to  the  party 
which  has  grown  in  silence,  in  the  horror  of  anarchy,  in 
the  hatred  of  despotism;  the  party  which  greeted  the 
Restoration  as  a  promise,  Liberty  as  a  sublime  aim, 
granted  by  God  for  the  advancement  of  civilization.  I 
belong  to  the  party  which  discerned  afar  the  storm  gath- 
ering over  France,  increasing  with  distrust  of  the  Govern- 
ment, which  recognized  the  alarm  and  anger  of  public 
opinion,  and  foretold,  when  the  monarchy  displayed  reac- 
tionary proclivities,  the  downfall  of  a  rule  which  had  only 
half  understood  its  mission."  Vague  and  unconvincing  as 
the  definition  of  this  party  undoubtedly  is,  we  find  at  last 
some  concrete  conceptions  which  go  far  to  redeem  the 
redundancy  of  the  opening  paragraphs.  "This  party  de- 
mands the  freedom  of  thought  through  the  press,  which 
is  its  organ.  It  asks  for  religious  independence:  religion, 
which  I  love  and  venerate  as  the  highest  aim  of  the  human 
species,  loses  its  virtue  and  its  force  when  allied  to  political 
rule.1  It  finds  these  qualities  again  where  they  originated ; 
within  men's  consciences  and  through  liberty.  It  desires 
the  progressive  legal  emancipation  of  education.  It  de- 
sires communal  liberty  by  means  of  broad  laws  concern- 
ing municipal  attributes.  ...  It  desires,  moreover,  in  the 
State  a  generous  proportional  electorate  seeking  true 
representation  in  all  classes  of  the  nation  who  have  opin- 
ions to  express  and  interests  to  be  safeguarded." 

Noble  as  were  the  sentiments  expressed,  the  stolid 
Flemish  voters  were  but  half  convinced.  The  commin- 
gling of  regrets  of  the  past  and  a  too  transcendental  faith 
in  a  vague  and  shadowy  social  Utopia  smacked  of  oppor- 
tunism. In  1831  political  passions  ran  high;  political 
anglers  in  troubled  waters  were  numerous.  Lamartine 

1  The  italics  are  in  the  original. 

,  •  348  •  • 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND   VIEWS 


brought  no  pledges  of  unreserved  affixation  with  the  new 
order;  specifically  professed  even  an  independence  which, 
in  spite  of  the  liberal  reforms  he  outlined,  made  him  an 
object  of  suspicious  distrust.  To  some  of  the  objections 
raised  by  his  manifesto,  the  candidate  replied  in  a  second 
appeal  to  voters,  dated  from  Dunkirk,  June  24,  immedi- 
ately on  his  return  from  England. 

Acknowledging  the  courteous  attitude  of  the  local  press 
when  commenting,  even  when  openly  combating,  his  can- 
didature, Lamartine  devotes  all  his  eloquence  to  refuting 
insidious  allegations  of  political  duplicity  to  which  the 
combined  support  of  voters  belonging  to  conflicting 
camps  has  given  birth.  He  frankly  admits  that  he  is  an 
unknown  and  untried  man,  that  no  party  can  lay  claim 
to  his  unqualified  allegiance.  But,  he  urges,  the  new  con- 
ditions prevailing  in  France  demand  the  advent  of  new 
men :  men  untrammelled  by  antiquated  pledges,  men  in- 
different to  the  intrigues,  the  hatred  and  bitterness  of 
factions.1  In  so  many  words  he  confesses  himself  a  politi- 
cal free  lance,  having  only  the  welfare  of  France  at  heart. 
Again  the  language  is  too  vague,  the  programme  too 
shadowy,  the  personal  independence  excessive,  the  lack 
of  association  with  defined  party  pledges  too  flagrant. 
Much  as  they  would  like  to  elect  him  the  Liberals  dare 
not  confide  their  interests  until  a  more  specific  profession 
of  faith  is  vouchsafed. 

Two  days  before  the  elections  these  same  Liberals, 
who  together  with   those  holding  more   conservative, 
even  reactionary  views,  had  supported  him,  assembled 
and   demanded   of  their  candidate   a  categorical  and 
clearly  worded   statement  concerning  his  attitude  to- 
wards  the   dynasty  which    had    so    recently  replaced 
the  elder  branch  upon  the  throne.    To  this  Lamartine 
replied  with  a  circumlocution,  the  ambiguity  of  which 
1  Cf.  Journal  de  Dunkerque,  June  24,  1831. 
.  .  349  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


was  well  calculated  to  estrange  even  the  most  fervent 
adherents.  To  Virieu,  on  July  8,  immediately  after  the 
elections,  he  gives  the  following  somewhat  involved 
explication  of  his  objections  to  uttering  a  formal  and 
binding  statement:  "I  refused  from  a  sentiment  of  hon- 
our, and  answered  that  although  I  recognized  accom- 
plished facts,  and  did  not  present  myself  either  to  uphold 
divine  right  or  to  combat  popular  rights,  to  acknowledge 
that  I  bound  myself  to  the  maintenance  of  the  new  dy- 
nasty was  to  avow  implicitly  that  I  bound  myself  .to  ex- 
clude the  old,  a  course  which  did  not  suit  me,  and  which 
I  will  never  admit."  l  Difficult  as  it  is  to  grasp  the  mo- 
tives which  actuated  him,  the  sincerity  of  his  scruples  is 
unquestionable.  He  must  have  recognized  that  the  re- 
jection of  the  ultimatum  presented  by  his  Liberal  sup- 
porters meant  defeat.  Yet  he  did  not  hesitate  in  defence 
of  a  shadowy  principle  of  conscience  to  risk  the  ruin  of  his 
political  future.  The  incident  is  typical  of  the  man ;  the 
proud  spirit  of  independence  and  fidelity  to  what  he 
deemed  conscientious  scruples  never  failed  him  through- 
out his  public  career. 

In  despair  over  their  candidate's  obstinacy  the  Liberals 
appealed  to  M.  Paul  Lemaire,  who  had  resigned  his  seat 
in  the  Chamber,  but  who,  in  view  of  the  embarrassment 
of  his  party,  agreed  to  stand  again.  "They  published  a 
thousand  horrors  concerning  me,"  complained  Lamartine 
to  Virieu.  "They  brought  to  Bergues  the  whole  populace 
of  Dunkirk  and  its  surroundings;  they  inundated  the 
country  with  emissaries,  threatening  my  partisans  with 
pillage,  even  with  death.  The  day  of  the  election  they 
posted  themselves  at  the  gates,  flanked  by  young  men 
wearing  tricolour  ribbons,  etc.  I  was  advised  not  to  pre- 
sent myself,  informed  that  imminent  peril  existed  for 
me  and  mine ;  the  municipal  authorities  and  the  election 

1  Correspondence,  DXXXIX. 

,  •  •  350  •  • 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 


bureau  were  likewise  extremely  hostile.  But  I  took  notice 
of  nothing;  I  went,  prepared  for  anything.  My  partisans 
held  their  ground  with  the  courage  of  lions  and  the  fidel- 
ity of  bulldogs."  l 

In  his  "Memoires  politiques,"  the  lapse  of  years,  the 
loss  of  illusions,  and  a  smarting  sense  of  the  ingratitude 
of  his  compatriots  cause  Lamartine  to  accuse  the  Gov- 
ernment unjustly  of  having  excited  the  populace  against 
him.  "I  expected  violent  scenes,"  he  writes;  " I  had  shut 
myself  alone  in  my  room  at  the  hotel,  quite  close  to  the 
battlefield ;  on  my  table  lay  a  pair  of  pistols,  an  inkstand, 
and  some  sheets  of  paper."  At  noon  the  landlady  entered 
bringing  a  sheaf  of  insulting  gibes  and  satirical  pam- 
phlets, among  them  the  insidious  verses  which  Barth6- 
lemy  published  in  "  N£m6sis,"  and  which,  if  we  credit  this 
version  of  the  episode,  had  been  despatched  from  Paris 
by  those  who  considered  him  an  enemy  of  the  July  Mon- 
archy, with  the  intent  to  frustrate  by  ridicule  his  chances 
of  success.  In  the  letter  to  Virieu,  however,  written 
directly  after  the  elections,  Lamartine  distinctly  asserts: 
"The  •Government  has  observed  neutrality,  has  in  fact 
been  rather  favourable  towards  me."  2  As  a  matter  of 
fact  the  verses  made  a  deep  impression  on  Lamartine ;  but 
that  they  influenced  the  vote,  even  to  an  infinitesimal 
degree,  is  very  doubtful.  Nevertheless,  their  place  in  the 
historical  scene  is  now  an  important  one,  owing  not  so 
much  to  their  intrinsic  value,  which  is  slight,  as  to  the 
magnificent  burst  of  lyrical  eloquence  the  rhymes  called 
forth  in  reply. 

Mocking  the  poet  whose  ambitions  led  him  to  seek 
political  preferment  at  the  hands  of  the  Government  of 
July  after  having  incensed  in  his  verses  the  sovereigns  of 

1  Correspondance,  DXXXIX. 

1  Ibid.;  Mimoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  302;  cf.  also  S£ch6,  op.  tit.,  p.  265, 
and  Cochin,  op.  tit.,  p.  154. 

.  .  35I  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


the  old  regime,  the  lampoon  scornfully  admonishes  the 
candidate: 

"Mais  qu'aujourd'hui,  pour  prix  de  tes  hymnes  devotes, 

Aux  hommes  de  Juillet  tu  demandes  leurs  votes, 
.     C'en  est  trop ! .  .  . 

Va  done,  selon  tes  voeux,  gemir  en  Palestine 
Et  presenter  sous  peu  le  nom  de  Lamartine 
Aux  electeurs  de  Jericho."  * 

Incited  to  wrath,  although  admiring  the  verses  "pleins 
de  seve  mordante,"  Lamartine  tells  us  that  he  composed 
his  reply,  "  Reponse  &  N£m6sis,"  while  sitting  at  the  table 
at  the  Lion  d'Or,  amid  the  vociferations  of  the  angry 
mob  seething  under  his  window.2  This  assertion  is,  how- 
ever, controverted  by  Cochin  and  Seche,  who  bring  con- 
clusive proof  that  the  earliest  of  the  several  variations  of 
the  poem  dates  from  Hondschoote  on  July  io.3  The  "Re- 
ponse a  Nemesis,"  published  on  July  20  in  'TAvenir," 
and  copied  by  numerous  newspapers  throughout  France, 
obtained  widespread  notice:  modified  and  retouched, 
certain  phrases  unnecessarily  violent  being  omitted,  the 
verses  have  found  a  final  resting-place  in  the  poet's  col- 
lected works. 

That  a  considerable  number  of  his  adherents  remained 
faithful  in  spite  of  his  refusal  to  commit  himself  to  a  re- 
strictive profession  of  partiality  to  one  dynasty  or  the 
other,  the  poll  very  clearly  demonstrated.  Lamartine 
was  beaten  by  but  seventeen  votes,  M.  Lemaire  receiving 
198  to  his  1 8 1.4  In  spite  of  his  present  failure  Lamartine 

1  The  lines,  addressed  to  "M.  de  Lamartine,  candidat  a  la  Deputation 
de  Toulon  et  de  Dunkerque,"  were  published  in  the  I3th  number  of  "  Neme- 
sis" (July  3,  1831),  and  were  followed  on  July  31  by  a  less  happy  "Re- 
ponse a  M.  de  Lamartine." 

1  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  304. 

1  Cochin,  op.  cit.,  p.  155;  Sech6,  op.  tit.,  pp.  264  and  338. 

4  Ibid.,  p.  156.  The  Correspondence  erroneously  gives  the  figures  as  181 
to  188;  cf.  letter  to  Virieu,  Correspondance,  DXXXIX. 

.  .  352  .  ... 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 


was  convinced  that  success  was  only  a  question  of  time. 
It  was  the  ultra- Royalists  who  had  caused  his  defeat,  he 
believed,  and  carried  with  them  the  moderate  Liberals, 
who  already  regretted  their  action.  M.  Lemaire  had  only 
accepted  renomination  provisionally,  and  on  his  final 
retirement  Lamartine's  supporters  must  certainly  carry 
the  day.  The  hypothesis  was  correct:  but  M.  Lemaire's 
tenure  of  office  was  prolonged  considerably  beyond  the 
period  anticipated  by  candidate  and  supporters  alike. 

Meanwhile  two  other  circumscriptions  had  more  or  less 
offered  their  suffrages :  his  native  town  of  MUcon,  where 
his  chances  were  very  slight,  and  Toulon,  in  the  south  of 
France,  where  owing  to  the  influence  of  two  local  mag- 
nates, MM.  de  Capmas  and  Meissonnier,  the  prospects 
were  brighter.  From  London  under  date  of  June  6,  1831, 
Lamartine  forwarded  his  sponsors  at  Hyeres  the  political 
manifesto  he  had  prepared  for  the  voters  of  the  rural  dis- 
trict he  was  to  contest.  The  contents  of  this  document 
vary  but  slightly  from  the  profession  of  faith  he  presented 
to  the  electorate  at  Bergues ;  the  same  vague  yet  alluring 
phrases  invoking  liberty  and  a  reconstruction  of  the  social 
edifice  on  broad  and  generous  lines,  etc.,  etc.  Although 
personally  absolutely  unknown  to  the  voters  at  Toulon, 
such  was  the  power  wielded  by  his  sponsors  that  Lamar- 
tine actually  obtained  seventy-two  votes  against  seventy- 
eight  cast  in  favour  of  his  opponent.  A  technicality 
caused  the  annulment  of  the  election,  and  a  new  poll  was 
fixed  for  September  8,  thus  giving  ample  opportunity  for 
the  candidate  to  visit  Toulon  and  personally  canvass  the 
district.  This  Lamartine  neglected  to  do,  and  by  the  time 
the  ballot  was  taken  his  chances  had  dwindled  to  the  van- 
ishing point,  the  absentee  candidate  receiving  but  one 
single  vote.1 

1  F.  Caussy,  "Les  Debuts  politiques  de  Lamartine,"  Mercure  de  France, 
December  i,  1908. 

.  .  353  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


It  was  a  crushing,  humiliating  defeat,  but  was  due 
not  so  much  to  any  fault  of  his  own  as  to  the  defection  of 
the  Royalists.  Lamartine's  resentment  against  this  party 
was  intense.  On  more  than  one  occasion  he  had  con- 
demned the  reactionary  tendencies  of  the  "Carlists,"  as 
they  were  called.  In  a  letter  to  Virieu  (October  25,  1831) 
evidences  of  his  rancour  abound :  "  I  know  the  party  thor- 
oughly, and  I  repeat,  I  despise  it  as  much  as  any  other."  l 
Constitutional  rule  under  a  prince  of  the  elder  branch  of 
the  Bourbon  dynasty  had  been,  as  we  know,  Lamartine's 
ideal.  But  the  faults  committed  by  the  Crown  and  the 
reactionary  party  had  made  it  clear  to  him  that  during 
the  minority  of  the  Due  de  Bordeaux,  the  sole  representa- 
tive of  the  elder  branch,  and  then  (1830)  but  ten  years  of 
age,  it  would  be  folly  to  expect  a  successful  "third"  Res- 
toration. M.  Fernand  Caussy,  in  an  interesting  mono- 
graph on  Lamartine's  political  debuts,  expresses  the 
opinion  that  he  had  founded  his  faith  on  the  gradual  for- 
mation in  the  Chamber  of  a  Legitimist  majority,  which, 
gaining  in  strength  and  influence,  should  at  the  opportune 
moment  force  Louis-Philippe's  abdication,  and  restore 
the  throne  to  its  legitimate  owner,  the  Due  de  Bordeaux.2 
Lamartine's  refusal  at  Bergues  to  repudiate  the  old  r6- 
gime  and  unreservedly  adhere  to  the  July  Monarchy  lends 
colour  to  M.  Caussy 's  contention.  Moreover,  a  passage 
in  a  letter,  dated  August  14,  to  the  Marquis  Gino  Cap- 
poni,  is  pregnant  with  the  regret  he  feels  at  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  throne  his  forefathers  had  served  for  genera- 
tions. "All  our  concerted  plans  for  social  perfectibility 
and  the  betterment  of  humanity  have  been  suddenly  up- 
set by  the  overthrow,  I  might  even  say  suicide,  of  July. 
Never  did  Providence  confide  a  more  holy  or  easy  mission 

1  Correspondence,  DXLIII. 

*  Due  de  Bordeaux,  son  of  Due  de  Bern,  born  1820,  died  1883,  gener- 
ally known  as  Comte  de  Chambord,  was  offered  the  French  throne  in 
1871.  Cf.  Caussy,  op.  tit.,  November  16, 1908. 

.  .  354  .  . 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 


to  a  reigning  family.  All  has  collapsed  owing  to  the  folly 
of  a  minister."  *  And  yet,  ingenious  as  is  M.  Caussy's 
reasoning,  it  is  far  from  conclusive.  During  the  early 
stages  of  Lamartine's  public  life,  everything  points  to  his 
frank  acceptance  of  the  July  Monarchy;  an  acceptance 
most  certainly  not  prompted  by  sympathy  with  the  usur- 
pation of  a  throne,  but  because  for  the  time  being  he  real- 
ized that  it  offered  the  only  chance  of  salvation  to  France, 
threatened  by  a  revival  of  the  Reign  of  Terror  and  of  that 
form  of  the  Republic  which,  in  the  experience  of  his  child- 
hood, was  inseparable  from  the  Terror.  As  a  Legitimist 
he  grieved  to  see  those  holding  the  same  fundamental 
principles  as  himself  place  personal  rancour  ahead  of 
patriotism,  and  ally  themselves  with  the  opposition  at  the 
risk  of  overthrowing  with  Louis- Philippe  the  only  guar- 
antees of  political  stability  left  to  France.2  His  evolution 
towards  republicanism  was  to  progress  through  a  series  of 
curves,  such  as  govern  the  psychic  and  moral  laws  of  soci- 
ology as  they  do  the  physical  laws  of  nature.  His  pessi- 
mism concerning  the  political  future  of  his  country  was 
but  passing.  Even  now  he  believed  that  "the  work  of 
progressive  civilization  could  be  resumed  in  France  in- 
dependently of  politicians  and  forms  of  government."  s 

Lamartine  would  have  us  to  understand  that  voters  at 
Bergues  almost  immediately  repented  of  the  partial  de- 
fection which  had  cost  him  the  election.  There  is  warrant 
for  this  belief.  His  defeat  was  undoubtedly  the  result  of  a 
defect  of  form  rather  than  of  principle.  The  successful 
candidate,  M.  Lemaire,  had  accepted  his  election  condi- 
tionally, and  in  view  of  his  health  had  stipulated  that  his 
tenure  of  office  should  be  brief.4  Many  staunch  friends 
believed  that  within  a  short  period  Lamartine  could  run 

1  Correspondance,  DXLI.  *  Cf.  Cochin,  op.  cit.,  p.  xii. 

1  Correspondance,  DXLI. 

4  Cf.  Cochin,  op.  cit.,  p.  161;  also  Jean  des  Cognets,  La  Vie  interieurc  de 
Lamartine,  p.  171. 

•  •  355  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


again,  practically  uncontested.  In  view  of  this  contin- 
gency Lamartine  was  prevailed  upon  to  prolong  his  so- 
journ at  Hondschoote.  It  was  only  when  M.  Lemaire, 
yielding  to  official  pressure,  actually  left  to  take  up  his 
duties,  that  his  defeated  rival  also  thought  of  departure. 
On  August  6  Lamartine  was  in  Paris,  where  he  visited 
Casimir  P6rier,  then  Prime  Minister,  who  expressed  deep 
regret  over  his  failure  to  obtain  a  seat,  and  gave  encour- 
agement for  the  future.  A  week  in  the  capital,  under  the 
shadow  of  the  parliamentary  tribune  where  he  had  so 
ardently  desired  to  shine,  was  all  he  could  bear,  and  he 
hastily  regained  the  quiet  glades  of  Saint-Point.  But 
even  here  the  demon  of  politics  pursued  him.  Lamartine 
had  brought  back  to  Saint- Point  M.  Saullay  de  1'Aistre, 
who  had  been  his  henchman  and  agent  during  the  elec- 
tioneering days  at  Bergues,  and  the  lust  of  battle  was  kept 
alive  by  this  brilliant  politician.  Another  no  less  brilliant 
and  equally  ardent  member  was  soon  added  to  the  con- 
clave. 

On  September  10,  1831,  Lamartine  first  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  a  man  who  was  greatly  to  influence  his 
political  and  religious  life.  "Your  heart  and  your  intelli- 
gence have  been  for  the  last  twenty  years  the  tablets,  so 
to  speak,  on  which  I  jotted  down  my  most  intimate 
thoughts,  and  which  it  was  given  to  you  alone  to  de- 
cipher," wrote  the  poet  in  the  preface  of  his  "Nouvelles 
Confidences"  (1849).  These  two  men,  whose  mentality 
was  as  opposite  as  the  poles,  understood  each  other  im- 
mediately, the  one  forming  the  complement  of  the  other 
by  the  very  fact  of  their  psychic  dissimilitude.  His  junior 
by  ten  years,  Jean  Marie  Dargaud  exercised  from  the  out- 
set a  very  considerable  ascendancy  over  Lamartine.  In- 
vited to  spend  twenty-four  hours  at  Saint-Point,  the 
young  philosopher  (he  was  thirty-one)  stayed  on  for  a 
whole  month,  so  enchanted  was  Lamartine  by  his  guest's 

•  •  356  •  •  . 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 

incomparable  conversational  talents.  Dargaud  was  a 
radical  in  politics,  and  before  making  the  personal  ac- 
quaintance of  his  host  he  had  not  been  tender  in  his  criti- 
cisms of  "the  poet  of  the  altar  and  the  throne,"  as  he  and 
his  associates  ironically  termed  Lamartine,  classing  him 
contemptuously  with  Chateaubriand  and  De  Maistre, 
"les  Prophetes  du  PasseV'  Nor  was  Dargaud's  religious 
philosophy  calculated  to  meet  with  Lamartine's  unquali- 
fied approval.  The  "intellectual  progressists"  to  whom 
Dargaud  belonged  sought  a  leader  who  should  prove 
himself  a  capable  "Prophet  of  the  Future."  "Not  less 
than  our  ancestors,"  says  Dargaud,  "we  strove  for  an 
ideal ;  even  a  more  exalted  ideal  than  theirs.  We  aspired, 
by  means  of  railways,  steam,  inventions,  by  the  might  of 
thought,  to  accomplish  unity  between  the  whole  human 
race,  as  the  legislators  of  the  ancient  world  sought  to 
constitute  .unity  in  a  nation.  ..."  To  the  gospel  of  Chris- 
tianity they  opposed  a  philosophic  and  humanitarian 
evangelism.  In  other  words,  they  sought  to  regenerate 
the  world  by  means  of  rationalism.1  It  seems  well-nigh 
incredible  that  Dargaud  should  have  fixed  upon  the  au- 
thor of  the  but  lately  published  "Harmonies  poetiques  et 
religieuses"  (June,  1830)  as  the  "prophet"  the  philos- 
ophers of  his  ilk  were  in  search  of.  Nevertheless,  he  lost 
no  time  in  making  his  meaning  clear,  and  Lamartine  de- 
fended himself  so  half-heartedly  that  Dargaud  had  every 
reason  to  believe  he  would  be  successful. 

Religion  formed  the  basis  of  the  first  conversation  be- 
tween the  poet  and  the  philosopher.  Questioned  by  his 
new  friend  concerning  his  orthodoxy,  Lamartine  replied : 
"  Je  le  suis  un  peu  des  levres,  mais  je  ne  le  suis  guere  de 
cceur."  2  And  he  goes  on  to  confess:  "To  tell  the  truth 
I  have  never  been  completely  orthodox.  Heaven  is  my 

1  Des  Cognets,  op.  cit.t  p.  173. 

1  Citation  from  Dargaud's  Journal.  Cf.  Des  Cognets,  op.  cit.,  p.  184. 

.  .  357  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


witness  that  I  valiantly  struggled  to  be  so.  I  did  my  ut- 
most to  possess  the  simple  faith  ["la  foi  du  charbonnier," 
he  picturesquely  terms  it].  I  had  been  very  unhappy.  I 
had  lost  an  affection,  the  most  profound  and  ardent  love 
of  my  youth.  Suffering  had  broken  me.  I  thirsted  for 
absolute  religion.  I  longed  for  consolation,  at  least  for 
forgetfulness.  I  wanted  to  do  good  for  myself,  and  to 
make  my  mother  very  happy.  I  wished,  for  ten  years  I 
strove,  to  take  refuge  in  tradition.  All  in  vain."  "Well," 
replied  Dargaud,  "as  you  did  not  find  solace  there,  join 
us.  Live  in  fraternity  with  your  century.  Be  a  man  of 
your  times.  The  spirit  which  fought  with  your  desire, 
your  resolution,  your  parti-pris,  allow  me  to  add,  with 
your  impiety,  this  Spirit  of  the  Future,  will  always  be 
the  stronger.  You  are  but  a  man:  it  is  the  God."  On  the 
morrow  the  conversation  was  resumed.  Dargaud,  re- 
turning to  the  attack  with  redoubled  energy,  pressed  his 
antagonist  for  a  definite  committal,  Lamartine  fencing 
the  while,  gently  and  sadly  seeking  to  evade  being  too 
closely  cornered.  The  discussion  took  place  in  the  gar- 
den of  the  old  manor  at  Milly,  a  spot  hallowed  by  the 
memories  of  childhood  and  the  shade  of  the  mother  he 
had  idolized.  To  Lamartine  it  seemed  that  the  lost  dear 
ones  were  present,  awaiting  the  verdict  which  fell  from 
his  lips.  Although  in  his  heart  he  leaned  towards  pan- 
theism, rationalism,  and  disdain  of  unreasoning  ortho- 
doxy, the  religiosity  which  was  an  essential  compo- 
nent of  his  spiritual  nature  forbade  a  frank  and  definite 
avowal.  "I  cannot  decide,"  he  murmured.  "Here  I  find 
myself  entangled  by  the  adorable  faith  of  the  past  and  the 
terrible  uncertainty  of  the  future.  Long  have  I  struggled 
to  know  where  Duty  lies."  Then,  political  ambitions  re- 
gaining the  mastery,  he  brusquely  ended  the  metaphysi- 
cal discussion  with  the  petulant  exclamation:  "For  the 
time  being  I  do  not  wish  it :  perhaps  later  I  may,  when  my 

•  •  358  •  • 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 


conviction  is  more  ripe.  On  the  religious  ground  I  am  still 
unprepared;  but  for  the  political  battle  I  am  ready. 
Consequently  I  shall  attack  Politics  before  Religion.  The 
role  you  offer  me  would  be  inopportune.  It  would  estab- 
lish my  reputation  as  a  philosopher,  but  it  would  kill  me 
as  a  statesman."  1 

During  the  score  of  years  the  close  intimacy  was  to  last 
Dargaud's  metaphysical  influence,  although  persistently 
exercised,  never  obtained  more  than  a  superficial  hold 
over  the  mind  of  his  friend.  Lamartine  floated  continu- 
ally between  revolt  against  dogmatic  orthodoxy,  mild  and 
undefined  pantheism,  a  rationalism  of  a  form  more  in- 
stinctive than  scientific,  and  that  ever-recurrent  religios- 
ity which,  as  has  been  said,  constituted  the  vital  essence 
of  his  being.  Politically,  on  the  other  hand,  Dargaud's 
keen  intelligence  and  sound  common  sense  were  to  prove 
of  inestimable  value.  If  Madame  de  Lamartine  dubbed 
Dargaud  her  husband's  "bad  angel,"  it  was  because  her 
zeal  as  a  neophyte  dreaded  any  attaint  against  the  or- 
thodoxy she  blindly  cherished,  not  because  she  mis- 
trusted his  political  sagacity. 

It  was  on  this  first  visit  to  Saint-Point  that  Dargaud 
gained  an  insight  of  Lamartine's  political  views.  After 
dinner,  on  the  night  of  his  arrival,  the  poet  read  aloud  the 
opening  pages  of  his  "Politique  rationnelle."  Dargaud 
notes  in  his  diary:  "This  pamphlet  is  as  remarkable  for 
the  talent  it  displays  as  for  its  principles.  M.  Saullay  ob- 
served to  Lamartine:  'You  are  becoming  quite  demo- 
cratic."1 When  asked  his  personal  opinion,  Dargaud 
replied :  "  It  is  a  magnificent  point  of  departure.  It  proves 
to  me  the  evolution  of  a  poet  about  to  become  an  orator." 
It  would  appear  that  to  the  practical,  nay  radical,  Dar- 
gaud, the  sentiments  expressed  in  the  "Politique  ra- 
tionnelle" seemed  disappointingly  anodyne,  totally  lack- 

1  Cf.  Des  Cognets,  op.  cil.,  p.  192. 
.  .  359  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


ing  in  the  revolutionizing  energy  his  philosophy  aspired 
to.  When  later  he  showed  the  pamphlet  to  Casimir  Perier 
the  old  statesman  handed  it  back  to  him  with  the  remark : 
"  M.  de  Lamartine,  at  least  as  chimerical  as  F6nelon,  only 
does  us  half  justice.  If  he  ever  emerges  from  the  vague- 
ness of  theories  and  assumes  power,  he  will  understand 
that  the  spiritual  horizon  and  the  horizon  of  action  are 
two  very  distinct  things.  The  first  is  a  perspective,  the 
second  is  an  arena,  in  which  it  is  rather  more  difficult  to 
manoeuvre."  1 

This  must  be  the  impression  left  on  the  reader  after 
a  first  perusal  of  the  document.  A  closer  scrutiny,  how- 
ever, reveals  the  fundamental  altruism  which  is  symp- 
tomatic of  Lamartine's  social  and  political  gospel ;  a  gos- 
pel to  which  he  remained  steadfast  throughout  his  life. 
Doctrines  which  appeared  as  vague  theories  to  the  states- 
men of  1830,  which  loomed  to  them  as  the  dangerous 
phantasms  of  a  poetic  brain  devoid  of  practical  induction, 
have  since  become  the  current  coin  of  social  politics.  If 
it  be  true,  as  Nietzsche  avers,  that  "philosophy  is  the 
expression  of  a  temperament,"  it  is  in  his  "Politique  ra- 
tionnelle"  that  we  must  seek  the  manifestation  of  Lamar- 
tine's soul.  It  is  there  we  shall  find  the  genesis  of  his  polit- 
ical theorem,  the  germ  of  the  sociology  which  guided  and 
moulded  his  public  life.  His  generous  nature,  impulsive 
and  often  paradoxical,  his  personal  morality  and  individ- 
ual foibles,  are  all  readily  discerned  in  this  compendium 
of  his  intellectual  effort.  Would  that  it  were  possible  to 
transcribe  in  extenso  the  one  hundred  and  thirty-odd 
pages :  a  partial  analysis  gives  but  inadequately  the  pith 
of  its  contents.  In  the  course  of  this  study,  however,  ref- 
erence will  be  made  to  the  principal  political  and  social 
reforms  Lamartine  advocated,  or  successfully  carried, 
during  his  parliamentary  career,  all  of  which  are  touched 

1  Des  Cognets,  op.  cit.,  p.  187. 
.  .  360  •  • 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND  VIEWS 

upon  in  this,  his  first  important  public  utterance.  "With 
this  vast  programme,"  writes  M.  £mile  Deschanel,  "a 
programme  traversed  by  prophetic  gleams,  he  resolutely 
entered  the  new  era."  * 

It  was  perhaps  presumptuous  of  Lamartine  to  insist 
that  in  this  expose"  he  resembled  no  one.2  The  ideas  and 
theories  therein  expounded  are  not  all  strictly  original, 
although  he  unhesitatingly  assumes  the  paternity  of 
most.  Many  thought  as  he  did  on  several  of  the  problems 
he  presented,  but  there  was  probably  not  another  politi- 
cian in  France  who  at  that  moment  would  have  con- 
sented to  appear  before  the  world  as  fathering  all  that  he 
advanced.  Himself  commenting  on  this  treatise  years 
later,  Lamartine  wrote:  "My  delicate  and  embarrassed 
situation  condemned  me  to  political  generalities,  and  for- 
bade the  passion  which  alone  gives  life  to  pamphlets.  My 
success  was  consequently  only  mediocre."  3  Casimir 
PeVier's  judgment  was  not  lacking  in  finesse.  A  diagnosis, 
unless  accompanied  by  a  specific  remedy,  is  but  cold  com- 
fort to  the  patient.  Lamartine  had  no  panacea  to  offer  for 
the  manifold  disorders  from  which  his  country  was  suffer- 
ing. He  could  learnedly  diagnose  and  gently  probe,  but 
he  lacked  both  the  skill  and  the  courage,  born  of  convic- 
tion, necessary  for  the  extirpation  of  the  cancer.  The  in- 
stitutions he  conceives,  and  which  he  aims  to  realize,  are 
in  fact,  in  his  eyes,  a  development  of  the  practical  teach- 
ings of  Christianity.  The  subtile  influences  of  the  epoch 
when  Madame  Charles  and  her  surroundings  held  him  en- 
tranced had  gradually  given  place  to  sentiments  of  a  less 
mystical  order.  M.  Deschanel  notes  the  progressive  mod- 
ification of  the  beliefs  education  and  custom  and  senti- 
ment had  originally  inculcated,  adding:  "The  Catholic 
phase  of  his  imagination  ended  about  the  middle  of  the 

1  Lamartine,  vol.  I,  p.  240. 

1  Conespondance,  DXLII.  *  Mtmoircs  potitiquef,  vol.  I,  p.  305. 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


'Harmonies,'  which  are  already  tinged  by  pantheism:  he 
now  enters  upon  his  neo-Christian  phase,  and  belongs 
henceforth  to  Rational  Christianity.''1  l  The  Revolution 
he  had  formerly  abhorred,  with  its  device,  Liberty, 
Equality,  and  Fraternity,  no  longer  fills  his  soul  with 
terror.  A  Legitimist  by  tradition,  even  yet  by  political 
conviction,  he  accepts  the  advent  of  the  younger  branch 
as  the  inevitable  result  of  the  faults  of  the  elder,  and  the 
first  flush  of  the  dawn,  when  he  will  welcome  republican- 
ism as  the  equally  inevitable  consequence  of  the  sterility 
of  the  July  Monarchy,  is  not  far  distant.2 

"In  politics  he  remained  an  individualist,"  says  M. 
Citoleux.  "Nevertheless,  he  was  subjected  to  the  influ- 
ences of  the  various  schools  which  shared  the  nineteenth 
century,  the  theocratic,  the  doctrinaire,  the  democratic, 
the  liberalist.  .  .  .  The  'Politique  rationnelle'  demon- 
strates to  us  that  the  Doctrinaire  is  at  once  a  Theocrat 
and  a  Democrat."  *  Although  Lamartine  terms  Saint- 
Simonism  "une  religion  moins  un  Dieu,"  he  admits  its 
virtues,  and  recognizes  that  the  sociological  and  religious 
tenets  it  professed  were  instrumental  in  detaching  enthu- 
siasts from  the  gross  materialism  which  hemmed  them 
round.4  To  ultra-practical  politicians  too  much  impor- 
tance may  seem  accorded  to  the  political  application  of 
what  was  then  termed  "Rational  Christianity,"  which  is 
in  fact  the  Christian  Democracy  of  our  own  day  in  old- 
fashioned  garb.  At  once  a  Theocrat  and  a  Democrat,  as 
M.  Citoleux  has  said,  it  was  only  logical  that  Lamartine 
should  warmly  advocate  the  separation  of  Church  and 
State,  and  the  adoption  of  electoral  laws  approaching  as 
nearly  as  possible  to  universal  suffrage.  Sincerely  reli- 
gious himself,  but  recognizing  the  reciprocal  disadvan- 

1  Deschanel,  op.  tit.,  vol.  I,  p.  239. 
*  Cf.  Politique  rationnelle,  pp.  79,  98,  103. 
1  Lamartine.  La  Poesie  philosophique,  p.  240. 
4  Politique  rationnelle,  p.  108. 

.  .   362  •  • 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND   VIEWS 


tages  of  a  too  close  political  union  between  the  two  great 
mentors  of  the  human  conscience,  he  believed  that  true 
religion  would  be  the  gainer  by  this  separation  of  tem- 
poral interests.  Again,  a  democrat  in  the  widest  sense  of 
the  term,  he  was  convinced  that  a  close  amalgamation  of 
the  material  interests  of  the  classes  best  guaranteed  the 
stability  of  the  State,  provided  they  were  represented 
proportionally  with  interests  they  had  at  stake.1 

The  "Politique  rationnelle"  was  written  during  the 
month  of  September,  1831,  and  published  in  October  by 
Gosselin  in  Paris.  Originally  intended  for  insertion  in  the 
"  Revue  europ£enne,"  the  manuscript  reached  the  editor 
so  swollen  in  bulk  that  it  was  decided  to  issue  it  as  a 
pamphlet.2  As  has  been  said,  Dargaud  and  Saullay  were 
guests  at  Saint- Point  during  the  composition  of  this  po- 
litical essay.  Undoubtedly  both  were  frequently  con- 
sulted as  the  manuscript  progressed.  But  in  his  letters  to 
Virieu  during  the  last  six  or  eight  years  Lamartine  had 
touched,  in  more  or  less  detail,  on  nearly  all  the  problems 
he  treats  in  his  pamphlet.  Prince  Talleyrand,  whom 
Lamartine  had  visited  while  in  London  in  May  and  June, 
1831,'  had  also  been  instrumental  in  strengthening  his 
convictions  on  many  points.  Laying  aside  his  own  po- 
litical prejudices,  Talleyrand  had  accepted  office  under 
Louis- Philippe,  and  represented  the  new  r£gime  as  French 
Ambassador  to  England.  "I  was  treated  by  Prince  de 
Talleyrand,"  writes  the  young  candidate  for  the  suf- 
frages of  the  electors  at  Bergues,  "with  cordiality  and 
distinction,  no  attempt  being  made  to  capture  me  for  the 
July  Monarchy,  the  Prince  placing  himself  during  our 
conversations  above  the  miserable  party  and  dynastic 

1  Cf .  Politique  rationnelle,  pp.  69,  75. 

1  Cf.  Preface;  also  letters  to  M.  Edmond  de  Cazales,  published  by 
M.  Louis  Barthou  in  1913  in  volume  entitled  A  Lamartine,  p.  16. 

3  Lamartine  erroneously  gives  the  year  1830  as  the  date  of  this  visit. 
Cf.  Memoires  politigues,  vol.  I,  p.  286. 

.  .  363  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


quarrels.  .  .  .  From  this  time  on  Prince  de  Talleyrand 
admitted  me  to  the  most  confidential  intimacy,  expound- 
ing his  diplomatic  aims,  which  were  less  French  than 
European  in  scope."  l  As  has  been  said,  Talleyrand  had 
been  among  the  first  to  appreciate  the  young  poet  when 
the  "M6ditations"  appeared  in  1820.  The  old  diplo- 
matist had  followed  with  interest  the  subsequent  literary 
and  public  career  of  the  gifted  man  who  now  enjoyed  his 
hospitality,  and  although  we  must  allow  for  the  inevitable 
flights  of  imagination  in  Lamartine's  reminiscences,  it  is 
not  improbable  that  the  discerning  politician  lost  no  op- 
portunity of  implanting  his  views  in  the  mind  of  his 
younger  colleague.  Moreover,  the  task  which  Talleyrand 
had  undertaken,  namely,  the  consolidation  of  the  peace 
of  Europe  and  the  settlement  of  the  vexed  situation  in 
Belgium  and  France,  was  one  with  which  Lamartine  was 
wholly  in  accord. 

But  Madame  Angebert  had  also  had  her  share  in  the 
acceptance  by  Lamartine  of  certain  necessary  evils  in  the 
political  world.  Through  her  he  had  been  made  to  under- 
stand that  in  the  rough-and-tumble  of  party  strife  in  a 
national  legislative  arena  the  fair  fabric  of  his  policies  of 
sentiment  was  more  than  likely  to  be  soiled  and  torn. 
This  he  admits  when  thanking  her  for  her  critical  analysis 
of  the  "Politique  rationnelle,"  which  the  Dunkirk  news- 
papers had  published.  "I  understand  and  I  admit  what 
you  say  concerning  these  parties  and  the  necessity  of  rec- 
ognizing their  existence.  Yes,  they  must  be  admitted  as  a 
fact  when  one  comes  to  the  application  of  policies;  but 
never  as  having  rights  when  one  is  making  theoretic  poli- 
tics. Up  to  the  present  this  is  all  I  have  attempted,  and  a 
writer  cannot  enforce  the  application  of  his  theories.  If 
ever  I  am  a  Minister  or  the  dictator  of  my  hamlet,  I  shall 
apply  my  theories,  and  recognize  both  the  existence  and 
1  Mbnoircs  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  287. 
.  .  364  .  • 


POLITICAL  AMBITIONS  AND   VIEWS 


the  madness  of  parties  in  order  to  lead  them  whither  we 
must  all  go."  1  When  announcing  the  composition  of  his 
political  treatise  to  Madame  Angebert  (October  8,  1831), 
Lamartine  styled  it  "Une  complaisance  pour  des  amis"; 
but  to  Virieu  he  is  more  frankly  outspoken.  On  the  25th 
of  the  same  month,  when  informing  his  friend  of  the  pub- 
lication of  the  "Politique  rationnelle,"  he  states  that  he 
awaits  neither  good  nor  evil  results.  "All  the  personal 
benefit  I  desire  from  it  is  that  after  I  am  dead,  should 
I  leave  a  name,  and  a  hundred  or  two  hundred  years 
hence  some  one  were  to  ask:  'How  did  this  man  re- 
gard the  superannuated  problems  of  his  day,  and  fore- 
see the  future?'  my  pages  answer  for  me  the  idle 
curiosity,  or  friendly  remembrance,  which  prompted 
the  query."  2 

M.  Louis  Barthou,  formerly  (1896)  Cabinet  Minister, 
when  analyzing  this  document,  exclaims:  "It  remains  in 
reality  as  the  impartial  and  magnificent  witness  of  an 
opinion,  still  original  and  forcible  enough  to  dominate 
to-day  our  uncertainties,  and  to  impose  itself  upon  our 
consideration."  s 

That  Lamartine  was  pleased  with  what  he  had  written 
is  conceivable.  He  knew  he  had  given  utterance  to  theo- 
ries soon  to  become  facts.  "Our  theories  become  sub- 
stantial truths  within  a  century,"  he  assures  Virieu.4  To 
Madame  de  Girardin  he  had  written  a  week  earlier:  "You 
have  received  my  political  letter  ["Sur  la  Politique  ra- 
tionnelle"]. But  it  is  nothing:  politics  should  never  be 
put  in  writing,  but  enacted  in  flesh  and  bone ;  you  know  I 
have  always  felt  myself  capable  of  doing  this,  for  only 

1  Letter  cited  by  Seche,  Les  Amities  de  Lamartine,  p.  278.  The  letter 
is  dated  from  Macon,  December  n,  1831. 

*  Correspondence,  DXLIII. 

1  "Autour  de  la  Politique  rationnelle,"  A  Lamartine  (published  during 
commemorative  fltes  at  Bergues  in  1913),  p.  32. 

4  Correspondence,  DXLV. 

•  •  365  •  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


two  very  ordinary  qualities  are  needful :  clear-mindedness 
and  strength  of  character.  Who  does  not  possess  these? 
But  I  renounce  it  all,  for  the  want  of  votes,  and  for  the 
remainder  of  my  days  I  sink  back  to  inertia,  poetry, 
and  philosophy;  three  things  which  agree  with,  each 
other."  ' 

1  Correspondence,  DXLIV. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 
VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 

LAMARTINE  made  at  least  a  pretence  of  accepting  with 
equanimity  the  period  of  enforced  political  idleness  his 
failure  at  the  polls  made  inevitable. 

The  prospect  of  his  journey  to  the  Orient  was  ever 
before  his  eyes,  but  the  disturbed  condition  of  the  coun- 
tries he  desired  to  visit  and  the  unsatisfactory  sanitary 
conditions  prevailing  on  the  eastern  seaboard  of  the 
Mediterranean  forbade  immediate  departure.  As  early 
as  October  8,  1831,  he  wrote  Madame  Angebert  that  the 
trip  was  to  take  place  "in  February  next,"  provided  the 
cholera,  then  raging  in  the  Orient,  permitted.1  Two 
months  earlier  he  had  informed  the  Marquis  Gino  Cap- 
pom  that,  should  he  be  unsuccessful  in  his  attempts  to 
enter  Parliament,  he  would  start  in  a  few  months  on  his 
"philosophical  and  political  excursions  in  Syria,  Egypt, 
and  Greece."  2  Now  he  was  determined  to  postpone  the 
trip  not  later  than  the  summer  of  1832. 

Meanwhile  his  activities  were  concentrated  on  the 
improvement  of  his  estates  and  the  composition  of 
what  he  termed  his  "great  poem,"  "M6moires  du  cure 
de  XXX,"  to  be  known  to  the  world,  at  a  later  date, 
as  "Jocelyn."  "It  is  my  chef  d'ceuvre,"  he  wrote  Virieu. 
"Nothing  in  the  same  style  has  been  written :  it  is  the  epic 
of  the  inner  man:  of  the  type  of  'Paul  and  Virginia.'"  3 
But  although  progress  was  being  made  on  "Jocelyn," 
Lamartine's  interests  and  distractions  were  too  diversi- 

1  Letter  cited  by  S£ch6,  Les  Amities  de  Lamartine,  p.  276. 
*  Correspondence,  DXLI. 

1  Ibid.,  DXLV.  Lamartine  greatly  admired  Bernardin  de  Saint-Pierre's 
masterpiece. 

.  •  367  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


fied  during  these  opening  months  of  1832  to  permit  of  his 
devoting  himself  exclusively  to  the  poem.  "Fortunately 
I  swim  in  books,"  he  told  Virieu,  "for  I  cannot  write 
verse  owing  to  a  deluge  of  political  ideas."  The  letter 
is  indeed  one  long  commentary  on  the  political  situation, 
between  the  lines  of  which  we  read  the  lingering  regret 
that  for  the  nonce  he  must  be  severed  from  active  par- 
ticipation in  public  affairs.  "II  me  faut  Constantinople 
avant,"  he  sighs,  when  mentioning  another  offer  which 
has  been  made  to  him.1  He  believed,  with  reason,  that 
for  a  couple  of  years,  perhaps  longer,  the  status  quo  would 
be  maintained.  He  would  await  the  political  reaction 
he  anticipated,  and  await  it  at  a  considerable  distance 
from  the  stage  upon  which  the  drama  was  being  enacted. 
To  his  sensitive  nature  it  appeared  that  he  was  misunder- 
stood, if  not  actually  discredited,  at  home.  This  much, 
at  least,  we  grasp  from  the  general  tone  of  his  correspond- 
ence at  this  period.  In  the  East  he  would  saturate  him- 
self in  an  atmosphere  his  soul  craved,  and  refresh  the 
poetic  inflatus  his  plunge  into  the  muddy  waters  of 
practical  politics  had  sullied.  "I  am  going  to  seek,  on 
that  great  stage  of  all  the  religious  and  political  events 
of  ancient  times,  purely  personal  impressions:  I  am  go- 
ing there  to  read,  before  I  die,  the  most  beautiful  pages 
of  material  creation.  Should  poetry  reap  there  new  im- 
agery and  fertile  inspiration,  I  shall  be  satisfied  to  store 
them  in  the  silence  of  my  soul,  and  use  them  to  colour 
the  literary  future  which  perhaps  lies  before  me.  That 
is  all."  2 

But  that  was  not  all.  Undoubtedly  poetry  played  a 
conspicuous  part  in  his  desire  to  visit  the  East,  and  to 
seek  there  colour  for  the  great  epic  ("La  Chute  d'un 
Ange")  he  had  conceived  when  leaving  Naples  in  1821: 

1  Correspondance,  DLI  ;  February  15,  1832. 

8  Ibid.,  DLXII.    Letter  to  M.  Ronot,  dated  from  Marseilles  June  20, 1832. 

>.-  •  368  •  - 


VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 


the  poem  which  was  to  be  "as  immense  as  nature,  as 
interesting  as  the  human  heart,  as  lofty  as  the  sky,"  as 
he  wrote  M.  de  Genoude  at  that  period.1  To  those  who 
read  the  "Voyage  en  Orient"  it  will  be  apparent  that 
what  Lamartine  sought  in  the  lands  of  Biblical  tradi- 
tion was  not  so  much  poetic  as  religious  and  political 
inspiration.  The  evangelical  tendencies  of  the  social 
reforms  he  desired  to  see  adopted,  in  conjunction  with 
his  conception  of  Rational  Christianity  applied  to  prac- 
tical politics,  demanded  knowledge  at  first  hand  of  the 
peoples  and  surroundings  whence  the  creed  was  originally 
drawn.  Almost  every  page  of  the ' '  Voyage  en  Orient "  will 
be  found  to  substantiate  the  claim  that  the  trip  was  under- 
taken at  least  as  much  with  a  sociological  aim  in  view  as 
by  virtue  of  the  aesthetic  requirements  of  his  art. 

Lamartine  was  now  in  his  forty-second  year.  Domes- 
tic anxieties  were  added  to  his  other  preoccupations. 
His  only  child,  his  little  Julia,  had  developed  trouble 
with  her  lungs.  The  parents  hoped  the  sea  voyage  and 
soft  climate  of  the  Eastern  Mediterranean  would  restore 
her  impaired  health.  We  can  sympathize  with  Lamar- 
tine's  eagerness  to  be  off,  to  leave  behind  him  the  disap- 
pointments and  disillusions  of  the  past  two  years.  There 
is  every  reason  to  believe  he  was  sincere  when  he  as- 
sured Virieu  of  his  joy  over  his  recent  defeat  at  the  polls 
at  Macon,  an  election  he  had  taken  no  steps  to  obtain, 
and  at  which  he  received  but  thirty-five  ballots  as  against 
four  hundred  scored  by  his  opponent.2 

Delayed  in  Macon  by  the  serious  illness  of  Julia,  it  was 
only  in  the  middle  of  June  that  he  passed  through  Lyons, 
and  nearly  a  month  later,  July  n,  1832,  that  the  party 
finally  sailed  from  Marseilles.8  The  vessel  Lamartine 

1  Correspondance,  CCXLI.  '  Ibid.,  DLX. 

*  The  opening  pages  of  the  Voyage  en  Orient  are  dated  from  Marseilles 
May  20:  but  the  Correspondance  proves  that  he  was  still  in  Macon  on 
June  12. 

•  •  369  •  • ; 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


had  chartered  for  the  protracted  voyage  he  had  in  con- 
templation was  called  the  Alceste,  a  brig  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  tons  burden,  commanded  by  Captain  Blanc. 
Besides  his  wife  and  daughter  and  six  servants,  the  poet 
took  with  him  three  friends:  M.  Am£d£e  de  Parseval, 
M.  de  Capmas,  who  had  interested  himself  in  Lamartine's 
unsuccessful  electoral  venture  at  Toulon,  and  Dr.  Dela- 
roiere,  ex-Mayor  of  Hondschoote,  an  active  partisan 
during  the  campaign  at  Bergues. 

In  spite  of  the  favourable  season  the  voyage  proved  a 
most  uncomfortable  one,  and  the  little  vessel  which  car- 
ried the  party  was  frequently  storm-tossed  and  driven 
to  take  refuge  in  ports  not  included  in  the  original  itin- 
erary. From  the  Gulf  of  Palmas,  on  the  southwestern 
extremity  of  Sardinia,  in  which  they  had  sought  shelter, 
the  travellers  crossed  to  the  Tunisian  coast,  and  thence 
made  the  harbour  of  Malta  (July  22).  A  few  days  later 
the  trip  was  resumed,  and  escorted  by  an  English  frigate 
as  a  protection  against  pirates,  the  Alceste  made  her  way 
slowly  to  the  Piraeus.  Here  again  Julia's  health  necessi- 
tated a  sojourn  on  shore,  and  it  was  only  on  Septem- 
ber 6,  1832,  that  Lamartine  wrote  Virieu,  from  Beyrout 
in  Syria,  that  after  "sixty  days  of  sea"  he  had  finally 
reached  the  goal  of  his  long  and  perilous  journey.  "Thanks 
to  God,  we  have  survived,  without  misfortune,  pirates, 
brigands,  two  epidemics  of  plague,  and  three  tempests."  * 
Everywhere  the  French  travellers  had  met  with  the 
greatest  courtesy,  while  material  assistance  had  not 
been  stinted  them.  From  Athens,  or  rather  the  Piraeus, 
a  French  war- vessel  convoyed  the  Alceste  through  the 
pirate-infested  Archipelago,  parting  company  with  her 
charge  only  when  in  sight  of  the  snow-covered  peaks 
of  Lebanon.  As  Beyrout  had  been  selected  for  head- 
quarters, Lamartine  hired  a  house  for  a  year,  and  settled 

1  Correspondence,  Durvra. 
-  •  370  .  • 


VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 


his  family  as  comfortably  as  circumstances  would  per- 
mit. Although  Lamartine  gives  a  glowing  description  of 
this  establishment,  it  is  probable  that  the  accommoda- 
tion was  decidedly  primitive,  as  five  small  houses,  or 
huts,  were  necessary  to  lodge  the  party,  to  which  a  sixth, 
situated  within  the  walls  of  the  town,  was  added  in  case 
the  political  crisis  in  Turkey  made  a  refuge  necessary.1 

The  health  of  his  child  and  the  unavoidable  fatigue  at- 
tending a  journey  into  the  interior  decided  Lamartine  to 
start  alone  with  M.  de  Capmas  and  Am£dee  de  Parse- 
val  on  the  tour  to  Jerusalem  and  other  points  of  interest. 
His  plans  included  a  visit  to  Lady  Hester  Stanhope,  the 
niece  of  Pitt,  whose  eccentricities  and  mysterious  exist- 
ence in  the  fastnesses  of  the  Lebanon  had  long  excited 
the  curiosity  of  Europe.  Acknowledged  by  the  natives 
as  a  sort  of  high  priestess,  Lady  Hester  enjoyed  the  ven- 
eration of  Christians  and  Mohammedans  alike.  Fallen 
from  her  ancient  splendour,  this  remarkable  woman  was, 
at  the  time  of  Lamartine's  visit,  living  in  a  half-ruined 
and  dismantled  convent  concealed  amidst  the  well- 
nigh  inaccessible  mountains.  Her  religious  fervour,  the 
deep  solitude  in  which  she  lived,  and  the  occult  sciences 
she  was  supposed  to  practice,  combined  to  exalt  her 
naturally  mystic  character  and  to  enhance  the  reputa- 
tion of  prophetess  among  the  wild  inhabitants  of  the 
lonely  district. 

Lamartine  was,  of  course,  curious  to  meet  and  con- 
verse with  a  woman  whose  fame  was  so  widespread.  But 
she  was  difficult  of  approach,  and  habitually  repulsed 
all  those,  especially  of  her  own  nationality,  who  sought 
to  intrude  upon  her  semi-religious  seclusion. 

In  reply  to  a  flattering  note  from  Lamartine,  in  which 
he  had  assured  her  that  he  should  number  as  one  of  the 
most  interesting  days  of  his  pilgrimage  that  one  on  which 

1  Cf.  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  I,  p.  209. 
.  .  371   .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


he  might  be  allowed  to  behold  a  lady  who  was,  in  her 
own  person,  one  of  the  wonders  of  those  regions  he  was 
ambitious  to  visit,  the  recluse  of  Dgioun  condescended 
to  receive  the  French  traveller.  It  was  on  September  30, 
I832,1  that  Lamartine,  accompanied  by  M.  de  Parseval 
and  Lady  Hester's  equerry  and  physician,  Dr.  Leo- 
nardi,  left  Sidon  to  climb  the  rugged,  bare,  calcined 
heights,  which,  rising  tier  above  tier,  led  to  the  solitude 
of  Dgioun.  After  the  long  waiting  imposed  by  this 
eccentric  potentate  on  all  who  sought  an  audience, 
Lamartine  was  admitted  to  the  August  Presence.  To  him 
Lady  Hester  appeared  about  fifty  —  still  a  beautiful 
woman  whose  dignity  impressed  the  visitor.  Clad  in  a 
male  Oriental  costume  she  received  her  guests  in  a  room 
wherein  reigned  a  religious  gloom  calculated  to  enhance 
the  effect  of  mystery  she  surrounded  herself  with.  Lady 
Hester  immediately  informed  Lamartine  that  their  re- 
spective stars  were  friends  and  that  they  themselves  were 
destined  to  become  intimate.  This  she  had  realized  the 
instant  she  heard  his  footsteps  in  the  corridor.  To 
Lamartine's  exclamation  of  surprise  that  she  should  so 
rapidly  honour  with  the  name  of  friend  a  man  so  totally 
unknown  to  her,  the  priestess  replied:  "It  is  true  I  know 
not  who  you  are  according  to  the  world,  nor  what  you 
have  done  during  your  life  among  men:  but  I  know  al- 
ready who  you  are  before  God.  Don't  take  me  for  mad, 
as  the  world  calls  me;  I  can't  resist  talking  openly  with 
you.  There  is  a  science,  lost  to-day  in  your  Europe,  a 
science  born  in  the  East,  which  has  never  perished  there, 
which  still  lives.  I  possess  that  science.  I  read  in  the 

1  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  I,  p.  218;  cf.  also  Hamel,  Lady  Hester  Lucy 
Stanhope,  p.  263,  and  the  Duchess  of  Cleveland's  Life  and  Letters  of  Lady 
Hester  Stanhope,  p.  275,  both  of  which  quote  extensively  from  Lamartine's 
own  account  of  his  visit.  In  the  manuscript  notes  preserved  in  the  Biblio- 
theque  nationale  in  Paris,  the  date  of  the  visit  to  Lady  Hester  is  given  as 
September  13.  Cf.  Lamartine,  n.a.f.,  46. 

•  •  372  •  • 


VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 


stars.  ..."  On  her  offering  to  trace  his  future  Lamartine 
begged  she  would  refrain  from  doing  so,  fearing  to  "pro- 
fane the  Divinity  which  conceals  the  secrets  of  his  des- 
tiny," and  adding:  "En  fait  d'avenir,  je  ne  crois  qu'& 
Dieu,  a  la  libert£,  et  a  la  vertu."  The  manuscript  notes 
describe  Lady  Hester's  eyes  as  filled  with  tears  when 
Lamartine  talks  to  her  of  his  "humble  Christianisme," 
but  in  the  published  pages  this  was  changed  by  the 
author  to  "mon  rationalisme  cm*6tien,"  demonstrating 
the  distance  covered  in  two  years  by  Lamartine's  phi- 
losophy. It  would  be  an  error,  however,  to  give  to  this 
"rationalisme"  the  force  now  attaching  to  the  word.  In 
Lamartine's  vocabulary  "rationnel"  and  "religieux" 
are  synonymous.1 

Later  in  the  day  Lady  Hester  caused  Lamartine  to  be 
conducted  to  the  stables  where  a  beautiful  milk-white 
mare  was  kept  in  sacred  state,  awaiting  the  advent  of  the 
Messiah  she  is  to  carry  to  Jerusalem.  Another  equally 
beautiful  steed  was  held  in  readiness  to  be  ridden  by  Lady 
Hester  herself  when  she  accompanied  her  Divine  Master 
to  the  Sacred  City.  The  visit  to  the  Prophetess  of  the 
Lebanon  left  an  indelible  impression  on  the  poet's  mind, 
but  it  was  the  weird  personality  of  his  hostess,  rather 
than  the  erratic  philosophy  of  her  religious  and  political 
opinions,  which  fascinated  him.  Lady  Hester  formed  a 
less  favourable  opinion  of  Lamartine  than  she  allowed 
him  to  perceive,  and  she  was  greatly  annoyed  at  the 
passages  referring  to  herself  that  appeared  in  his  book. 
Speaking  of  him  and  his  visit  some  years  later,  she  ob- 
served: "The  people  of  Europe  are  all,  or  at  least  the 

1  Cf.  Des  destinies  de  la  Poesie,  and  Mar6chal,  Lamennais  et  Lamartine, 
p.  289;  also  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  I,  p.  223.  Amplified  and  developed 
in  the  printed  pages  published  in  1834,  the  substance  of  these  discussions 
is  contained  in  the  "Notes"  preserved  in  the  Bibliotheque  nationale  in 
Paris.  The  "Notes"  are  written  in  six  albums,  wherein  Lamartine  jotted 
his  impressions  day  by  day.  Cf .  Bibliotheque  nationale,  MSS.  n.a.f .,  43-48. 

.  .  373  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


greater  part  of  them,  fools,  with  their  ridiculous  grins, 
their  affected  ways,  and  their  senseless  habits.  .  .  .  Look 
at  M.  Lamartine  getting  off  his  horse  half  a  dozen 
times  to  kiss  his  dog,  and  take  him  out  of  his  band- 
box to  feed  him,  on  the  route  from  Beyrout;  the  very 
muleteers  thought  him  a  fool.  And  then  that  way  of 
thrusting  his  hands  into  his  pockets,  and  sticking  out 
his  legs  as  far  as  he  could  —  what  is  that  like?  M. 
Lamartine  is  no  poet,  in  my  estimation,  though  he  may 
be  an  elegant  versifier:  he  has  no  sublime  ideas.  Com- 
pare his  ideas  with  Shakespeare's  —  that  was  indeed 
a  poet.  .  .  .  M.  Lamartine,  with  his  straight  body  and 
straight  fingers,  pointed  his  toes  in  my  face,  and  then 
turned  to  his  dog,  and  held  long  conversations  with  him. 
He  thought  to  make  a  great  effect  when  he  was  here, 
but  he  was  grievously  mistaken."  1 

The  two  events  in  his  life  which  may  be  said  to  have 
exerted  a  determinate  influence  on  the  formation  of  La- 
martine's  religious  and  political  thought  were  the  voyage 
to  the  Orient  and  the  Revolution  of  July.2  As  has  been 
said,  Lamartine's  orthodoxy  was  more  than  questionable. 
Tinged  with  a  gentle  pantheism,  in  spite  of  all  its  poetic 
beauty  it  was  unpalatable  at  Rome.  "A  philosophical 
religion  of  pure  sentiment"  was  Monseigneur  the  Bishop 
of  Autun's  definition,*  and  Lamartine  used  almost  iden- 
tical words  when  describing  his  feelings  at  the  time  he 
wrote  "Les  Harmonies."  "I  did  not  ask  myself  whether 
I  believed,  but  whether  I  felt.  Well,  I  felt  God  and  reli- 

1  Cf.  George  Paston  (Miss  Symonds),  Little  Memoirs  of  the  Nineteenth 
Century,  p.  254;  also  letters  from  Lady  Hester  to  Lamartine,  published  by 
M.  Rene  Doumic  in  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  September  i,  1908;  Lamar- 
tine, by  Lady  Margaret  Domville,  p.  144;  further,  Stanhope  Memoirs, 
vol.  I,  p.  301:  "He  pointed  his  toes  in  my  face  (so  that  she  felt  obliged 
to  remark  upon  his  elegant  foot]  and  then  turned  to  his  dog  and  kissed 
him." 

1  Cf.  E.  Sugier,  Lamartine,  p.  114. 

*  Speech  at  Lamartine's  centenary,  Macon,  October,  1890. 

.  .  374  .  . 


VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 


gion,  his  language,  in  all  nature.  My  credo  was  enthusi- 
asm." On  the  deck  of  the  Alceste,  at  the  moment  of 
departure,  he  pencilled  in  his  notebook  these  words: 
"This  pilgrimage,  if  not  that  of  the  poet,  at  least  that 
of  the  Christian,  would  have  pleased  my  mother." 
When  editing  his  notes  for  publication  in  1834,  this 
phrase,  in  the  light  of  the  philosophy  he  had  acquired  dur- 
ing the  sojourn  in  Palestine,  becomes:  "This  pilgrimage, 
although  perhaps  not  that  of  a  Christian,  at  least  that 
of  a  man  and  a  poet,  would  have  so  pleased  my  mother."1 
The  influences  which  brought  about  this  startling  re- 
vulsion of  feeling  will  be  unfolded  as  the  narrative  pro- 
ceeds. Those  who  would  study  in  detail  the  discrepancies 
between  the  manuscript  notes  and  the  final  text  should 
consult  M.  Christian  Marechal's  learned  monograph, 
which  gives  in  parallel  columns  the  text  of  the  notes  and 
the  printed  version  of  the  "Voyage  en  Orient."  With 
this  guide  it  is  easy  to  disentangle  contemporaneous 
impressions  from  those  which  crowded  the  poet's  brain 
when  a  couple  of  years  later,  at  home,  he  undertook  the 
narration  of  his  travels.  Of  the  three  large  volumes  one 
third  of  the  contents  is  almost  entirely  devoted  to  the 
consideration  of  political,  religious,  and  social  problems, 
such  as  are  found  in  embryo  in  the  "Politique  ration- 
nelle."  2 

With  all  its  manifest  imperfections,  its  often  stilted 
style  and  abuse  of  purely  poetical  enthusiasm;  in  spite 
of  its  lack  of  philosophical  continuity  or  depth  of  rea- 
soning, the  "Voyage  en  Orient"  constitutes  a  document 
of  real  value.  It  is  essentially  a  personal  revelation,  the 
unveiling  of  a  romanticist's  soul,  wherein  "les  mots  vont 
a  la  chasse  de  I'id6e,  et  1'attrapent  par  morceaux,"  8  per- 

1  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  I,  p.  29,  and  "Manuscript,"  43,  p.  5  recto,  cited 
by  Christian  Marechal,  Le  veritable  voyage  en  Orient,  p.  63. 
*  Cf .  Le  veritable  voyage  en  Orient,  passim. 
1  Emile  Deschanel,  Lamartine,  vol.  I,  p.  250. 

.  .  375  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


haps;  yet  full,  not  only  of  words,  but  of  ideas  and  sub- 
lime ideals.  The  influence  of  his  great  predecessor,  Cha- 
teaubriand, is  often  discernible,  as  is  also  the  Rousseau- 
ism  which  tainted  the  elder  writer.  But,  whereas  the 
author  of  the  "ItineYaire  de  Paris  a  Jerusalem"  was  a 
Hellenist,  Lamartine  remains  the  Latin,  whose  Chris- 
tianity, open  as  it  is  to  the  infiltrations  of  pantheism,  yet 
retains  the  mysticism  of  Rome  and  the  simple  faith  he 
lisped  at  his  mother's  knee.  "The  more  one  reflects," 
he  wrote,  "the  more  one  recognizes  that  man  himself  is 
capable  of  nothing  great  or  beautiful,  the  product  of  his 
own  strength  or  will;  but  that  all  that  is  sovereignly 
beautiful  comes  directly  from  Nature  and  from  God. 
Christianity,  which  knows  everything,  understood  this 
from  the  first."  l  Given  this  psychological  sensibility,  it 
is  evident  that  the  stern  majesty  of  Greek  art  came 
as  a  deception.  The  colour,  the  sensuous  softness  of  the 
Italian  outline,  lay  embedded  in  his  soul,  upon  which  the 
bleakness  of  the  Attic  landscape  obtained  no  hold.  Archi- 
tecturally he  preferred  St.  Peter's  to  the  Acropolis,  the 
garden-like  Tuscan  hills  to  the  barren  slopes  of  Hymet- 
tus.  "No,  the  temple  of  Theseus  is  not  worthy  of  its 
renown:  as  a  monument  it  lacks  life,  it  conveys  nothing 
of  what  it  ought:  beautiful  it  undoubtedly  is,  but  of  a 
cold  and  dead  beauty  which  the  artist  alone  can  divest 
of  its  pall  and  free  from  dust.  For  me,  I  admire  it,  and 
depart  without  the  least  desire  to  see  it  more.  From  the 
noble  stones  of  the  Colonnade  of  the  Vatican,  the  ma- 
jestic and  colossal  dimness  of  St.  Peter's  at  Rome,  I  never 
took  leave  without  regret,  or  without  the  hope  of  re- 
turn." 2 

It  is  the  ideal  for  which  the  monument  stands,  not 
the  aesthetic  beauty  of  the  building  itself,  which  evokes 
and  retains  Lamartine's  admiration.  With  natural  scen- 

1  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  I,  p.  64.  f  Ibid.,  vol.  I,  p.  135. 

•  •  376  -  - 


VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 


ery  it  is  different:  here  the  hand  of  God  is  alone  discern- 
ible, and  the  pantheist  gives  full  rein  to  his  emotional 
faculties.  The  day  he  beheld  for  the  first  time  Mount 
Lebanon,  Lamartine  was  seized  with  such  frenzied 
enthusiasm  that  he  burst  forth  in  impassioned  lyrical 
effusions.  One  of  his  companions,  a  young  officer,  could 
not  refrain  from  exclaiming:  "Where  do  you  see  all  that, 
M.  Lamartine?  I  see  nothing  of  what  you  describe!" 
"It  is  because  I  see  with  the  eyes  of  a  poet,  while  you 
discern  only  with  those  of  a  staff-officer,"  replied  the 
author  of  the  "Meditations."  l  It  is  curious  to  compare 
the  word-pictures  of  Lamartine's  Greece  and  Syria  with 
those  of  Chateaubriand  painted  in  his  wanderings  over 
the  same  ground.  With  both,  sentiment  and  fancy  ob- 
scure exactitude  of  description.  Lamartine's  colours  are 
more  luxuriant  and  brilliant,  the  intensity  of  feeling 
more  poignant.  Chateaubriand's  Christianity,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  more  rigidly  orthodox,  his  analysis  of  the 
emotions  produced  more  penetrating.  When  visiting  the 
Sacred  Shrines  Lamartine's  impressions  are  more  per- 
sonal and  imbued  with  the  philosophy  his  individual  re- 
ligious convictions  assumed.  In  Lamartine's  prose,  poetry 
is  never  far  distant;  in  his  philosophy,  pantheism  is  but 
thinly  disguised.  He  is  of  the  school  of  Chateaubriand, 
to  be  sure,  and  Chateaubriand  belonged  to  that  of  Rous- 
seau :  but  each  disciple  goes  a  little  farther  than  his  mas- 
ter, and  Lamartine  outstripped  both.  The  rationalism 
which  tinged  the  "Voyage  en  Orient"  caused  the  book 
to  be  censured  at  Rome,  in  spite  of  its  numerous  pages 
saturated  with  the  essence  of  the  Scriptures.2 

The  acute  moral  crisis  attending  his  religious  evolution 
overwhelmed  him  during  the  moments  spent  in  silent 
prayer,  alone  within  the  sanctuary  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre. 

1  M.  Caillet,  who  visited  Cyprus  and  Syria  on  a  geographical  mission. 
*  Cf .  Deschanel,  op. «'/.,  vol.  I,  p.  252 ;  also  Edouard  Rod,  Lamartine,  p.  1 70. 

.  .  377  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Recalling  the  deep  emotion  he  experienced,  Lamartine 
writes:  "Whatever  the  form  which  solitary  reflection,  the 
teachings  of  history,  age,  the  vicissitudes  of  heart  and 
mind,  have  given  to  the  religious  tendencies  of  a  man's 
soul ;  whether  he  has  clung  to  the  letter  of  Christianity,  to 
the  dogma  taught  by  his  mother,  or  retains  but  a  philo- 
sophical Christianity  based  on  reason;  whether  to  him 
Christ  be  a  crucified  God,  or  he  discern  in  Him  only  the 
most  holy  of  men,  made  divine  through  virtue,  the  incar- 
nation of  supreme  Truth,  and  dying  to  bear  witness  of 
His  Father ;  whether  Jesus  be  in  his  eyes  the  Son  of  God 
or  the  Son  of  man,  Divinity  made  man,  or  humanity  sanc- 
tified ;  to  such  a  one  Christianity  nevertheless  remains  the 
creed  of  his  memories,  of  his  affections,  and  of  his  imag- 
ination :  unless  it  has  so  evaporated  in  the  turmoil  of  the 
century  and  of  life,  that  the  soul  into  which  it  was  in- 
stilled fails  to  preserve  its  original  essence,  and  that  the 
contemplation  of  the  sites  and  tangible  monuments  of  its 
original  worships  do  not  reawaken  in  him  impressions  and 
cause  him  to  vibrate  with  solemn  ecstasy.  For  the  Chris- 
tian or  for  the  philosopher,  for  the  moralist  or  for  the 
historian,  this  sepulchre  is  the  boundary  which  separates 
two  worlds,  the  old  and  the  new :  it  is  the  point  of  depar- 
ture of  an  Idea  which  renovated  the  universe,  of  a  civiliza- 
tion which  transformed  all;  of  a  message  which  echoed 
over  the  globe :  this  tomb  is  the  sepulchre  of  the  ancient 
world  and  the  cradle  of  the  modern :  no  stone  here  below 
has  been  the  foundation  of  so  vast  an  edifice ;  no  grave  has 
been  so  fruitful ;  no  doctrine  buried  for  three  days  or  three 
centuries  ever  so  victoriously  demolished  the  rock  man 
had  sealed  over  it,  and  gave  the  lie  to  Death  in  such  bril- 
liant and  everlasting  resurrection."  l 

The  ring  of  Faith  seems  lacking  in  this  eloquent  but  all 
too  philosophical  effusion.  Even  the  prayer  which  follows 

1  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  I,  p.  444. 
.  •  378  •  • 


VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 


is  a  supplication  for  Light  and  Truth  rather  than  the  out- 
pouring of  a  soul  accepting  the  Sacred  Mysteries  of  a  re- 
vealed religion.  "My  prayer  was  ardent  and  earnest,"  he 
writes;  "I  begged  for  Truth  and  courage,  kneeling  before 
the  tomb  of  Him  who  spread  the  most  truth  upon  this 
world  and  sacrificed  himself  with  the  greatest  devotion 
for  the  Truth  of  which  He  was  the  Word ;  I  shall  ever  re- 
member the  phrases  I  murmured  in  this  hour  of  moral 
crisis."  *  Lamartine  thinks  that  perhaps  his  prayer  was 
granted:  "A great  gleam  of  reason  and  of  conviction  dif- 
fused itself  in  my  brain,  and  separated  more  clearly  light 
and  darkness,  error  and  truth :  there  are  moments  in  life 
when  a  man's  thoughts,  long  vague  and  doubtful,  and  as 
unstable  as  waves  in  a  bottomless  sea,  at  length  touch 
soundings,  are  broken,  thrown  back  on  themselves  in  new 
shapes.  Such  was  this  moment  to  me:  He  who  fathoms 
the  human  mind  and  heart,  knows  it:  perhaps  I  myself 
will  understand  it  one  day.  It  was  a  mystery  in  my  life, 
which  will  reveal  itself  later." 

We  have  no  means  of  knowing  whether  the  mystery 
was  ever  fully  revealed.  But  a  letter  to  Virieu,  written 
not  long  after  his  return  to  France,  and  when  already  in 
Parliament,  contains  phrases  which  complete,  in  a  meas- 
ure, our  comprehension  of  the  psychological  crisis  through 
which  he  was  passing.  After  a  prolonged  political  disser- 
tation, he  turns  to  philosophy  and  religion,  confessing 
that  he  does  not  yet  understand  himself:  "But  for  the 
last  two  years  a  great  and  secret  process  is  at  work  within 
me,  which  renews  and  changes  my  convictions  on  every- 
thing. I  think  we  are  in  the  wrong,  and  that  man  has 
mixed  too  much  humanity  with  the  divine  ideal.  Reform 
is  more  indispensable  in  the  religious  world  than  in  that 
of  politics.  When  my  thoughts  are  ripe,  I  shall  let  them 
fall,  as  should  every  fruitful  tree."  * 

1  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  I,  p.  446.  f  Correspondance,  DXCVIII  and  DC. 
•  •  379  •  •. 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


But  the  great  philosophical  work  he  meditated  was 
never  attempted:  his  thoughts  never  "ripened"  suffi- 
ciently to  warrant  an  expos£  of  a  clear  and  definite  system 
of  philosophy.  Incapable  of  coordinating  his  religious 
convictions  with  his  philosophical  speculations,  he 
drifted  always  enveloped  in  a  spiritual  haze.  As  Dargaud 
puts  it:  "a  halting  stammer  between  a  legendary  creed 
and  a  philosophy."  *  In  vain  did  Dargaud  urge  him  to 
take  a  firm  stand  and  to  say  to  the  world:  "Keep  your 
temples.  I  should  be  horrified  to  persecute  you,  but  I  pro- 
claim to  you  that  nothing  is  divine  unless  it  be  God,  moral 
law,  and  the  immortality  of  the  soul."  In  vain  did  this 
same  mentor  suggest  another  version  of  the  "  Vicaire  Sa- 
voyard." "Why  should  you  not  return  from  your  vault 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre  as  Descartes  did  from  his  Dutch 
stove  with  the  fine  deism  of  the  Sages,  that  deism  which 
is  all  the  more  religious  because  exempt  from  all  supersti- 
tion? And  don't  think  that  the  word  of  our  individual 
man  carries  no  weight,  since  that  of  Descartes,  contained 
in  a  few  pages  of  the  'Discourse  on  Method,'  founded 
modern  thought,  and  that  of  Rousseau  vivified  that 
thought  by  giving  it  passion.  .  .  .  Dare  the  Truth,"  he 
continues,  "and  without  ceasing  to  be  a  poet,  you  will  be 
a  thinker "  2 

The  final  editing  of  the  "Voyage  en  Orient,"  so  differ- 
ent from  the  original  notes  both  in  tone  and  in  spirit,  as 
M.  Marechal's  monograph  has  demonstrated,3  was  done 
under  the  eyes,  almost  under  the  control,  of  Dargaud.4 

1  Des  Cognets,  op.  cit.,  p.  216. 

*  Letter  to  Lamartine  dated  December  I,  1833. 

3  Cf.  Le  veritable  voyage  en  Orient,  passim.    We  have  confined  oursehves 
almost  exclusively  to  the  psychological  side  of  Lamartine's  visit  to  the  East. 
The  work  bristles,  however,  with  often  startling  incidents  of  adventure, 
many  purely  fantastic  and  imaginary.    A  practically  unknown  narrative 
of  the  trip  was  published  in  1836,  under  the  same  title,  by  Dr.  Delaroiere, 
who  accompanied  the  party,  and  whose  accounts  differ  materially  as  to 
time,  place,  and  incident  from  those  of  his  friend  and  employer. 

4  Cf.  Des  Cognets,  op.  cit.,  p.  222. 

•  -  380  •  • 


VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 


Hence  it  is  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  fervent  Catholics 
were  often  distressed,  even  shocked,  by  what  to  some 
appeared  an  apostasy  of  the  dogma  the  author  of  the 
"Meditations,"  the  "poet  of  the  Throne  and  Altar,"  had 
been  supposed  to  cherish.1 

Alexandre  Vinet,  the  eminent  Swiss  divine  and  literary 
critic,  expounding  this  averred  apostasy,  exclaims:  "It 
has  been  frequently  stated  that  Lamartine's  religion  has 
changed  since  the  epoch  of  the  first 'Meditations.'  No, 
it  has  not  changed:  no,  M.  de  Lamartine  has  abjured 
nothing.  One  does  not  abjure  sentiments,  one  does  not 
abjure  dreams:  and  the  first  religion  of  the  poet  had 
no  more  consistency  than  the  last."  *  This  criticism  is 
severe,  and,  we  believe,  manifestly  unfair.  Lamartine's 
evolution  from  a  blind  acceptance  of  the  ecclesiastical 
dogmas  of  Christianity  to  that  of  a  rational  creed, 
founded  on  the  essential  principles  of  the  teachings  of 
Christ,  is  unquestionable.  But  to  maintain  that  the 
poet's  religion  was  never  founded  on  a  basis  more  con- 
sistent than  that  of  sentiments  and  dreams  is  totally  to 
misunderstand  and  misrepresent  the  fabric  of  Lamar- 
tine's metaphysical  concept.  Doubtless,  it  remains  true 
that  his  Catholicism  was  more  closely  allied  to  imagina- 
tion and  sentiment  than  conviction.  Yet,  when  he  grad- 
ually emancipated  himself  from  the  dogma  of  his  child- 
hood, his  independence  was  respectful,  his  sentiments 
remained  those  of  filial  submission.  Never  can  a  disdain- 
ful or  arrogant  word  be  traced  in  his  private  or  public 
utterances,  never  is  a  gesture  of  revolt  or  an  attempt  to 
proselytize  recorded  in  his  political  speeches  or  social 
intercourse.  If  no  other  explanation  is  forthcoming  con- 
cerning the  mystery  of  his  mental  attitude  when  alone 
on  his  knees  in  the  Holy  Sepulchre,  in  a  Presence  where 

1  Cf .  Roustan,  Lamartine  et  les  Catholigues  Lyonnais,  p.  67. 

*  Etudes  sur  la  literature  franf aise  au  XlX^^Siede,  vol.  u,  p.  131. 

•  -  381  •  v 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


most  highly  imaginative  minds  must  have  been  (and  even 
the  indifferent  are)  abnormally  sensitive  to  the  surround- 
ings, could  it  not  be  that  the  very  sincerity  of  Lamartine's 
fundamental  Christianity  caused  him  to  reject  as  super- 
fluous the  ecclesiastic  adjuncts  with  which  man  has  over- 
spread the  Word? 

M.  Sugier,  although  admitting  that  no  serious  compar- 
ison can  be  attempted  between  St.  Augustine  and  Lamar- 
tine,  cites,  as  characteristic  of  the  latter,  a  passage  from 
the  writings  of  the  great  African:  "There  was  lacking 
therein  [the  systems  of  the  ancient  philosophers]  the  name 
of  Christ,  the  name  which  on  my  mother's  knee  I  imbibed 
with  her  milk,  and  which  I  preserved  in  the  recesses  of  my 
heart,  and  I  realized  that  any  doctrine  whence  this  name 
be  absent,  no  matter  what  truth  it  contained,  with  what 
beauty  it  be  proclaimed,  could  never  satisfy  me."  l  The 
words  might  be  Lamartine's  own:  it  is  certain  he  would 
unhesitatingly,  at  any  period  of  his  life,  have  subscribed 
to  the  sentiment  expressed.  His  studies  in  comparative 
theology,  his  intercourse  with  Maronites,  Moslems,  and 
Greeks,  had  broadened  his  views,  even  considerably  aug- 
mented the  unorthodoxy  of  his  sentimental  attitude  to- 
wards the  Church  of  Rome,  but  the  spiritual  essence  of 
the  creed  he  revered  ever  remained  intact.  His  abhor- 
rence of  atheism  was  as  great  as  that  he  entertained  for 
political  and  social  anarchism :  he  recognized  the  necessity 
for  constituted  authority  in  the  spiritual  as  in  the  mun- 
dane domain.  But  liberty  of  conscience  was  to  him,  as  was 
the  liberty  of  the  individual  in  the  State,  a  sine  qua  non 
for  the  spiritual  and  material  progress  of  Humanity.  The- 
ocratic tyranny  in  the  hands  of  a  licensed  hierarchy  of 
priests  was  as  incompatible  with  the  true  conception  of 
liberty  as  that  of  a  dynastic  despot  or  of  the  demagogue 

1  Lamartine,  etude  morale,  p.  154;  cf.  also  Gaston  Boissier  in  Revue  des 
Deux  Mondes,  January  I,  1888. 

•  •  382  •  • 


VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 


the  rabble  exalts  to  power,  polluting  the  sacred  cause  of 
Freedom.1  Lamennais  and  his  doctrine  of  Consent  had 
given  place  to  Victor  Cousin,  whose  Eclecticism  was  in 
turn  to  yield  to  the  Rationalism  of  Instinct,  a  doctrine 
which,  although  it  did  not  reject  Revelation,  yet  subor- 
dinated it  to  instinctive  Reason.  All  these  phases  can  be 
readily  discerned  in  the  chapters  of  the  "Voyage  en 
Orient "  wherein  sociology  gradually  displaces  meta- 
physics, and  Lamartine's  thought  becomes  more  defi- 
nitely secular.  Yet,  if  Lamartine  returned  from  the  East 
less  of  a  Christian  in  the  theologian's  acceptance  of  the 
term,  the  sojourn  amid  the  various  creeds  with  which  he 
had  been  brought  into  intellectual  contact  had  increased 
his  innate  and  ineradicable  mysticism. 

The  pilgrimage  to  the  Holy  Shrines  and  scenes  of  Bibli- 
cal episodes  lasted  forty-five  days.  Lamartine  had,  in- 
deed, intended  pushing  on  to  Egypt  in  response  to  an 
invitation  from  Ibrahim  Pasha,  but  the  long  quarantine 
imposed  upon  travellers  from  the  plague-infested  dis- 
tricts of  Syria  caused  him  to  abandon  the  plan,  and  to 
return  to  Beyrout.  Thence,  on  November  12,  1832,  he- 
writes  Virieu  that  he  finds  Julia  much  improved  in  health. 
"I  had  a  cow-stable  built  communicating  with  her  room 
by  a  window  over  her  bed.  This  unctuous  air  and  the 
softness  of  the  climate  have  completely  restored  her."  * 
Alas!  the  remedy  was  to  prove  unavailing,  and  the  resto- 
ration to  health  only  apparent.  Nevertheless,  the  parents 
felt  so  reassured  that  in  the  same  letter  Lamartine  an- 
nounced that  his  wife  had  decided  to  start  on  a  fort- 
night's trip  to  the  ruins  of  Baalbek,  while  he  tended  the 
invalid.  On  her  return  Lamartine  proposed  to  start  out 
again,  himself  visiting  the  famous  ruins,  Damascus, 

1  Cf.  Le  Conseitter  du  Peuple,  "On  Atheism,"  passim;  also  Citoleux, 
op.  cit.t  p.  295. 

*  Correspondence,  DLXIX. 

.  •  383  -  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Palmyra,  and  the  Euphrates.  "I  hope  to  return  and  be 
with  you  towards  the  autumn  of  1833.  In  spite  of  the 
enormous  expense  inseparable  from  such  a  suite,  and 
eight  or  ten  charming  Arab  horses  in  my  stables,  one  of 
which  I  shall  bring  back  to  you,  keeping  several  for  my- 
self, my  finances  are  in  good  shape  and  will  amply  suffice 
for  my  enterprise." 

With  the  first  autumn  chills,  however,  the  child  began 
to  cough,  congestion  of  the  lungs  set  in,  and  within  five 
days,  on  December  6,  the  end  came.  "She  suffered  only 
a  few  hours,"  wrote  the  bereaved  father  to  Virieu,  "and 
when  the  end  was  near  she  was  unconscious.  I  have  had 
the  body  embalmed,  and  shall  bring  her  back  to  lay  be- 
side her  grandmother  and  ourselves,  at  Saint-Point."  1 

Julia's  death  provoked  in  Lamartine  neither  an  access  of 
pessimism  nor  of  mysticism :  a  proof  of  the  invincible  force 
of  his  rationalism. 2  His  grief  was  overwhelming,  his  sorrow 
inconsolable,  but  his  resignation  to  the  Divine  Will  must 
have  satisfied  the  most  exacting  orthodoxy.  The  final 
stanzas  of  the  poem  his  affliction  inspired  give  evidence  of 
the  sincerity  of  his  acquiescence  in  the  universal  law: 

"Tous  mes  jours  et  mes  nuits  sont  de  meTne  couleur; 
La  priere  en  mon  sein  avec  1'espoir  est  morte. 
Mais  c'est  Dieu  qui  t'6crase,  6  mon  &me !  Sois  forte, 
Baise  sa  main  sous  la  douleur!"  * 

That  Julia's  condition  was  from  the  start  far  more  seri- 
ous than  the  passages  in  the  printed  "Voyage"  suggest  is 
patent  from  a  comparison  with  the  unpublished  notes  in 
the  Bibliotheque  nationale.  Especially  at  Malta  (July, 
1832)  was  the  crisis  prolonged  and  alarming.  "We  hesi- 
tate," wrote  Lamartine  in  his  diary,  "we  are  deliberating, 

1  Correspondence,  DLXX.  *  Cf.  Citoleux,  op.  cit.,  p.  297. 

*  "Gethsemani,  ou  la  Mort  de  Julia,"  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  n,  p.  142; 
cf.  also  Correspondance,  DLXX:  "I  seek  to  conform  my  will  to  the  Divine 
Will,  the  only  one  I  can  henceforth  worship.  I  recognize  this  Will  as 
stronger  and  better  than  our  own,  even  when  it  crushes  us."  Letter  to 
Virieu,  December  20,  1832. 

...  384  -. 


VOYAGE  TO  THE  ORIENT 


whether  we  shall  not  return  to  the  coast  of  France  or  that 
of  Italy.  One  consideration  alone  detains  us:  a  quaran- 
tine of  between  fifteen  and  twenty  days  is  enforced  on  the 
return  to  France.  In  six  days  we  can  reach  the  coast  of 
Greece,  and  thence  in  four  days  be  in  Smyrna.  There  we 
shall  find  a  good  climate,  soft  and  pure  air,  and  smiling 
country  places,  far  from  the  sea,  to  rent."  l  The  "Voy- 
age" terms  this  illness  an  "indisposition,"  but  also  points 
to  Smyrna  as  the  ultima  Thule  of  the  pilgrimage.  "There 
I  shall  settle  my  wife  and  child,  and  go  alone  across  Asia 
Minor  to  visit  the  other  parts  of  the  Orient."  2  M.  Chris- 
tian Marechal 3  is  inclined  to  the  belief  that  Lamartine 
sought  by  minimizing  the  gravity  of  his  child's  condition, 
when  writing  for  the  public,  to  attenuate  his  own  respon- 
sibility. Be  this  as  it  may,  there  would  seem  to  be  little 
doubt  that  the  girl's  days  were  numbered,  and  that  a 
return  to  France  or  the  continuation  of  the  voyage  in 
search  of  a  more  propitious  climate  could  have  made  no 
material  difference.  Lamartine  had  no  self-reproaches  to 
make,  no  selfish  motives  which  might  add  to  the  bitter- 
ness of  his  loss.  If  under  the  circumstances  the  journey 
had  been  an  imprudence  in  the  eyes  of  some,  others 
(among  them  the  mother  herself)  had  seen  in  it  a  possible 
alleviation,  if  not  a  cure,  of  the  fell  disease  from  which  the 
child  suffered.  When  writing  to  his  aunt,  the  Gomtesse 
de  Villars,  on  January  10,  1833,  Lamartine,  it  is  true, 
pathetically  cries:  "Combien  je  deplore  ce  voyage!"  As 
the  blow  had  to  fall  he  would  have  preferred  to  be  with 
his  own  people.  But  he  adds  that  he  had  at  least  the  sad 
consolation  of  not  attributing  the  calamity  to  the  voyage, 
and  the  painful  certitude  that  it  must  inevitably  have 
overtaken  them  had  they  remained  quietly  in  Macon.4 

1  MSS.,  p.  59  verso,  60  recto.  *  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  I,  p.  83. 

1  Le  veritable  voyage  en  Orient,  p.  55. 

4  Correspondence,  DLXXIII;  cf.  also  Charles  Alexandra,  Madame  de  Lamer- 
tine,  p.  103. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 
SPIRITUAL  EMANCIPATION 

STUNNED  and  broken  by  the  loss  of  their  only  child,  the 
parents  lingered  on  at  Beyrout  from  December,  1832,  till 
the  end  of  March,  1833.  The  shock  had  caused  Madame 
de  Lamartine  not  only  intense  mental  but  also  great  phys- 
ical suffering,  and  she  was  incapable  of  even  the  slightest 
effort.  Gradually  the  husband  and  friends,  among  whom 
was  the  devoted  Am£dee  de  Parseval,  nursed  her  back  to 
life  and  a  resigned  acceptance  of  the  sorrow  she  was  to 
bear  with  such  admirable  fortitude,  alone  finding  relief  in 
her  charities  and  unparalleled  devotion  to  the  genius 
whose  brilliant  future  she  helped  to  realize. 

The  Alceste,  which  had  carried  the  travellers  from  Mar- 
seilles, was  due  for  the  return  voyage  only  in  May.  Mean- 
while nothing  could  be  done  but  await  as  patiently  as 
possible  an  opportunity  for  breaking  with  associations 
well-nigh  unbearable.  Wishing  to  spare  his  wife  the  an- 
guish of  travelling  in  the  same  vessel  which  carried  the 
remains  of  their  child,  Lamartine  cast  about  for  an  occa- 
sion to  charter  a  transport  which  should  take  his  party 
by  sea  to  Constantinople.  Thence,  it  had  been  decided, 
the  travellers  would  make  their  way  to  France  overland, 
through  Macedonia,  Servia,  Hungary,  and  Austria.  It 
was  only  after  long  delay,  however,  that  eventually  a 
small  vessel,  the  Sophie,  was  secured,  and  on  April  15 
the  homeward  voyage  began. 

In  the  meantime,  the  first  poignancy  of  their  grief 
abated,  and  Madame  de  Lamartine  being  sufficiently  re- 
stored, the  stricken  parents  sought  relief  in  short  expedi- 
tions in  the  surrounding  country.  Lamartine  had  con- 

.  •  386  -  . 


SPIRITUAL  EMANCIPATION 


tracted  with  his  publishers  in  Paris  for  a  book  on  the 
Orient,  and  Baalbek,  Damascus,  the  Lebanon,  and  other 
places  in  the  neighbourhood  still  remained  unvisited. 
He  must  do  honour  to  his  signature  and  compile  the  requi- 
site number  of  pages  an  eager  public  was  already  looking 
forward  to.  On  March  28,  with  a  caravan  of  twenty-six 
horses  and  a  large  escort  the  party  left  Beyrout  to  visit 
the  ruins  of  Baalbek,  returning  by  way  of  Damascus.  It 
was  on  the  last  spurs  of  the  Lebanon,  whence  a  view  of  the 
sea  burst  upon  the  travellers  who  had  selected  the  spot 
for  the  midday  halt,  that  a  courier  bearing  letters  from 
Europe  overtook  Lamartine.  Enclosed  in  a  communica- 
tion from  the  French  Consul  at  Beyrout  was  a  letter  from 
Madame  de  Coppens  informing  her  brother  that  he  had 
been  elected  deputy  from  Bergues  on  January  7, 1833.  In 
his  "Voyage  en  Orient"  the  author  exclaims:  "A  fresh 
affliction  added  to  so  many.  Unfortunately  I  desired  this 
mission  at  a  former  time,  and  had  solicited  a  charge 
I  cannot  decline  to-day  without  ingratitude.  I  will  go: 
but  how  I  now  crave  that  the  chalice  might  be  spared 
me."  1  Years  later,  in  the  preface  of  the  volumes  con- 
taining his  public  speeches,  Lamartine  says  that,  after 
reading  the  letters  notifying  him  of  his  election  to  Parlia- 
ment, he  changed  his  route,  which  was  to  lead  him  to 
Egypt,  and  started  home  via  Constantinople.2  This  as- 
sertion is,  however,  manifestly  an  afterthought,  for  on 
April  9,  1833,  when  the  message  reached  him,  all  his  plans 
had  been  made  for  the  return  to  Europe  by  way  of  Tur- 
key and  the  Danube.  "I  give  up  touching  in  Egypt,"  he 
wrote,  "as  it  would  delay  us  until  October."  s 

The  preface  of  the  "Tribune"  frankly  admits  that  it 
was  "une  Election  de  famille"  which  his  sister  had  suc- 

1  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  II,  p.  260. 

*  La  Tribune  deM.de  Lamartine,  vol.  I,  p.  12. 

1  Correspondence,  DLXXIII. 

.  .  387  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


cessfully  engineered  at  Bergues.  The  influence  of  his 
brother-in-law,  and  the  unremitting  efforts  of  Madame 
Angebert  and  other  personal  friends  who  had  been  instru- 
mental in  pushing  his  candidacy  in  1831,  had  undoubt- 
edly achieved  the  result.  M.  Paul  Lemaire,  his  fortunate 
opponent  at  the  polls,  resigned  office  in  June,  just  prior  to 
Lamartine's  departure  for  the  Orient.  This  resignation 
had,  however,  been  kept  secret  owing  to  political  com- 
plications, and  it  was  only  five  months  later  that  the 
seat  became  effectively  vacant.1  Between  November  and 
January,  when  the  election  took  place,  ten  candidates 
had  presented  themselves ;  when  announcing  the  tenth  to 
the  Prefect,  M.  Gaspard,  the  official  agent,  on  December 
25  added  an  eleventh  name :  that  of  Alphonse  de  Lamar- 
tine.  Of  course  his  relations  and  friends  had  been  moving 
Heaven  and  earth  in  favour  of  the  absentee,  and  in  view 
of  the  undesirable  opinions  held  by  some  of  the  candi- 
dates, it  is  probable  the  Government  at  least  tacitly  con- 
nived in  furthering  the  chances  of  so  distinguished  a  man 
as  Lamartine,  to  whom  also  family  connection  in  the  dis- 
trict lent  substantial  weight.  Nevertheless,  the  victory 
was  a  more  brilliant  triumph  than  even  the  most  sanguine 
had  dared  to  hope  for.  When  the  poll  was  taken,  Lamar- 
tine, out  of  a  possible  349  votes,  received  196,  M.  de  Bail- 
Ion  scoring  but  80,  while  the  two  other  candidates  ad- 
mitted to  ballot  obtained  respectively  60  and  13.* 

"I  will  go!"  said  Lamartine  when  the  news  reached 
him  in  the  far-off  Lebanon  forest.  But  we  know  that  the 
joy  with  which  he  would,  a  few  months  earlier,  have  wel- 
comed this  crowning  desire  of  his  prime,  was  now  as  bit- 
ter ashes.  His  first  cry  of  despair  was  sincere.  Among 
letters  of  the  period  is  one  to  M.  Aubel,  at  Macon,  to 

1  Cochin,  Lamartine  et  la  Flandre,  p.  177;  contra,  Correspondence,  DLXXI, 
letter  to  Virieu  (undated)  in  which  he  says:  "II  est  possible  que  je  suive 
jusqu'en  £gypte  quelques  jours." 

2  Cochin,  op.  cit.,  p.  194. 


SPIRITUAL  EMANCIPATION 


whom  he  writes  from  Constantinople  on  June  25:  "I  re- 
turn the  most  unhappy  of  men,  my  wife  more  miserable 
even  than  I.  I  discern  nothing  in  the  future  but  disen- 
chantment, solitude,  and  despair.  My  life  is  finished,  and 
I  would  not  begin  it  over  again  at  such  a  price.  ...  I  de- 
sired political  activity,  I  desire  it  no  more;  I  have  no 
longer  sufficient  faith  in  myself  and  in  events  to  commu- 
nicate it  to  others.  I  earnestly  wish  that  a  dissolution  of 
the  Chambers  dispense  me,  by  no  fault  of  my  own,  from 
listlessly  perorating  on  the  vanities  of  the  century  which 
no  longer  move  me."  *  The  same  plaint  occurs  in  the 
printed  pages  of  the  "Voyage"  when  the  news  of  his  elec- 
tion reaches  him :  "  A  life  of  contemplation,  of  philosophy, 
of  poetry  and  solitude,  would  be  the  only  repose  my  heart 
can  find  before  it  breaks  completely."  2  From  the  pen  of 
another  this  would  rank  as  pessimism  of  the  darkest  hue, 
but  Lamartine  has  accustomed  us  to  fits  of  despondency, 
none  the  less  sincere  because  temporary.  In  the  present 
instance  the  wound  was  too  recent,  his  grief  too  poignant, 
to  permit  of  the  reassertion  of  the  optimism  which  dwelt 
in  the  depths  of  his  buoyant  temperament.  Time  alone 
could  soften  the  anguish  of  his  heart  and  restore  the 
equilibrium  of  his  mental  poise. 

Meanwhile,  on  April  15,  1833,  the  parents,  after  a  final 
farewell  to  the  house  which  had  been  the  last  home  of 
their  idolized  daughter,  turned  disconsolately  to  face  the 
world  once  more.  It  had  been  decided  that  Madame  de 
Lamartine  should  go  to  Jerusalem,  where  she  desired  to 
pray  at  the  Sacred  Shrines  before  forever  turning  her 
back  on  scenes  her  simple  and  unquestioning  faith  held 
holy.  The  Sophie  set  sail  from  Beyrout  on  a  sea  of  glass, 
her  prow  pointed  for  Jaffa,  whence  an  excursion  was  made 
to  Jerusalem  and  Bethlehem.  Lamartine  remained  alone 
at  Jaffa  during  the  days  the  party  was  absent.  Why  he 
1  Correspondance,  DLXXIV.  *  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  u,  p.  261. 

•  •  389  -  • 


LIFE  "OF  LAMARTINE 


did  not  himself  visit  Bethlehem,  which  the  plague  had 
prevented  his  seeing  when  in  this  district  a  few  months 
earlier,  remains  a  mystery  to  which  neither  the  manu- 
script notes  nor  the  published  account  give  any  clue. 
"Five  days  passed  in  wandering  alone  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. ...  I  write  verses  on  the  only  subject  which  occu- 
pies my  thoughts.  .  .  ."  And  he  adds  that  he  would  like 
to  remain  there  always,  for  it  is  an  ideal  resting  spot  "for 
a  man  weary  of  life,  and  desiring  nothing  more  than  a 
place  in  the  sun."  *  The  loss  of  his  child  is,  of  course,  one 
of  the  factors,  perhaps  the  chief  apparent  one,  in  this 
apathy  of  mind  and  body.  But  there  were  others:  the 
loss  of  beliefs  which  had  been  sacred  to  childhood,  the 
destruction  of  ideals  which  had  illumined  his  faith  in 
the  future. 

The  reader  will  remember  Lamartine's  pronounced  en- 
thusiasm when  Lamennais's  "  Essai  sur  1' indifference  en 
matiere  de  religion"  first  became  known  to  him  in  i8i8.2 
Since  then  he  had  met  the  abbe  and  become  an  eager  con- 
vert to  the  principles  of  his  religious  and  political  philos- 
ophy. Writing  in  1856,  Lamartine  gives  us  to  understand 
that  their  opinions  were  too  diametrically  opposed  to  al- 
low of  intimacy:  "When  I  was  a  royalist  in  sentiment,  he 
was  an  absolutist,  and  when  I  was  a  republican,  he  was  a 
demagogue."  s  But  Lamartine  forgets  the  repeated  refer- 
ences in  his  letters  to  friends,  in  1818  and  following  years, 
to  this  "  Pascal  ressusciteV* 4  The  influence  of  Lamennais 
was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  to  which  Lamartine  was 
subjected:  the  abbe's  reaching  out  towards  liberalism  in 
State  and  Church,  his  revolt  against  the  fetters  which 
bound  human  thought  and  the  freedom  of  religious  sen- 
timent, found  a  ready  echo  in  the  poet's  soul.  M.  Chris- 

1  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  n,  p.  286.  *  Cf.  Correspondance,  CLin. 

1  Cf.  Cours  de  litterature,  vol.  II,  pp.  269  and  272. 
4  Correspondance,  CLXXXUI. 

•  •  390  •  • 


SPIRITUAL  EMANCIPATION 


tian  Mar6chal,  whose  patient  and  intelligent  researches 
in  the  coordination  of  the  manuscript  notes  and  printed 
pages  of  the  "Voyage  en  Orient "  have  been  mentioned, 
believes  that  the  sudden  change  so  clearly  noticeable  in 
Lamartine's  attitude  towards  Catholic  dogma  was  due  to 
news  which  reached  him  from  Europe  on  his  return  to 
Beyrout  on  November  1 1, 1832.  Among  the  letters  await- 
ing his  arrival  was  one  containing  details  of  the  condem- 
nation by  means  of  the  Encyclical  of  August  15,  1832 
("Mirari  vos  "),  in  which  Pope  Gregory  XVI  repudiated 
Lamennais's  doctrines,  disavowing  the  alliance  between 
the  Church  and  Liberalism  that  "1'Avenir,"  the  abba's 
organ,  had  persistently  upheld.1  Although  responsibility 
for  such  a  positive  assertion  must  rest  with  M.  Marechal, 
there  is  foundation  for  the  belief  that  Lamartine  was 
deeply  chagrined  by  the  action  of  the  Roman  Curia, 
which  shattered  his  own  precepts,  as  exposed  in  "La 
Politique  rationnelle,"  and  his  aspirations  towards  the 
reformation  and  extension  of  Catholic  social  and  religious 
dogmas  and  their  application  to  the  political  require- 
ments of  the  hour.  Before  his  departure  for  the  Orient 
Lamartine  had  drawn  much  of  his  philosophical  and  reli- 
gious inspiration  from  "1'Avenir";  on  his  return  Lamen- 
nais's "Paroles  d'un  Croyant"  (which  he  had  read  in  the 
manuscript)  undoubtedly  influenced  the  final  text  of  his 
book.  On  February  17,  1834,  he  wrote  Virieu  that  he  was 
overwhelmed  with  work  in  connection  with  an  undertak- 
ing in  which  Ballanche,  the  Abb6  Lamennais,  and  others 
were  to  collaborate.  This  association,  composed  for  the 
most  part  of  young  men  of  various  political  shades, 
drawn,  presumably  by  Lamennais,  to  the  common  ground 
of  advanced  thought,  proposed  to  issue  to  the  public  their 
views  on  modern  government,*  and  it  may  be  safely  as- 

1  Cf.  Marechal,  Lamennais  et  Lamartine,  p.  277. 
*  Cf.  Correspondence,  DXC. 

.  .  391   .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


sumed  that  the  Abb£'s  theories,  shared  by  Lamartine, 
formed  the  basis  of  their  political  philosophy. 

It  is  possible  that  the  solitary  ruminations  at  Jaffa, 
perhaps  even  his  disinclination  to  revisit  Jerusalem  and 
see  Bethlehem,  were  connected  with  the  news  from 
France  concerning  the  Abb£  Lamennais's  disgrace  at 
Rome.  There  is,  however,  no  documentary  proof  to  sub- 
stantiate the  claim,  which  must  rest  principally,  one  is 
inclined  to  think,  on  evidence  afforded  by  subsequent 
actions.  But  the  manuscript  notes  are  there  to  prove  that 
after  his  return  to  Beyrout,  Lamartine's  leanings  towards 
spiritual  emancipation  from  the  inflexible  dogma  of 
Roman  Catholicism  became  accentuated.  Both  Lamen- 
nais  and  Dargaud  had  left  no  stone  unturned  to  enlist  him 
in  the  ranks  of  the  new  philosophy  which  sought  to  plant 
the  banner  of  Christian  Democracy  in  the  arena  of  prac- 
tical politics.  Their  hour  of  triumph  seemed  at  hand. 

On  the  return  of  the  travellers,  on  April  26, l  a  fresh 
start  was  made.  Rough  seas  and  contrary  winds  pro- 
longed the  voyage,  via  Rhodes  and  Smyrna,  and  it  was 
only  on  May  20,  1833,  t^at  the  weary  party  finally  dis- 
embarked at  Constantinople. 

Vested  in  his  new  dignity  of  a  legislator,  Lamartine 
devoted  a  considerable  portion  of  the  two  months  spent 
in  Constantinople  to  the  study  of  the  political  and  diplo- 
matic history  of  Turkey.  During  this  period  he  collected 
at  first  hand  material,  not  only  for  his  "History  of  Tur- 
key," in  six  large  volumes,2  but  for  the  various  speeches 
on  the  Oriental  question  which  he  delivered  in  Parlia- 
ment, and  which  gave  evidence  of  a  very  comprehensive 
grasp  of  the  vexed  international  problems  then  as  now 
facing  European  diplomacy.  Analyzing  the  "Voyage  en 
Orient,"  the  late  £douard  Rod  believed  that  perhaps  the 
most  striking  characteristic  is  the  constant  and  always 
1  Alexandra,  Madame  de  Lamartine,  p.  109.  *  CEuvres  completes  (1863). 
•  •  392  -  • 


SPIRITUAL  EMANCIPATION 


intelligent  observation  of  the  races,  habits,  traditions, 
and  institutions  with  which  the  writer  comes  in  contact. 
"The  future  statesman  which  Lamartine  is  to  become," 
writes  M.  Rod,  "reveals  himself  completely  in  certain 
fragments  of  this  work,  at  once  by  that  generosity  of  in- 
tention which  will  be  his  force,  and  by  the  tendency  to- 
wards phraseology  and  sentimentalism,  which  will  later 
so  often  paralyze,  or  rather  sterilize,  his  action."  1  The 
criticism  is  pungent  both  in  a  literary  and  psychological 
sense.  The  "Voyage  en  Orient"  is  a  prose-poem,  not  a 
mere  circumstantial  narrative  of  facts :  it  is  largely  imag- 
inative, its  chronology  is  misleading,  and  topographical 
errors  abound.  Yet  few  of  Lamartine's  works  reveal  more 
fully  the  soul  of  the  man.  Read  as  we  can  now  read  it, 
thanks  to  M.  Marshal's  coordination  of  the  published 
text  and  the  manuscript  notes,  it  constitutes  an  invalu- 
able document  for  the  seeker  who  strives  to  penetrate 
beneath  the  surface  and  reconcile  facts  with  half-truths. 
"  I  am  no  longer  the  same,  physically  or  morally,"  wrote 
Lamartine  from  Constantinople  towards  the  end  of  his 
sojourn;  "even  my  philosophy,  if  a  miserable  human 
thought  merits  this  appellation,  is  no  longer  what  it 
was."  2  The  gradual  metamorphosis  of  his  spiritual  na- 
ture has  been  noted:  the  evolution  becomes  ever  more 
apparent  when  Lamartine  assumes  the  responsibilities  of 
statesmanship. 

"Were  it  not  for  my  old  father,  I  would  have  remained 
indefinitely  in  Syria  or  Egypt,"  wrote  Lamartine  to  Vi- 
rieu  from  Semlin  after  his  eventful  journey  through  the 
Balkans.3  But  family  ties  and  the  political  mission  he 
had  accepted  called  him  home.  On  July  25,  1833,  the 
start  was  made.  M.  de  Parseval  and  Dr.  Delaroiere  had 

1  fidouard  Rod,  Lamartine,  p.  175. 

*  Letter  to  M.  Aubel,  Correspondance,  DLXXIV. 

•  Correspondance,  DLXXV. 

•  •  393  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


returned  to  France  by  sea,  M.  de  Capmas  alone  remain- 
ing with  the  Lamartines.  Five  native  travelling  carriages, 
each  drawn  by  four  horses,  were  secured.  In  addition  the 
caravan  included  twelve  saddle-  and  pack-horses  for 
service  in  those  portions  of  the  route  where  wheels  were 
useless.  The  caravan  expected  to  make  Belgrade  in 
twenty-five  days,  but  owing  to  sickness  and  delays  of  one 
kind  or  another  it  was  only  on  September  3  that  the  ex- 
hausted travellers  reached  the  Danube.1 

The  version  which  Lamartine  gives  in  his  published 
volumes  concerning  the  sickness  which  laid  him  low 
in  the  Bulgarian  village  of  Yenikeui  differs  materially 
from  the  account  lie  wrote  his  friend  Virieu  from  Semlin 
on  September  5  (1833).  Yet  there  would  appear  to  be 
little  doubt  that  the  poet  was  grievously  stricken  by 
pleurisy  and  a  low  fever  which  for  some  days  put  his  life 
in  danger.  The  native  chiefs  and  princelings,  however, 
showed  every  attention,  sending  doctors  and  medicines 
from  considerable  distances,  while  the  Bulgarian  villagers 
ransacked  the  neighbourhood  for  the  leeches  which  even- 
tually gave  relief.  During  the  crisis,  believing  the  end  to 
be  near,  Lamartine  confided  his  last  wishes  to  De  Capmas, 
and  begged  that  his  body  be  laid  to  rest  beneath  the  giant 
tree  which  overshadowed  the  miserable  hut  in  which  he 
lay. 

At  Semlin  a  fresh  annoyance  awaited  the  party,  as 
the  Hungarian  authorities  insisted  on  a  ten  days'  quar- 
antine in  the  lazzaretto.  This  enforced  delay,  however, 
permitted  both  Lamartine  and  M.  de  Capmas  to  re- 
cover their  exhausted  strength.  Lamartine,  in  his  letter 
to  Virieu,  professes  to  regret  the  return  to  civilization. 
For  ninety  days  he  had  received  no  news  from  France, 
and  now  took  little  interest  in  politics,  having  progressed, 
as  he  put  it,  "from  contempt  to  indifference."  "If  any 
1  Cf.  Voyage  en  Orient,  vol.  n,  p.  456. 
•  •  394  •  •. 


SPIRITUAL  EMANCIPATION 


interest  still  remains  for  me  in  this  world,"  he  pessimisti- 
cally exclaims,  "it  is  of  a  totally  philosophical  and  reli- 
gious nature,  but  in  a  more  elevated  sense  than  I  had 
conceived  until  now."  * 

In  due  time  the  wayfarers  reached  Vienna,  and  thence, 
by  easy  stages,  M&con.  Hardly  taking  time  to  greet  his 
relations,  and  without  communicating  the  cause  of  his 
absence  to  his  wife,  Lamartine  started  out  alone  for 
Marseilles,  to  receive  and  fetch  home  the  body  of  his 
daughter  Julia,  which  the  Akeste  had  brought  from 
Beyrout.  On  November  6,  1833,  at  Saint- Point,  still 
alone  and  with  his  own  hands,  the  grief -stricken  father 
laid  the  coffin  beside  the  remains  of  his  mother,  in  the 
vault  built  into  the  park  wall,  under  the  shadow  of  the 
village  church.2  On  the  morrow  he  urged  Dargaud  to 
come  from  Paray-le-Monial  and  visit  him  at  Monceau  for 
a  few  days.  During  their  walks,  and  in  the  solitude  of 
the  poet's  study,  the  talk  drifted  from  the  chapters  of 
the  "Voyage,"  which  Lamartine  was  then  preparing  for 
publication,  to  the  attitude  he  would  assume  when  taking 
his  seat  in  Parliament,  and  the  intimacy  begun  a  couple 
of  years  earlier  became  even  more  closely  cemented. 
Knowing  his  friend  as  he  did,  Dargaud  would  seem  to 
have  entertained  some  doubts  as  to  how  great  a  part 
imagination  played  in  some  portions  of  the  work;  espe- 
cially Lamartine's  descriptions  of  the  Maronites,  their 
customs  and  religious  tenets.  At  a  later  date  all  hesi- 
tancy in  accepting  the  statements  made  was  dissipated 
by  the  arrival  at  Saint-Point  of  Father  Mourad,  a  Mar- 
onite  priest  whose  hospitality  Lamartine  had  enjoyed 
in  the  Lebanon,  and  who  corroborated  in  detail  the 
author's  narrative  and  philosophical  appreciations.* 

1  Correspondence,  DLXXV. 

1  Ibid.,  DLXXVIII;  cf.  also  Des  Cognets,  op. «'/.,  p.  215;  Dargaud's  Journal. 
1  Cf.  Falconnet,  Lamartine,  p.  57,  who  cites  an  unpublished  letter  from 
Dargaud  to  the  historian  Michelet;  also,  Des  Cognets,  op.  cit.,  p.  227. 

.  .  395  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


Dargaud's  presence  at  Monceau  unquestionably  aided 
Lamartine  to  regain  possession  of  himself.  Physical 
and  mental  lassitude  so  beset  him  that  he  would  will- 
ingly have  renounced  the  honour  thrust  upon  him  by 
the  electorate  at  Bergues.  "I  am  negotiating  to  retire, 
if  I  can  do  so  with  decency  and  honour,  from  the  Northern 
mission,"  he  wrote  Virieu.1  But  family  and  friends  alike 
urged  him  to  make  an  effort,  and  his  wife,  sacrificing 
her  own  inclinations,  added  her  voice  to  theirs.  Mean- 
while Lamartine  found,  if  not  solace,  at  least  distraction, 
in  the  preparation  of  notes  jotted  down  at  haphazard 
during  the  recent  journey.  These  sixteen  months  of 
travel  had  necessitated  considerable  outlay,  it  is  true, 
for  the  poet's  progress  had  been  one  of  almost  royal 
state.  Lamartine,  however,  asserts  that  the  trip,  "un- 
dertaken with  the  apparent  sumptuosity  of  a  fortune 
without  limits,"  cost  him  in  reality  nothing.  And  he 
explains  himself  as  follows:  "I  had  at  that  timt  an  in- 
come of  eighty  thousand  francs :  two  years  of  this  income 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  francs. 
On  my  return  I  sold  the  four  volumes  of  my  notes  of 
travel  to  my  publisher,  M.  Gosselin,  for  eighty  thou- 
sand francs.  Furthermore,  I  brought  back  with  me 
precious  weapons,  luxurious  carpets,  Arab  horses,  Ori- 
ental stuffs,  etc.,  to  the  value  of  about  forty  thousand 
francs.  Total  of  my  receipts  for  two  years:  about  two 
hundred  and  eighty  thousand  francs.  Now,  the  total  of 
my  expenditure  during  these  two  years,  including  the 
charter  of  the  two  vessels  which  conveyed  me  and 
awaited  me  in  harbours,  horses,  escorts,  guides,  etc., 
did  not  exceed  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  francs. 
As  a  result  this  voyage,  instead  of  ruining  me,  left  me 
with  an  effective  surplus  of  about  one  hundred  and  sixty 
thousand  francs.  Such  is  the  truth."  2 

1  Correspondance,  DLXXVIII.  *  Lamartine  par  lui-m$me,  p.  333. 

•  •  396  •  • 


SPIRITUAL  EMANCIPATION 


This  mode  of  calculating  profit  and  loss  is  highly  char- 
acteristic, and  paints  faithfully  the  true  Lamartinian 
financial  optimism.  Unfortunately  there  are  flaws  in  his 
reasoning,  and  all  critics  agree  in  attributing  to  the 
Eastern  voyage  the  palpable  beginnings  of  Lamartine's 
never-ending  and  always  increasing  financial  embarrass- 
ments. "Je  vis  de  mon  libraire,"  writes  the  harassed 
visionary  a  few  months  later  (February,  1834).  And 
this,  in  spite  of  the  recent  sale,  for  eighty  thousand 
francs,  of  the  manuscript  of  the  volumes  of  travel.1  M. 
J.  Caplain  has  published  the  correspondence  exchanged 
between  his  grandfather,  M.  fidouard  Dubois,  and  La- 
martine.2  Therein  the  reader  will  find  many  curious  de- 
tails concerning  the  financial  transactions  in  which  the 
poet  became  involved,  together  with  vivid  proof  of  his 
spotless  integrity,  and  the  vast  (often  reckless)  philan- 
thropic undertakings  which  depleted  his  exchequer  and 
irretrievably  compromised  his  very  substantial  patri- 
mony. On  more  than  one  occasion  M.  Dubois  was  in- 
strumental in  saying  Lamartine  from  the  disastrous 
effects  of  his  prodigality,  and  in  repairing,  at  least  tem- 
porarily, the  breaches  made  in  his  capital.  From  1828 
until  Lamartine's  death  (1869)  the  closest  friendship 
existed  between  these  two  men  of  widely  differing  tem- 
peraments. In  Dubois  Lamartine  found  a  man  of  busi- 
ness who  combined  a  sound  practical  sense  of  values  with 
boundless  admiration  and  affection  for  his  frien(J  and 
client. 

"Faites  graver  sur  mon  tombeau 
Apres  la  parole  divine: 
II  fut  1'ami  de  Lamartine." 

Such  was  the  epitaph  M.  Dubois  begged  his  survivors 
to  engrave  upon  his  tomb,  considering  the  fact  of  this 

1  Correspondence,  DLXXXVIII  and  DXC. 

*  Edottard  Dubois  et  Lamartine,  privately  circulated. 

.  .  397  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


lifelong  intimacy  as  his  chief  title  to  fame.  M.  Dubois 
died  in  1895,  in  his  ninety-fourth  year,  surrounded  by  a 
numerous  progeny  among  whom  he  lived  in  patriarchal 
simplicity,  five  generations  inhabiting  the  ancient  manor- 
house  near  Cluny.  Venerated  by  this  motley  swarm  of 
descendants,  the  ever-cheerful  old  gentleman  was  wont 
to  say,  when  the  turmoil  became  intolerable:  "Ma  fille, 
va  dire  a  ta  fille  que  la  fille  de  sa  fille  pleure!"  l 

With  the  return  from  the  East  and  his  entrance  on  a 
parliamentary  career,  the  first  phase  of  Lamartine's  life 
(1790-1833)  may  be  said  to  have  ended.  He  now  be- 
came immersed  in  activities  for  the  discharge  of  which 
the  last  decade  had  been,  it  is  true,  a  period  of  more  or 
less  constant  preparation,  but  the  fulfilment  of  which 
demanded  ever-greater  and  more  continuous  application. 
Nevertheless,  the  period  with  which  we  now  have  to 
deal  (1833-48)  was  also  one  of  intense  literary  activity. 
During  these  years,  indeed,  Lamartine  produced  the 
most  important  of  his  poetical  and  prose  writings :  those 
upon  which  his  reputation  as  the  greatest  lyrical  and 
most  prolific  literary  genius  of  the  nineteenth  century 
may  be  said  to  rest.  There  will  always  be  many  readers 
to  whom  the  first  and  second  "Meditations"  and  the 
"Harmonies"  embody  Lamartine's  most  soulful  accents. 
But  the  riper  talent  and  psychological  advance  evi- 
denced in  "Jocelyn"  and  "La  Chute  d'un  Ange,"  to- 
gether with  the  intensely  human  pathos  of  the  "  Recueille- 
ments,"  appeal  to-day  to  an  even  larger  audience.  Add 
to  this  not  inconsiderable  output  "Raphael,"  the  "Con- 
fidences," and  the  monumental  "History  of  the  Giron- 
dins,"  to  mention  but  the  most  important,  and  it  will 
be  recognized  that  politics  alone  did  not  suffice  to  absorb 
Lamartine's  phenomenal  intellectual  energies. 
1  Cf.  Caplain,  op.  cit.,  p.  7. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 
DEPUTY  FROM  BERGUES 

LEAVING  the  peaceful  rusticity  of  the  Chateau  de 
Monceau,  from  the  terrace  of  which  Mont  Blanc  looms 
up  on  the  distant  horizon,  Lamartine  set  out  for  Paris 
in  the  middle  of  December,  1833. 

A  new  era  was  opening  before  him:  one  in  which  the 
genius  of  the  man  was  to  be  proved  on  lines  diametrically 
opposite  to  those  on  which  his  unchallenged  literary  tal- 
ents had  borne  him  to  fame.  Did  he  possess  the  more 
prosaic  and  practical  requisites  of  success  in  the  politi- 
cal arena?  Such  was  the  question  his  friends  asked 
themselves,  many  barely  concealing  their  scepticism. 
On  the  other  hand,  his  enemies  loudly  ridiculed  the  ver- 
sifier's incursion  into  a  realm  so  distinct  from  the  ele- 
giac shades  beneath  which  his  muse  was  supposed  to 
dwell.  The  mordant  verses  of  "N6m6sis,"  ironically 
urging  the  discomfited  candidate  at  Bergues  to  seek  the 
suffrages  of  the  electors  in  Jericho,  were  still  fresh  in 
the  minds  of  French  politicians;  while  the  publication  of 
the  "  Essai  sur  la  politique  rationnelle"  had,  to  the  think- 
ing of  nine  tenths  of  sceptics  and  scoffers,  merely  proved 
the  Utopian  fallacy  of  the  recently  elected  deputy's  pro- 
fession of  principles.  The  divine  inflatus  they  were  forced 
to  admire  in  the  poet  was  reckoned  by  these  a  danger- 
ous element,  the  conveyancer  of  sophisms  intolerable  with- 
in the  domain  of  practical  politics.  Let  the  shoemaker 
stick  to  his  last  and  the  bard  to  his  lyre,  or  ridicule,  if  not 
disaster,  must  overtake  them.1 

Deeply  as  Lamartine  felt  the  general  mistrust,  not  to 
1  Correspondence,  DLXXXIII. 
.  .  399  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 

say  antagonism,  by  which  he  was  surrounded  when  he 
took  his  seat  in  the  Chamber,  he  determined  from  the 
outset  to  conquer  a  place  for  himself,  without  yielding, 
however,  one  iota  of  the  independence  it  was  his  policy 
to  maintain.  The  difficulty  of  such  an  undertaking  was 
apparent  to  him  the  instant  he  set  foot  in  Paris.  "In 
reality  there  was  no  fit  place  for  me  in  an  Assembly  where 
I  belonged  neither  to  the  Government  party,  which  I  did 
not  like,  nor  to  the  Legitimist  Opposition,  whose  only 
claim  to  existence  was  based  on  its  discontent,  nor  to 
the  party  of  the  ultra-Liberal  Opposition,  which  I  did 
not  esteem,  nor  to  the  party  of  silence  and  expectation, 
which  was  the  very  antithesis  of  my  nature.  I  was  con- 
sequently constrained  to  form  in  practical  isolation 
the  germ  of  a  party  without  immediate  value,  and  for 
this  reason  without  weight  and  almost  despicable."  1 

Hostile  critics  asserted  that  overweening  self-sufficiency 
alone  dictated  Lamartine's  attitude,  and  that  the  r61e  of 
splendid  isolation  he  somewhat  ostentatiously  assigned 
to  himself,  when  questioned  as  to  the  bench  on  which 
he  would  sit,  was  characteristic  of  the  man.  "  Sur  aucun," 
he  had  then  replied ;  "  je  si£gerai  au  plafond  " :  meaning,  of 
course,  that,  free  from  party  obligations,  he  would  herd 
with  none.  Such  apparent  arrogance  on  the  part  of  an 
untried  and,  politically  speaking,  unknown  public  man, 
naturally  gave  rise  to  misconception,  was  instrumental 
in  withholding  sympathy,  and  undoubtedly  retarded 
recognition  of  abilities  which  eventually  commanded 
respect.  Owing  his  election  to  family  influence,  it  was 
asserted  that  Lamartine  took  his  seat  in  the  National 
Chamber  untrammelled  by  pledges  of  any  kind.  This 
was  substantially  true.  His  election  was  not  unusual  in 
the  parliamentary  annals  of  the  period,  when  "pocket 
boroughs"  existed  on  both  sides  of  the  Channel;  but 

1  Mtmoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  309. 
.  .  400  •  • 


DEPUTY  FROM  BERGUES 


his  absolute  political  independence  was  indeed  excep- 
tional, and  the  position  it  created  for  him,  peculiar. 
Lamartine  held  views,  and  it  was  a  policy  that  the  prac- 
tical politicians  in  the  Palais  Bourbon  demanded  of  their 
new  colleague.  In  spite  of  the  "Politique  rationnelle," 
or  rather  on  account  of  it,  these  views  were  considered 
Utopian.  In  his  letter,  from  London,  to  M.  Saullay, 
when  in  1831  he  was  soliciting  the  suffrages  of  the  Flem- 
ish burghers,  Lamartine  wrote:  "We  seek  to  found  and 
associate  with  all  the  religious,  moral,  and  monarchical 
ideals,  a  Liberalism  at  once  productive  and  justifiable, 
which  shall  renovate  and  reconstitute  the  political  world 
on  the  broad  basis  of  universal  liberty  and  popular  in- 
terests." *  This  was  the  leit-motif  of  the  "Politique  ra- 
tionnelle," and  the  broad  and  generous  democracy  under- 
lying the  obscure  phraseology  becomes  intelligible  only 
when  studied  in  the  light  of  his  subsequent  career.  Writ- 
ing to  his  father  in  January,  1834,  Just  after  his  first 
efforts  in  debate,  Lamartine  notes  the  mistrust  and  hos- 
tility shown  on  all  sides.  But,  if  we  are  to  credit  him, 
it  all  forms  a  part  of  his  programme,  and  he  would  not 
have  it  otherwise.  "The  parties  won't  admit  either  good 
faith  or  independence,"  he  writes,  "and  for  this  reason 
they  will  in  turn  crush  me  with  insults  and  calumnies." 
Already  the  Legitimists  and  Republicans  accuse  him 
of  having  sold  his  soul  to  the  July  Monarchy,  while  the 
Government  party  rends  him  as  a  radical.  He  must 
bear  this  "triple  salvo  of  insults,"  he  insists,  because 
"it  is  necessary  to  my  plan  for  the  future  organization 
of  a  new  party  of  advanced  and  impartial  royalism 
which  shall  find  support  in  the  conscience  of  the  coun- 
try alone."  2 

This  phrase,  "conscience  du  pays,"  is  a  familiar  one  at 
this  period  in  Lamartine's  writings.  He  uses  it  con- 

1  Cochin,  Lamartine  et  la  Flandre,  p.  368.  *  Correspondence,  DLXXXIII. 
.  .  401  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


stantly,  and  believes  that  with  its  aid,  and  his  own  "in- 
stinct of  the  masses,"  "  success  is  geometrically  assured 
him  if  he  can  hold  out  three  years,  and  acquire  oratory." 1 
A  party,  founded  on  a  thorough  comprehension  of  the 
popular  conscience,  in  intimate  touch  with  democratic 
principles,  and  reaching  out  towards  the  ever-increasing 
participation  of  the  People  in  public  affairs,  is,  and  will 
remain,  the  ideal  for  which  he  strives.  The  possibility  of 
such  an  association  he  already  foresaw,  but  resolutely  re- 
fused to  avail  himself  of  any  existing  material  as  a  step- 
ping-stone to  the  leadership  his  soul  craved,  and  which 
he  believed  destiny  held  in  store  for  him.  "  I  have  courage 
and  convictions,  I  know  on  what  an  as  yet  invisible  but 
immense  support  I  can  lean,"  he  assures  Virieu,2  for  the 
certainty  of  popular  recognition  of  the  principles  he  had 
determined  to  uphold,  in  spite  of  every  humiliation  and 
in  face  of  the  most  desperate  opposition,  was  deep-rooted 
in  his  being.  Misunderstood  he  certainly  was  on  his  en- 
trance into  public  life,  and  misunderstood  he  would  be  to 
the  end,  but  the  "invisible  support"  in  which  he  trusted, 
and  which  can  be  translated  "popular  sentiment,"  was  to 
carry  him  to  heights  attained  by  few.  The  circumstances 
which  caused  his  ultimate  and  irretrievable  downfall  were 
so  complex  that  the  gradual  unfolding  of  the  history  of 
his  political  career  —  covering  a  period  of  over  sixteen 
years  —  can  alone  make  them  intelligible. 

Three  years  before  Lamartine's  official  participation  in 

the  public  affairs  of  his  country,  France  had  witnessed  one 

of  the  most  remarkable  revolutions  in  its  history.  Charles 

the  Tenth  and  the  reactionary  regime  he  represented 

had  been  overthrown,  and  Louis-Philippe,  head  of  the 

younger  branch  of  the  House  of  Bourbon,  found  himself 

unexpectedly  upon  the  throne:  not  as  King  of  France, 

however,  but  styled  King  of  the  French,  a  subtle  distinc- 

1  Correspondence,  DLXXXV.  *  Ibid.,  DLXXXIV. 

*  •  AO2   •   • 


DEPUTY  FROM  BERGUES 


tion  not  without  its  importance  in  the  success  of  the 
negotiations  for  the  transitional  compromise  sought  by 
political  leaders.  Lamartine  had  foreseen  the  inevitable 
catastrophe  to  which  the  policy  adopted  by  the  advisers 
of  the  sovereign  of  the  elder  branch  must  lead,  and  had 
deeply  deplored  the  blind  fanaticism  of  Polignac's  Min- 
istry. A  sincere  Legitimist,  fundamentally  attached  to 
the  monarchical  system  of  government,  both  by  tradition 
and  by  personal  conviction,  the  reactionary  and  clerical 
spirit  actuating  the  closing  years  of  Charles  X's  reign 
caused  so  close  an  observer  as  was  Lamartine  the  deepest 
concern.  When  the  crash  came  he  resigned  his  diplomatic 
appointment,  as  we  have  seen,  impelled  both  by  a  sense 
of  loyalty  to  the  fallen  sovereign  and  a  disinclination  to 
be  associated  with  the  policy  of  the  "usurper,"  as  Louis- 
Philippe  was  considered  by  the  adherents  to  the  old  r6- 
gime.  Not  that  he  was  not  hi  thorough  and  sincere  accord 
with  the  principles  of  liberalism  which  prevailed ;  indeed 
he  was  "more  liberal  than  many  republicans,"  1  but  he 
believed  that  a  legitimate  sovereign  could  better  unite  in 
his  person  the  twofold  dogma  and  the  twofold  force  of 
tradition  and  new  ideas.  The  failure  of  Louis  XVIII  and 
Charles  X  to  exemplify  this  contention  had  in  no  way 
shaken  his  faith  in  the  fundamental  value  of  this  theory, 
and  we  shall  find  that  after  the  deceptions  and  illusions  of 
his  political  career,  he  inclined  to  the  narrower  interpre- 
tation of  the  creed  he  had  persistently  professed :  the  be- 
lief that  the  salvation  of  France  lay  in  the  strictly  consti- 
tutional and  progressively  liberal  rule  of  the  legitimate 
sovereigns  who  had  for  centuries  guided  their  country 
along  the  road  of  civilization  in  its  highest  form.  Organ- 
ized Democracy,  on  purely  Christian  lines,  but  freed  from 
clerical  intervention,  was  as  necessary,  in  his  belief,  for 
the  maintenance  of  order  and  good  government,  as  the 

1  Quentin-Bauchart,  Lamartine,  hommc  politique,  p.  5. 
•  -  403  -  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


traditionalism  he  had  reluctantly  renounced  at  an  earlier 
date..  "La  forme  rationnelle"  was  the  name  he  gave  this 
ideal  political  conception  of  a  social  order  wherein  none 
should  suffer  oppression  and  where  each  was  allotted  in 
the  government  a  part  proportioned  to  the  interests  he 
had  at  stake.1 

Meanwhile  his  courage  was  unimpaired,  his  belief  in 
the  practical  application  of  his  theories  unshaken.  He 
sat  alone  in  the  Chamber,  it  is  true,  but  he  was  prepared 
for,  nay  sought,  this  temporary  isolation.  Nevertheless, 
there  were  moments  of  bitterness  if  we  accept  literally  his 
words  to  Virieu:  "I  am  as  usual,  ill,  sad,  solitary,  and 
persecuted  as  much  by  friends  as  by  my  enemies,  but  I 
persist  in  my  resolution  to  be  unpopular  and  misunder- 
stood for  a  long  time,  in  order  to  undo  that  which  has 
been  so  stupidly  muddled  during  the  last  three  years  by 
the  royalisme  de  coterie" :  which  may  be  interpreted  as  the 
party  contemptuously  styled  "Carlist,"  whose  unpatri- 
otic attitude  he  deeply  deplored.2  But  his  ambitions  went 
farther :  he  did  not  believe  that  any  of  the  political  parties 
struggling  for  supremacy  in  the  Chamber  fairly  repre- 
sented the  feeling  of  the  country  at  large,  or,  as  his  phrase 
ran,  the  "conscience"  of  France.  The  system  he  advo- 
cated, and  which  he  would  "gradually  reveal,"  was  to  be 
founded,  as  has  been  said,  in  strict  accordance  with  this 
national  conscience,  and  be  absolutely  representative  of 
the  Democracy.  His  object  was  not  to  combat  the  Gov- 
ernment, or  lend  himself  to  obstructionism  of  any  kind. 
He  realized  the  services  to  France  the  July  Monarchy  had 
rendered,  and  might  be  expected  to  render  in  the  immedi- 
ate future :  his  dislike  of  it  proceeded  from  the  fact  that  it 
was  founded  as  an  expedient,  not  on  a  principle.3  Failing 
a  better,  he  was  prepared  to  accept  it,  and  even  to  uphold 

1  Cf.  Quentin-Bauchart,  op.  «'/.,  p.  10.         *  Correspondence,  DLXXXV. 
8  Cf.  Louis  Ulbach,  Preface  to  La  France  parlementaire,  p.  xv. 

.  .  404  •  • 


DEPUTY  FROM  BERGUES 


its  policies  when  not  contrary  to  the  fundamental  prin- 
ciples which,  in  his  estimation,  must  guide  France  to  the 
highest  civilization  compatible  with  human  ideals.  This 
programme,  if  abstract,  was  based  on  a  lofty  conception 
of  public  duty  and  the  responsibility  of  the  individual, 
and  as  such  commanded  secret  respect  even  among  those 
who  held  its  author  up  to  ridicule.  That  the  reaction  in 
his  favour  must  come  later,  he  felt  convinced.  "As  my 
conscience  is  clear,  and  I  have  at  heart  only  the  triumph, 
through  reason,  of  the  honest  population,  it  will  be  real- 
ized in  time,  and  all  the  rest  will  evaporate."  l  France 
was  ripe  for  the  immediate  application  of  the  principles 
proclaimed,  or  rather  hinted  at,  in  the  "Politique  ration- 
nelle,"  that  gospel  of  social  reform  and  harbinger  of  the 
golden  age  of  political  franchise.  The  hour  had  sounded ; 2 
all  that  was  needed  was  the  man  who  could  successfully 
master  the  situation.  A  "Bonaparte  de  la  parole,  ayant 
1'instinct  de  la  vie  sociale  et  l'£clair  de  la  tribune,"  La- 
martine  styled  this  rara  avis,  "a  Christopher  Columbus  of 
liberty  capable  of  discerning  the  new  political  world,  and 
of  guiding  us  thither  by  dint  of  his  persuasive  eloquence 
and  the  domination  of  his  genius.  .  .  ."  3  There  is  small 
doubt  but  that  the  writer  even  then  felt  that  one  day  the 
multitude  would  rise  and  proclaim  Lamartine  the  man 
who  should  guide  them  by  the  persuasion  of  his  eloquence 
and  the  domination  of  his  genius.  The  inspired  prophet, 
"the  sacer  vates,"  serenely  confident  as  to  the  ultimate 
success  of  the  social  doctrines  he  held,  was  certainly  not 
indifferent  to  the  popular  endorsement  the  profession  of 
such  principles  might  entail.  His  very  unpopularity 
within  the  legislative  Chamber  meant,  when  the  purity 
and  nobility  of  his  social  programme  should  be  under- 
stood beyond  the  narrow  limits  of  the  hemicycle,  in- 

1  Correspondence,  DLXXXVII. 

*  Politique  rationnelle,  p.  100.  *  Ibid.,  p.  103. 

.  .  405  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


creased  popularity  with  the  masses.  And  the  support  he 
sought  in  the  "impartial  conscience  of  the  country"  was 
precisely  the  support  of  the  People;  in  other  words,  public 
opinion.  Audaciously  he  believed  he  could  dispense  with 
the  aid  or  approval  of  those  within  the  fold.  It  was  a  mis- 
take, as  he  was  to  learn  to  his  cost ;  yet  Lamartine  was  no 
demagogue,  and  his  motives  were  pure.  A  critic,  and  a 
lenient  one,  has  taxed  him  with  nai'vet6,  qualifying  the 
epithet  as  "virile  candour"  —  not  the  stupid  trustfulness 
of  the  perpetual  dupe,  but  the  clairvoyant  optimism  of 
the  man  who  seeks  the  highest  motives  in  human  actions, 
and  ignores  knavery.1  Having  no  taste  nor  gift  for  in- 
trigue, straightforward  action  was  intuitive  with  him. 
And  yet  he  professed  the  keenest  admiration  for  the 
tortuous  genius  of  a  Talleyrand.2 

Lamartine  took  his  seat  in  the  Chamber  on  December 
23,  i833.3  Those  to  whom  omens  meant  something  noted 
that  he  entered  the  hemicycle  accompanied  by  Lafayette. 
Avoiding,  however,  any  semblance  of  an  understanding 
with  the  glorious  veteran,  Lamartine  climbed  the  tiers  of 
seats  and  took  possession  of  a  bench  on  the  extreme  right, 
thus  establishing  his  de  facto  isolation.  Thiers,  then  Min- 
ister of  the  Interior  in  Soult's  Cabinet,  had  made  an  in- 
effectual attempt  to  attach  the  deputy  from  Bergues  to 
the  Administration ;  but  Lamartine  resisted  his  blandish- 
ments, firmly  resolved  to  avoid  any  step  which  might 
compromise  what  he  calls  his  "  enigmatic  independence."4 

Recognizing  the  disadvantages  which  must  ensue  owing 
to  his  oratorial  inexperience,  Lamartine  had  prudently 
decided  to  keep  silent  and  content  himself  with  patient 
observation  during  the  earlier  stages  of  the  session.  But 
the  temptation  to  express  his  views  on  the  Oriental 

1  Ulbach,  Preface  to  La  France  parlementaire,  p.  xiv. 

1  Memoires  politiques,  vol.  i,  p.  289.         '  Cochin,  op.  cit.,  p.  242. 

4  Cf .  Lamartine  par  lui-m&me,  p.  336. 

.  .  406  •  • 


DEPUTY  FROM  BERGUES 


policy  of  the  Government,  during  the  debate  on  the  ad- 
dress to  the  Crown,  proved  too  strong.  On  January  4, 
1834,  hardly  over  a  week  after  his  first  appearance  on 
the  floor  of  the  Chamber,  he  mounted  the  rostrum,  and 
in  an  eloquent,  but  decidedly  academic,  maiden  speech 
introduced  himself,  rather  than  his  views,  to  his  col- 
leagues. Four  days  later  he  followed  this  first  effort  with 
an  harangue  of  considerable  length  dealing  with  the  dip- 
lomatic problems  presented  by  the  proposed  French  ac- 
tion in  the  Orient.  By  virtue  of  his  recent  travels  Lamar- 
tine  might  well  be  considered  as  particularly  competent 
to  criticize  the  policies  in  the  East.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
however,  the  opinions  to  which  he  then  gave  utterance 
served  little  or  nothing  towards  elucidating  the  matter, 
while  certain  phrases  undoubtedly  lent  colour  to  hostile 
accusations  concerning  his  supposed  sympathies  with  the 
Legitimists.  Lamartine  himself,  in  after  years,  regretted 
this  somewhat  inopportune  appearance  on  the  rostrum, 
styling  it  as  "audacious  rather  than  happy."  l 

The  international  situation  was  a  complicated  one.  As 
a  result  of  the  hostilities  existing  between  Turkey  and 
Egypt,  the  former  had  turned  to  Russia  for  assistance. 
On  July  8,  1833,  an  agreement  was  reached  whereby 
Russia  undertook  to  furnish  her  ally  with  all  the  forces  on 
sea  or  land  necessary  for  the  peace  and  safety  of  her  ter- 
ritories. The  Porte  guaranteed  to  close  the  Dardanelles, 
and  to  allow  no  foreign  vessels  of  war,  under  any  pretext, 
to  utilize  the  Straits.2  When  the  clauses  of  this  treaty 
became  known,  European  diplomacy  expressed  consider- 
able alarm.  England  proposed  to  France  that  they  com- 
bine to  force  the  Dardanelles  and  burn  the  Muscovite 
fleet.  The  Government  of  Louis- Philippe,  however,  hesi- 

1  Mimoires  pditiques,  vol.  I,  p.  312. 

1  Cf.  Paul  Thureau-Daugin,  Histoire  de  la  monarchic  de  Juillet,  vol.  n, 
P-  363. 

•  •  407  •  ' 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


tated,  owing  to  difficulties  at  home  and  abroad,  to  engage 
in  such  far-reaching  complications,  and  the  Due  de  Bro- 
glie  permitted  only  a  demonstration  by  the  combined 
fleets  off  the  Turkish  coast,  as  an  offset  to  the  diplomatic 
protestations  made  by  both  France  and  England  at  Con- 
stantinople and  St.  Petersburg.  At  the  beginning  of  1834 
the  incident,  although  not  closed,  had,  owing  to  the  in- 
tervention of  Austria,  been  allowed  to  slumber.  Russia, 
never  favourable  to  the  July  Monarchy,  showed  herself 
deeply  incensed  by  the  action  of  the  French  Government, 
and  did  her  utmost  to  complicate  the  political  difficulties 
existing  in  Belgium  and  Prussia.  Again  the  prudent 
counsels  of  M.  de  Metternich  prevailed;  the  entente  be- 
tween France  and  England,  and  Lord  Palmerston's  openly 
manifested  sympathy  with  the  constitutional  regime  that 
Louis- Philippe's  Government  was  pledged  to  uphold,1 
adding  greatly  to  the  settlement  of  the  vexed  interests. 

Lamartine  in  his  maiden  speeches  disapproved  the 
policy  of  the  Government  and  the  maintenance  of  the 
status  quo  in  Turkey.  Virtually  he  advocated  intercession 
and  the  liberation  from  the  Ottoman  yoke  of  the  Chris- 
tian populations  in  the  Balkan  Peninsula  and  Asia  Minor. 
The  fall  of  the  Ottoman  Empire  was,  he  averred,  a  fore- 
gone conclusion.  Let  France,  untrammelled  by  interna- 
tional engagements,  prepare  for  the  new  political  condi- 
tions which  must  ensue.  Discrediting  a  policy  of  pure 
egotism  and  exclusive  interests,  the  speaker  urged  on 
broad  humanitarian  lines  the  cause  of  civilization.  The 
orator  draws  an  impressive  picture  of  this  vast  empire  — 
a  mere  agglomeration  of  heterogeneous  races,  without 
cohesion,  without  mutual  interests,  without  conformity 
of  language,  laws,  religion,  or  customs;  "the  most  vast 
constituted  anarchy  which  political  phenomena  ever  pre- 

1  Cf.  Paul  Thureau-Daugin,  Histoire  de  la  monarchic  de  Juillet,  vol.  II, 
PP.  356-79. 

.  .  408  •  • 


DEPUTY  FROM  BERGUES 


sented."  The  programme  which  the  speaker  then  pro- 
poses for  France,  when  the  moment  of  dissolution  of  the 
Eastern  Empire  shall  be  at  hand,  is  uncommonly  like  the 
result  which  the  European  concert  has  striven  to  achieve 
during  the  last  half-century,  but  which  national  jealousies 
and  the  fear  of  the  undue  aggrandizement  of  a  powerful 
neighbour  have  invariably  frustrated.  France  with  the 
Great  Powers  and  allies  shall  open  a  Congress,  establish- 
ing in  principle:  that  no  isolated  Power  shall  intervene 
in  Oriental  affairs;  that  a  general  collective  protectorate 
be  admitted  as  a  base  for  the  negotiations  concerning  the 
new  European  political  system;  that  the  essential  con- 
ditions of  this  new  public  law  be  the  inviolability  of 
religion,  custom,  and  established  sovereign  rights  pre- 
existing; that  to  regulate  this  general  and  collective  pro- 
tectorate, European  and  Asiatic  Turkey,  the  islands  and 
seas  dependent  thereon,  be  distributed  in  sub-protec- 
torates or  provinces,  like  those  of  Africa  and  Asia  which 
the  Romans  colonized  and  administered,  to  be  eventually 
allotted,  by  virtue  of  international  conventions,  to  the 
different  European  Powers;  that  in  case  of  war  between 
European  Powers  the  Oriental  protectorates  be  assured 
absolute  and  perpetual  neutrality.  Let  Europe  colonize 
Asia  and  Africa,  spread  over  these  barbarous  or  desert 
lands  the  superfluity  of  her  activity,  her  civilization,  her 
progressive  religions.  "Without  firing  a  single  shot,  with- 
out jeopardizing  the  life  of  a  single  man,  without  retard- 
ing by  an  hour  the  advance  of  prosperity  at  home,  you 
will  attain,  say  I,  the  most  fortunate,  the  most  sublime 
achievement  that  has  been  vouchsafed  any  century;  as 
the  predestined  children  of  Providence  you  will  share  the 
vast  and  magnificent  heritage  which  the  natural  death  of 
the  Empire  of  the  East  opens  up  to  European  nations."  * 
Lamartine  in  after  years  made  atonement  for  what  in 
1  Speech  of  January  8,  1834. 
.  .  409  •  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


reality  amounted  to  the  advocacy  of  "  an  immoral  plan  of 
expropriation  of  the  Ottomans,"  confessing  that  he  had 
been  led  astray  by  unworthy  motives,  at  the  risk  of 
plunging  Europe  into  an  abyss  of  diplomatic  complica- 
tions and  bloody  wars.  "  Ce  fut  la  seule  fois  que  je  parlai 
contre  ma  conscience  dans  1 'Assemble,"  he  adds  when 
repudiating  this  programme  of  spoliation.1  But,  although 
undoubtedly  sincere,  his  tardy  compunction  was  perhaps 
dictated  by  other  considerations.  In  1849  Lamartlne  had 
received  a  signal  mark  of  favour  from  the  Sultan  Abd-ul- 
Medjid.  As  an  earnest  of  the  admiration  and  esteem 
he  entertained  for  the  author  of  so  many  beautiful  works, 
in  prose  and  verse,  concerning  the  Orient,  the  Sultan 
conceded  him  for  a  period  of  twenty-five  years  the  rights 
and  privileges  pertaining  to  an  estate  of  over  forty  thou- 
sand acres  near  Smyrna.  It  was  but  natural  that  the  re- 
cipient of  the  royal  bounty  should  attempt  to  efface  the 
painful  impression  his  former  advocacy  of  a  policy  of 
ruthless  spoliation  might  give  rise  to. 

The  Lamartines  had  established  themselves  in  a  large 
furnished  apartment,  82  rue  de  l'Universit6,  on  their  ar- 
rival in  Paris.  From  the,  outset  relations  were  invited  to 
share  their  hospitality  and  a  few  friends  encouraged  to 
visit  them  informally.  Lamartine  himself  described  their 
life  in  the  new  surroundings  as  follows:  "My  wife  finds 
occupation  enough  with  visits,  letters,  and  household 
duties,  and  all  this  affords  her  some  relief  (from  her  sor- 
row), but  not  much:  I  rise  early,  work,  pray,  and  weep  in 
peace,  till  eleven.  Then  come  those  who  seek  to  profit  by 
the  influence  I  do  not  wish  to  possess.  At  two  o'clock  I 
go  to  the  Chamber  until  six.  One  comes  out  with  one's 
head  burning,  empty,  and  buzzing.  We  dine.  Then  one  or 
two  friends  drop  in.  We  go  to  bed  by  ten.  A  monastic 
existence."  * 

1  Memoires  politiqucs,  vol.  I,  p.  315.  *  Correspondance,  DLXXXIV. 

.  .  410  •  • 


DEPUTY  FROM   BERGUES 


Henri  de  Lacretelle,  who  later  became  Lamartine's 
secretary  and  intimate  friend,  has  left  us  in  his  memoirs  a 
detailed  description  of  the  home  which  for  so  many  years 
sheltered  the  poet  and  his  family  during  the  parliamen- 
tary sessions.  The  apartment  cost  six  thousand  francs  a 
year,  and  was  fully  adapted  to  the  dwelling  of  a  gentle- 
man of  position  and  means.  Situated  in  a  wing  of  the 
house,  giving  on  to  a  courtyard  and  a  garden,  the  broad 
staircase  which  led  to  it  was  a  private  one  exclusively  ap- 
propriated to  the  use  of  the  tenant  and  his  guests.  Ma- 
dame de  Lamartine's  English  taste  for  privacy  was  con- 
sequently fully  satisfied.  All  Europe,  artistic,  literary, 
political,  and  even  plebeian,  passed  through  the  large 
dining-room  and  congregated  in  the  immense  salon, 
around  the  walls  of  which  ran  Oriental  divans.  Adjoin- 
ing these  rooms  was  the  studio  in  which  the  talented 
mistress  of  the  house  spent  her  leisure  in  painting  —  an 
art  in  which  she  excelled,  as  the  numerous  examples  of  her 
taste  and  skill  preserved  at  Saint-Point  and  Monceau 
testify.  "Privileged  ones  opened  that  door  to  the  right," 
continues  Lacretelle,  "and  entered  the  beautiful  study 
wherein  Lamartine  never  worked,  and  which  was  littered 
with  presentation  copies,  naive  keepsakes  of  verses,  and 
journals  and  parliamentary  blue  books.  They  penetrated 
to  the  little  bedroom  where  he  slept,  where  he  wrote  of  a 
morning  by  lamplight,  and  where  he  received  the  crowned 
heads  of  the  world  —  I  mean  by  that  the  thinking  heads  — 
in  the  narrow  space  between  his  bed  and  his  desk."  An 
odour  of  Oriental  tobacco  everywhere  prevailed,  for  La- 
martine had  acquired  the  habit  in  the  East  and  was  an  in- 
veterate smoker.  His  pack  of  greyhounds  nestled  in  com- 
fortable nooks,  or  lay  stretched  before  the  bright  wood 
fires  their  master  loved.  The  expenses  of  this,  for  the 
period,  sumptuous  household,  inclusive  of  entertaining, 
rarely  went  beyond  forty  thousand  francs  a  year:  but 

•  •  411  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

Lamartine  gave  away  as  much  again  in  charity.  Four 
horses,  two  for  the  carriage  and  two  for  the  saddle,  con- 
stituted a  considerable  item  of  expense.  Large  dinner-par- 
ties were  the  exception,  but  a  few  chosen  guests  invari- 
ably gathered  around  the  hospitable  table.  On  Saturday 
evenings  the  reception  was  somewhat  more  formal,  as 
Madame  de  Lamartine  then  threw  open  her  salon  to  the 
official  and  parliamentary  world,  and  welcomed  strangers 
of  distinction  attracted  by  the  literary  reputation  of  the 
host. 

'Among  the  regular  visitors  were  Madame  Sophie  Gay 
and  Madame  de  Girardin,  wife  of  the  famous  founder 
of  "La  Presse"  and  the  father  of  modern  journalism. 
"La  Muse,"  as  the  beautiful  Delphine  was  frequently 
called,  added  to  her  literary  laurels  by  the  amusing  satires 
on  contemporary  life  and  events  she  published  in  her  hus- 
band's paper,  under  the  pseudonym  of  the  "Vicomte 
Charles  de  Launay."  With  these  ladies,  mother  and 
daughter,  Emile  Deschamps,  enthusiastic  Romanticist, 
dramatist,  poet,  and  co-founder  with  Victor  Hugo  of  the 
"Muse  franchise,"  was  engaged  in  perpetual  controversy, 
in  which  took  part  from  time  to  time  Alfred  de  Vigny, 
Alexandre  Soumet,  and  many  other  lights  of  the  Roman- 
tic movement.  On  these  occasions  poetry  ruled  supreme, 
and  the  master  of  the  house  and  his  guests  vied  with  each 
other  in  the  recital  of  graceful  harmonies.  Jules  Janin, 
critic  and  litterateur,  contemporary  and  rival  of  the  more 
celebrated  Sainte-Beuve,  was  a  regular  attendant  during 
the  earlier  years  of  the  salon,  and  in  spite  of  infirmities 
captivated  his  hearers  with  the  brilliancy  and  elegance  of 
his  conversation.  The  eclecticism  of  Lamartine' s  literary 
opinions  was  demonstrated  by  the  frequent  appearance 
in  this  shrine  of  Romanticism  of  Francois  Ponsard,  the 
author  of  "  Lucrece,"  whose  presence  within  the  sacred 
precincts  was  at  first  deeply  resented  by  the  fervent 

•  •  412  •  • 


DEPUTY  FROM  BERGUES 

younger  enthusiasts  of  the  school  which  claimed  Lamar- 
tine,  Hugo,  Vigny,  and  Sainte-Beuve  as  masters.  But 
himself  totally  devoid  of  literary  jealousies,  Lamartine 
professed  to  belong  to  no  school  or  party,  either  in  art  or 
in  politics,  and  honestly  and  unreservedly  lavished  his 
enthusiasm  where  he  discerned  beauty  and  purity  of  pur- 
pose. An  instance  of  this  singular  immunity  from  the 
vexations  of  literary  rivalry  —  and  a  typical  one  —  was 
the  attitude  of  his  colleagues  in  the  French  Academy,  a 
hot-bed  of  professional  jealousy  and  hatred.  Each  and 
all  of  the  Immortals  were  regular  or  occasional  visitors  to 
the  salon  in  the  rue  de  1'Universite,  where  the  admiration 
they  craved  was  ungrudgingly  accorded  them  by  the  mas- 
ter of  the  house,  if  not  by  the  irreconcilable  fanatics 
among  his  guests. 

In  a  word  eclecticism,  intellectual  and  political,  ruled 
supreme,  all  opinions  were  tolerated,  talent  in  every  form 
was  welcomed  and  encouraged,  Lamartine  himself  lead- 
ing the  applause.  As  Lacretelle  remarks,  for  fifteen  years 
"les  modestes  lampes  de  cet  appartement  de  la  rue  de 
l'Universit6  etaient  des  phares  qui  eclairaient  le  Paris 
intelligent."  * 

Of  course  Jean  Marie  Dargaud  occupied  a  conspicuous 
place  in  these  intellectual  gatherings.  The  intimacy  be- 
gun at  Saint- Point  in  1831  never  wavered  during  the  long 
years  which  followed.  The  author  of  "  Marie  Stuart "  and 
of  the  "History  of  Religious  Liberty"  was,  as  Lacretelle 
terms  it,  "I'homme  des  promenades  philosophiques."  2 
The  poet-legislator's  invariable  companion  during  his 
daily  walks  in  the  streets  of  Paris,  "  Dargaud  possessed  as 
much  as  any  of  us,"  adds  Lacretelle,  "the  cult  for  Lamar- 
tine, and  was  the  recipient  before  I  was  of  many  of  his 
confidences."  We  have  seen  the  nature  of  some  of  these 
confidences;  especially  the  perplexities  and  haunting 

1  Lamartine  el  ses  amis,  p.  49.  *  Ibid.,  p.  80. 

•  -  413  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


doubts  Lamartine  struggled  with  before,  during,  and 
after  his  Oriental  trip.  Bearing  such  conversations  in 
mind  we  can  more  readily  grasp  the  illusive  tendency  of 
Lamartine's  initial  political  creed,  founded  as  it  was  on 
vague  metaphysical  premises  running  on  parallel  lines 
with  practical  aspirations  for  social  reform.  The  difficul- 
ties of  his  position  may  appear  exaggerated  to  the  politi- 
cian of  to-day,  but  eighty  years  ago  the  introduction  of 
the  ethics  of  Christian  socialism  in  practical  politics  was 
an  innovation  partaking  of  the  chimerical.  Le  "groupe 
social,"  as  Lamartine  styled  the  three  or  four  "independ- 
ents" who  were  scattered  about  the  Chamber  when  he 
took  his  seat  in  the  session  of  1833-34,  constituted  as  yet 
an  absolutely  "negligible  quantity"  in  national  politics. 
Yet  little  by  little  the  popular  liberties  proclaimed  by 
their  leader  gained  ground  for  this  infinitesimal  minority 
outside  the  legislative  Palace. 

It  has  been  said  that  Lamartine,  Legitimist  though  he 
was,  did  not  entirely  escape  from  the  revolutionary  in- 
toxication of  the  movement  which  seated  the  younger 
Bourbons  upon  the  throne  of  France;  that  he  was,  in  a 
sense,  himself  "un  homme  de  Juillet."  1  Theoretically 
the  statement  is  true.  Lamartine  had  a  horror  of  violence, 
a  deep-seated  dread  of  the  license  of  uncontrolled  popular 
outbursts.  But  this  instinctive  belief  in  the  right  of  the 
People  to  individual  and  social  liberty,  and  the  egregious 
error  of  any  system  involving  class  distinctions  or  privi- 
leges, was  equally  deep-rooted.  Social  reform  guaranteed 
by  a  broad  and  liberal  political  franchise,  freedom  from 
the  thraldom  or  tyranny  of  throne  or  party :  such  was  his 
initial  programme.  If  he  expressed  apprehension  of  re- 
publicanism in  the  early  stages  of  his  political  activity,  it 
was  because  he  believed  his  compatriots  insufficiently 

1  Quentin-Bauchart,  Lamartine,  homme  politique.  La  politique  inttrieure, 
p.  14. 

•  •  414  •  • 


DEPUTY  FROM   BERGUES 


prepared  to  understand  its  fundamental  principles,  and 
feared  the  "red  madness"  which  had  led  them  before  to 
the  "bottomless  pit  of  anarchy."  The  tyranny  of  the 
Jacobins  seemed  to  him  even  farther  removed  from  true 
Liberty  than  the  iron  hand  of  a  dynastic  despot.1 

Lamartine,  therefore,  set  himself  the  task  of  combating 
class  privileges  of  any  form.  The  self-constituted  cham- 
pion of  social  and  political  reform,  his  fight  was  directed 
primarily  against  party  domination  within  the  Chamber 
and  the  legal  oppression  of  society  through  the  enactment 
of  measures  liable  to  hamper  the  evolution  of  the  popular 
liberties  he  sought  to  foster.2  From  the  beginning  he  an- 
ticipated, and  courted,  the  unpopularity  a  course  so  ill- 
defined,  and  so  often  ambiguous,  must  entail.  But  his 
self-confidence  was  boundless.  "Le  seul  courage  vrai- 
ment  heroi'que,"  he  maintained,  "est  de  se  brouiller  avec 
ses  amis  pour  leur  dire  ce  qui  doit  seul  les  sauver.  Je  vois 
venir  le  temps  ou  Dieu  m'appellera  peut-£tre  a  cette  rude 
mission,  transeat  a  me  calix  istel"  3 

If  the  presumption  of  such  assurance  disconcerts,  it 
can  be  partly  explained  by  the  uninterrupted  sequence  of 
his  literary  triumphs,  by  the  adulation  of  those  whom  he 
fascinated  with  the  harmony  and  splendour  of  his  poetic 
metaphor,  and  who  proclaimed  him  a  prophet.  But  be- 
hind all  this  seemingly  fatuous  assurance,  this  puerile 
vanity  which  claimed  infallibility  of  judgment  and  posed 
as  the  messiah  of  the  democratic  principle,  —  behind  all 
these  lay  a  true  and  unfeigned  love  of  humanity.  Those 
who  accused  Lamartine  of  selfish  political  ambitions  mis- 
understood the  deep-seated  honesty  of  purpose  which 
never  deviated  a  hair's  breadth.  As  a  discerning  critic 
has  it:  "Lamartine's  ambition  to  govern  sprang  less  from 
the  desire  to  enjoy  power  than  from  the  hope  of  realizing 

1  Quentin-Bauchart,  op.  tit.,  p.  16. 

1  Cf.  Henri  Cochin,  op.  tit.,  p.  123.  *  Correspondence,  DXCII. 

•  •  415  •  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


his  theories,  which  all  had  as  their  aim  the  happiness  of 
the  people.  He  despised  intrigue  and  anticipated  his  suc- 
cess at  the  hands  of  the  public  conscience  alone.  He 
sought  popularity,  but  a  genuine  popularity,  the  result  of 
gratitude  for  services  rendered,  and  permitting  of  the 
fulfilment  of  others."  1 

From  1834  to  1838  we  shall  find  Lamartine  taking  ad- 
vantage of  every  opportunity  of  disseminating  the  gener- 
ous social  theories  he  had  made  his  own,  and  now  and 
then  essaying  himself  in  less  abstract  subjects  of  debate. 
The  two  speeches  on  Oriental  affairs,  although  admired 
for  their  elegance  and  grace  of  form,  were  by  the  majority 
pronounced  as  chimerical  in  substance:  the  illusions  of  a 
poet,  and  not  pertaining  to  the  realm  of  practical  politics.2 
Nevertheless,  his  first  effort  was  considered  as  a  most 
favourable  augury  for  the  future  of  his  parliamentary 
career,  and  it  was  at  once  realized  that  a  distinguished 
orator,  and  one  whose  power  must  increase  with  experi- 
ence, now  threatened  Berryer,  Thiers,  and  Guizot,  the 
acknowledged  lions  of  the  tribune,  who  swayed  their  col- 
leagues perhaps  as  frequently  by  virtue  of  their  incom- 
parable eloquence  as  by  the  irrefutable  solidity  of  their 
logic. 

Boundless  as  was  Lamartine's  self-confidence,  he  real- 
ized that  oratory  is,  in  a  measure,  an  acquired  art,  or 
rather  that  by  practice  alone  can  mastery  in  debate  be 
attained.  Improvisation  in  case  of  a  sudden  call  to  arms, 
and  telling  retort  in  the  face  of  unexpected  interruption, 
are  qualities  not  often  possessed  by  academic  orators 
whose  speeches  are  the  result  of  patient  and  laborious 
preparation  in  the  sanctity  of  their  study.  Gifted  with  a 
facility  in  improvisation  far  beyond  the  average,  Lamar- 

1  Quentin-Bauchart,  op.  cit.,  p.  17. 

1  Louis  Blanc,  in  his  Histoire  de  Dix  Ans  (vol.  iv,  p.  136),  thinks  differ- 
ently, maintaining  that  Lamartine  saw  more  clearly  into  the  darkness  of 
the  Oriental  question  than  any  other  French  statesman. 

.  .  416  •  •. 


DEPUTY  FROM  BERGUES 


tine  nevertheless  keenly  felt  the  disadvantage  his  inex- 
perience must  at  first  entail.  This  disadvantage  he  was 
determined  to  overcome  with  the  least  possible  delay.  "  I 
begin  to  hope,"  he  wrote  his  father  on  January  9,  1834, 
shortly  after  taking  his  seat,  "I  begin  to  hope  that  I  shall 
succeed  [in  overcoming  the  difficulties]  within  six  months 
instead  of  the  three  years  which  I  had  thought  neces- 
sary." l  To  Virieu  he  expresses  the  same  conviction,  add- 
ing that  he  is  working  to  form  himself  at  the  cost  of 
lapses  and  by  dint  of  audacity.2  Success  is  "geometri- 
cally demonstrated,"  he  believes,  when  he  shall  have 
acquired  the  difficult  art  of  debate,  in  the  struggle  for 
which  he  is  armed  with  courage,  perseverance,  and  sub- 
lime contempt  of  ridicule.  In  spite  of  this  brave  resolve 
Lamartine  had  his  moments  of  hesitation.  Virieu  is  as 
usual  his  trusted  confidant.  "I  shall  certainly  not  hold 
out  long  in  the  Chamber;  it  is  an  odious  trade:  six  hours 
a  day  doing  nothing  in  that  scorching  and  'pestilential 
atmosphere  is  too  much  for  my  health,  and  it  interferes 
too  much  with  work  on  the  poetic  portion  of  my  destiny. 
I  will  only  remain  a  year  or  two,  the  time  necessary  for 
formulating  an  act  of  political  faith,  and  for  the  organiza- 
tion of  a  small  nucleus  of  followers  who  will  then  carry  on 
the  work  alone."  3 

Such  falterings,  however,  were  rare.  Lamartine's  de- 
termination to  succeed  and  the  fervent  faith  in  the  in- 
violability of  his  social  mission  soon  overcame  temporary 
ano!  fleeting  discouragement.  Ambition  certainly  played 
a  part:  perhaps  even  certain  legitimate  personal  ambi- 
tions. It  is  impossible  to  produce  mathematical  evidence 
of  any  man's  disinterestedness  or  of  the  purity  of  his  in- 
tentions. Sceptics  pretended  to  discern  in  Lamartine's 
professed  social  theories  unworthy  motives  of  self- 
aggrandizement.  Even  to-day  there  are  those  who  would 

1  Correspondence,  DLXXXIII.  *  Ibid.,  DLXXXIV.  *  Ibid.,  DLXXXIX. 
•  •  4'7  '  ' 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


fain  discover  in  his  political  life  an  overweening  megalo- 
mania. With  these  argument  is  futile,  but,  with  M.  Su- 
gier,  we  would  suggest  a  careful  and  impartial  reading  of 
such  indications  as  are  afforded  in  the  "Politique  ration- 
nelle,"  in  the  "Destinees  de  la  poesie,"  in  the  "Resume 
politique  du  Voyage  en  Orient,"  and  last,  but  not  least,  in 
the  "  Correspondance."  *  Everywhere  are  scattered  evi- 
dences of  a  sincerity  of  purpose,  of  a  nobility  of  aim,  of  an 
intensity  of  faith,  which,  many  as  the  lapses  may  be,  prove 
indisputably  the  honesty  and  unselfishness  of  the  man's 
political  and  social  creed.  Confidence  in  the  July  Mon- 
archy and  its  durability,  or  (at  this  moment)  in  the  bene- 
fits of  a  republican  form  of  government  are,  of  course, 
questions  entirely  aside,  and  with  which  this  contention 
has  nothing  to  do.  On  these  problems  Lamartine  had  in 
1834  not  yet  made  up  his  mind,  nor  was  he  to  do  so  for 
several  years  to  come.  But  his  social  programme  was 
complete,  and  he  believed  the  time  for  action  was  ripe. 
The  sincerity  of  his  desire  for  the  betterment  of  the  intel- 
lectual and  material  status  of  the  masses  can  hardly  be 
called  into  question.  Yet  detractors  are  found  even  on 
this  ground,  such  is  the  hatred  professed  by  some  for 
moral  or  intellectual  superiority  in  any  form.  Let  the 
reader  of  the  following  pages  be  the  judge. 

1  Cf.  Sugier,  Lamartine,  p.  195. 


CHAPTER  XXX 
JOCELYN 

IT  was  nearly  a  month  after  his  maiden  effort  before 
Lamartine  again  addressed  the  Chamber.  On  this  occa- 
sion he  lifted  a  corner  of  the  veil  which  jealously  concealed 
his  political  sympathies,  giving  rise,  as  he  informed  his 
father,  to  such  clamorous  interruptions  that  it  demanded 
all  his  sang-froid  to  proceed  with  his  speech. l  The  subject 
was  indeed  a  delicate  one  for  a  loyal  Legitimist  to  broach, 
as  it  dealt  with  the  suppression  of  outbreaks  amongst  the 
adherents  to  the  old  r6gime  in  the  Vendee.  While  blaming 
the  acts  of  violence  and  insurrection  committed,  Lamar- 
tine, seeking  a  general  reconciliation  between  the  warring 
political  factions,  urged  an  amnesty  for  all  offenders. 
The  Chamber,  in  its  address  to  the  Throne,  had  demanded 
the  energetic  military  repression  of  the  disorders  which 
had  now  disturbed  the  western  provinces  for  over  three 
years.  Believing  that  the  exceptional  measures  proposed 
would  cause  conflict  between  the  civil  and  military  au- 
thorities, Lamartine,  rapidly  outlining  the  internecine 
struggle  which  at  various  intervals  had  devastated  the 
country  since  1793,  pleaded  for  clemency.  Moderate  and 
impregnated  with  sound  good  sense  as  were  his  objections 
to  the  course  it  was  proposed  to  follow,  the  ground  on 
which  he  ventured  was  nevertheless  ill-advised,  as  the 
ambiguity  of  his  political  leanings  gave  rise  to  doubt  as  to 
the  disinterestedness  of  his  counsels.  In  his  political  me- 
moirs Lamartine  passes  over  the  incident  in  silence,  but  a 
letter  to  his  father,  written  a  couple  of  days  after  his  un- 
successful venture,  announces  his  intention  of  renewing 
1  Correspondence,  DLXXXIX. 
.  .  419  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


the  attack.  "  I  doubt  whether  the  Chamber  will  hear  me 
out,"  he  confesses,  "but  never  mind,  I  am  going  to  speak 
to  the  country  and  not  to  some  three  hundred  deputies, 
nearly  all  fettered  by  place  or  interest."  * 

It  was  to  be  the  same  when  he  addressed  his  colleagues 
on  questions  relative  to  the  law  against  political  associa- 
tions of  a  subversive  nature.2  Not  to  the  Chamber,  but  to 
the  People,  to  France,  he  formulated  his  ambitions  for 
what  he  termed  "  le  parti  social " ;  a  party  constituting  an 
immense  majority  in  the  land,  a  party  which  refused  alli- 
ance with  the  passions  of  the  retrogrades  as  well  as  with 
the  subversive  passions  of  the  extremists  who  sought 
liberties  akin  to  anarchy. 

The  moment  was  a  critical  one.  Mazzini's  "Young 
Italy,"  an  association  the  ramifications  of  which  extended 
throughout  France,  was,  owing  to  its  essentially  republi- 
can principles,  causing  considerable  trouble  to  the  as  yet 
not  very  firmly  established  throne  of  Louis-Philippe.  In 
the  early  days  of  the  July  Monarchy  a  certain  leniency, 
not  to  say  tacit  complicity,  had  been  vouchsafed  to  the 
disciples  of  the  Italian  revolutionist.3  The  Citizen-King 
had  even  allowed  himself  to  express  sympathy  with  the 
ideals  professed  by  the  Italian  Liberals,  and  promises  had 
been  made,  the  execution  of  which  the  rapidly  acquired 
conservatism  of  the  new  regime  forbade.  La  Cecilia,  the 
trusted  lieutenant  of  the  Neapolitan  Constitutionalists, 
prints  in  his  memoirs  the  text  of  a  diplomatic  convention 
signed  in  Paris  on  February  18,  1831,  by  the  Marquis 
Lafayette  and  the  members  of  the  Italian  Insurrectionary 
Committee,  providing  for  certain  mutual  concessions, 
should  the  contemplated  raid  into  Savoy  prove  successful.4 

1  Correspondence,  DLXXXIX. 

1  Speech  of  March  13,  1834,  "Sur  la  loi  centre  les  Associations." 
8  Cf.  Bolton  King,  Mazzini,  p.  35. 

*  La  Cecilia,  Memorie,  vol.  i,  p.  165;  cf.  also  P.  Thureau-Dangin,  His- 
toire  de  la  monarchic  de  Juillet,  vol.  n,  pp.  183-85,  note  2. 

•  •  420  •  • 


JOCELYN 

Be  this  as  it  may,  Lafayette  was  at  this  time,  and  for 
several  years  later,  the  centre  of  revolutionary  diplo- 
macy. "Tous  les  conspirateurs  et  insurges  df Europe 
avaient  des  agents  accredites  aupres  de  lui.  Sa  corres- 
pondance  le  montre  occup6  a  les  encourager,  etc."  l 

The  French  Government,  not  without  some  reason, 
perhaps,  considered  the  licence  granted  the  foreign  politi- 
cal refugees,  both  on  its  soil  and  hovering  on  the  Swiss 
frontier,  as  responsible  for  the  uprisings  in  Paris  and 
Lyons  in  February,  1834.  With  a  view  as  much  to  the 
fear  of  international  complications  as  to  the  maintenance 
of  order  within  the  Kingdom,  the  Ministers  of  Louis- 
Philippe  sought  the  adoption  of  a  law  suppressing  secret 
political  associations,  not  unjustly  considered  as  a  public 
peril.  Lamartine  seized  the  opportunity  to  define  the  ob- 
jections the  social  liberties  he  championed  must  discern 
in  the  repressive  measures  proposed.  While  he  recog- 
nized the  dangers  subversive  and  irresponsible  secret  so- 
cieties might  exercise  during  periods  of  political  unrest,  he 
considered  a  law  regulating  and  restricting  the  organiza- 
tion of  such  associations  preferable  to  their  forcible  sup- 
pression. Nevertheless,  as  the  peril  was  real  and  urgent, 
the  speaker  professed  himself  willing  to  vote  with  the 
Government,  provided  the  measure  proposed  be  consid- 
ered a  temporary  expedient,  and  at  a  more  propitious 
moment  the  indisputable  right  of  every  citizen  individu- 
ally or  collectively  to  combat  tyrannical  oppression  in 
whatever  form  —  even  legally  constituted  —  be  admitted. 
He  urged  the  Government  to  look  ahead ;  to  frame  laws 
calculated  to  improve  the  material  and  moral  conditions 
of  labour;  to  enlarge  the  social  liberties  guaranteed  by 
sacred  constitutional  rights,  rather  than  restrict  and 
hamper  such  privileges  by  vexatious  repression. 

It  was  the  nearest  approach  the  deputy  from  Bergues 
1  La  Cecilia,  op.  tit.,  p.  185. 
•  •  421   •  •  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


had  yet  made  to  an  expose  of  principles.  The  speech  is, 
therefore,  of  importance  as  constituting  a  departure  from 
the  policy  of  isolation  he  had  laid  down.  The  germ  of  his 
political  and  social  evolution  is  discernible  in  the  sugges- 
tions he  makes,  for  he  faintly  outlines  the  support  he  is 
willing  to  afford  the  July  Monarchy  under  certain  given 
conditions  —  namely,  the  elaboration  of  liberal  social 
laws  on  a  frankly  democratic  basis.  His  utterances 
pleased  the  Conservatives  by  virtue  of  his  acceptance  of 
the  proposed  law,  while  the  Opposition  applauded  the  res- 
ervations he  made  in  favour  of  liberty;  and  all  parties 
recognized  the  beauties  of  the  programme  he  expounded 
in  terms  too  vague  and  indefinite  to  wound  any  suscepti- 
bilities. l  "None  dream  of  presenting  the  proposed  law  as 
one  of  those  enactments  which  solve  in  a  definite  and  per- 
manent manner  the  great  problems  of  political  organi- 
zations," writes  Thureau-Dangin.  "It  was  an  existing 
peril:  a  war  measure  directed  against  a  hostile  faction."  2 
But  Louis  Blanc  opines  that  "in  voting  the  law  against 
the  Associations,  M.  de  Lamartine  yielded  to  the  fear 
that  the  political  societies  wage  battle  against  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  thus  pile  up  ruin  upon  ruins.  He  did  not 
grasp  the  fact  that  this  law  would  be  the  signal  for  the 
battle  he  dreaded  so."  3 

Lamartine  himself  was  delighted  with  the  effect  pro- 
duced. "I  improvised  for  an  hour  yesterday,"  he  wrote 
Virieu,  "on  most  delicate  points,  and  although  I  spoke 
badly,  my  brain  drained  by  fever,  I  had,  in  my  opinion, 
the  greatest  success  attainable  by  one  in  my  position  in 
the  present  Chamber.  They  heard  me  out  as  I  defined 
exhaustively  the  aims  of  our  new  party,  and  when  I  left 
the  rostrum  sixty  persons,  from  all  sides  of  the  Chamber, 

1  Cf.  Quentin-Bauchart,  op.  tit.,  p.  23. 

*  Histoire  de  la  monarchie  de  JuiUet,  vol.  II,  pp.  229-32. 

8  Histoire  de  Dix  Ans,  vol.  iv,  p.  210. 

.  .  422  •  • 


JOCELYN 

unknown  to  me,  hostile,  spiteful  adversaries,  came  to 
press  my  hands,  exclaiming:  'Here  at  last  is  the  man  we 
need,  here  the  noble,  moral,  and  conciliatory  doctrines 
which  must  unite  us  all  under  any  flag.' "  l  Of  course  he 
exaggerates.  The  newspapers,  admitting  his  undoubted 
oratorical  success,  criticized  the  "flabbiness  and  indeci- 
sion" of  his  convictions;  regretted  the  absence  of  the 
"outburst  of  soul  by  which  the  orator  and  the  poet  en- 
thral and  allure  the  masses."  2  All  this  was  to  come;  but 
the  time  was  not  yet.  Before  the  dissolution  of  the  Cham- 
ber (May  24)  and  the  elections  which  ensued  (June  21, 
1834),  Lamartine  had  strengthened  his  position  by  an 
expression  of  opinion  on  several  subjects  of  national  im- 
portance. His  advocacy  of  the  recognition  of  the  so- 
called  "Dette  americaine"  caused  widespread  comment, 
and  argued  well  for  the  political  probity  of  the  states- 
man who  strongly  upheld  the  sacredness  of  international 
obligations. 

The  controversy  was  one  not  only  involving  principles 
of  justice  and  equity,  but  in  which,  Lamartine  contended, 
the  national  honour  of  France  was  at  stake.  A  word  of 
explanation  as  to  the  origin  of  the  contention  is  perhaps 
necessary.  Between  1806  and  1812,  Napoleon  I  had 
caused  to  be  irregularly  seized  vessels  flying  the  American 
flag.  The  Emperor  had  himself  recognized  the  illegality 
of  these  seizures,  and  had  admitted  the  validity  of  the 
claims  presented,  offering  in  settlement  an  indemnity  of 
eighteen  million  francs.,  This  sum  had  been  refused  as 
insufficient.  The  Government  of  the  Restoration,  with- 
out contesting  the  debt,  eluded  an  examination  of  the 
contention,  and  the  July  Monarchy  found  the  question 
still  pending.  Isolated,  and  threatened  with  foreign  com- 
plications of  an  embarrassing  nature,  the  Government  of 
Louis- Philippe  could  ill  afford  the  risk  of  further  em- 

1  Correspondance,  DXCII.  *  Cf.  Le  Courrierfrangais,  February  4, 1834. 
.  .  423  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


broilments  beyond  the  seas.  Besides,  the  Citizen-King 
cherished  a  scheme  by  which  the  United  States  might  be 
drawn  into  the  league  of  liberal  States  he  sought  to  oppose 
to  the  Holy  Alliance  of  Continental  Powers.1  "There  is 
considerable  uneasiness  at  this  moment  as  to  the  issue  of 
the  affair  with  America,"  wrote  Count  Rodolph  Appo- 
nyi  in  his  journal  on  November  21, 1835.  "•  •  •  President 
Jackson  is  evidently  opposed  to  the  French  Government 
and  would  ask  nothing  better  than  to  break  entirely  with 
this  half-aristocratic  and  half-liberal  administration.  For 
France,  where  at  present  commercial  interests  pass  before 
all  other  considerations,  where  Louis- Philippe's  throne  is 
upheld  only  in  so  far  as  it  contributes  to  the  prosperity  of 
the  country,  and  increases  it,  this  question  is  a  capital 
one."  2  The  United  States  demanded  an  indemnity  of 
seventy  million  francs,  reduced  by  treaty  of  July  4,  1831, 
to  twenty-five  millions.  The  parliamentary  commission, 
appointed  to  report  on  the  affair,  had  unanimously  ap- 
proved the  award,  and  Lafayette,  still  a  power  to  be 
reckoned  with,  was  known  to  be  a  warm  supporter  of  this 
decision. 

The  debate,  opened  in  the  Chamber  on  March  28,  was 
at  first  considered  a  mere  formality,  but  to  the  surprise  of 
the  Government  serious  opposition  to  the  payment  of  the 
debt  was  encountered.  The  struggle  was  a  long  and  a 
bitter  one,  resulting  in  the  resignation  of  the  Due  de 
Broglie,  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  who,  although  he 
had  not  negotiated  the  Treaty  of  1831,  unhesitatingly 
espoused  the  responsibilities  his  predecessor  had  in- 
curred.8 On  learning  of  the  action  of  the  French  Chamber 
President  Jackson  sent  (December  I,  1834)  a  strong  pro- 
test to  Congress,  affirming  that  further  negotiations  were 

1  Cf.  Thureau-Dangin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  n,  p.  248. 

1  Journal  du  Comte  Rodolph  Apponyi,  vol.  in,  p.  152. 

*  Thureau-Dangin,  op.  cit.,  vol.  11,  p.  248. 

.  .  424  .  . 


JOCELYN 

out  of  the  question,  and  urging  that,  should  this  attitude 
be  maintained,  reprisals  on  the  property  of  Frenchmen  in 
America  be  resorted  to.  Resentment  ran  high  in  France, 
where  the  President's  words  were  considered  as  humiliat- 
ing and  insulting. l  Diplomatic  relations  were  broken  off, 
and  for  a  time  an  unpleasant  state  of  suspense  existed, 
yet  open  hostilities  would  seem  never  to  have  been  actu- 
ally contemplated.  Finally,  through  the  good  offices  of 
Great  Britain,  a  renewal  of  negotiations  was  effected,  in 
1836,  and  the  indemnity  paid.2  Lamartine's  fervent 
advocacy  of  France's  obligations,  at  this  period  and  a 
year  later  (April  13,  1835),  contributed  not  a  little  to  the 
pacific  settlement  of  this  vexed  question. 

The  separation  of  Church  and  State  had  always  been, 
in  Lamartine's  estimation,  a  political  and  social  problem 
of  vital  importance.  In  his  "Essai  sur  la  Politique  ra- 
tionnelle,"  the  keystone  of  his  political  creed  through- 
out life,  it  will  be  remembered  that  he  anticipated  this 
"fortunate  and  incontestable  necessity  in  an  epoch  when 
power  belongs  to  all  and  not  to  the  few."  In  a  free  State 
he  argued  that  religious  worship  could  not  be  exclusive 
and  privileged :  faith  is  a  holy  bond  between  the  individual 
and  his  God ;  if  the  State  intervenes  'twixt  man  and  the 
Divine  Light,  a  something  palpable  and  material  is  in- 
troduced, a  pact  which  ecclesiastical  or  secular  tyranny 
can  transform  or  modify  at  will.  "Such  a  system  breeds 
hypocrites  when  the  State  is  Christian,  unbelievers 
when  it  is  sceptical,  atheists  and  martyrs  when  it  per- 
secutes." *  But  although  convinced  of  the  imperative 
necessity  of  reciprocal  liberty  of  action,  he  was  equally 
conscious  that  a  precipitate  and  ill-considered  divorce 

1  Cf.  La  France  parlementairc,  vol.  I,  pp.  126-45;  also  Louis  Blanc, 
op.  tit.,  vol.  iv,  p.  351. 

1  Cf.  John  W.  Foster,  A  Century  of  American  Diplomacy,  p.  278;  also 
McMaster,  History  of  the  People  of  the  United  States,  vol.  HI,  p.  293. 

»  Op.  cU.,  p.  71. 

.  .  425  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


must  inevitably  result  in  intolerable  religious  licence, 
itself  a  peril  to  the  State  and  social  institutions  of  every 
nature.  For  these  reasons  he  approached  the  issue  tenta- 
tively, seeking  to  prepare  his  countrymen  for  the  sev- 
erance of  the  bonds  which  Napoleon's  Concordat  had 
created. 

An  opportunity  was  presented  on  April  26,  during  the 
discussion  of  a  petition  submitted  by  numerous  citizens 
concerning  the  maintenance  of  certain  bishoprics  whose 
funds  had  been  suppressed  or  reduced  a  couple  of  years 
previously  (1832).  Lamartine,  while  he  deplored  the 
pact  which  bound  the  Government  and  the  hierarchy  of 
Rome,  urged  the  reestablishment  of  the  allocations. 
The  moment  was  not  ripe,  in  his  estimation,  for  radical 
changes,  in  spite  of  the  clerical  corruption  he  points  out, 
for,  although  the  Church  had  lost  its  spiritual  empire 
because  it  sought  undue  temporal  power,  the  religious 
sentiment  of  the  country,  Catholicism,  had  not  been 
dragged  down  in  its  fall.1  And  he  appeals  to  his  fellow- 
deputies  to  respect  the  obligations  the  treaties  with 
Rome  entail,  the  inviolability  of  the  religious  consciences 
it  is  sought  to  coerce.  A  direct  conflict  with  the  religious 
conscience  of  the  country,  or  a  fraction  of  the  country,  he 
deemed  not  only  inopportune  but  dangerous,  as  consti- 
tuting a  violation  of  the  most  sacred  individual  liberties, 
that  of  freedom  of  worship.  Yet,  while  he  defends  the 
cause  of  the  dioceses,  his  utterances  are  pregnant  with 
disapproval  of  what  he  calls  "the  fatal  knot  which 
binds  together  Church  and  State,"  fatal  alike  to  true 
religious  sentiment  and  the  effective  independence  of 
either  contracting  party.  Himself  educated  in  a  religious 
institution  —  the  Jesuit  college  at  Belley  —  Lamartine 
was  in  a  position  to  appreciate  the  disadvantages 
attending  a  training  so  little  in  sympathy  with  the 
1  Speech  "Sur  les  Evgches,"  April  26,  1834.  . 
.  .  426  •  • 


JOCELYN 

requirements  of  modern  citizenship.  Most  emphatically 
he  advocated  that  the  State  perfect  and  extend  the  edu- 
cational system  it  was  its  right  and  bounden  duty  to  en- 
force. Not  that  he  would  completely  separate  the  reli- 
gious and  secular  elements,  as  his  successors  have  done  in 
France.  "  Toute  lumi£re  vient  de  Dieu  et  mene  a  Dieu,"  1 
he  assured  his  hearers  when  addressing  the  Chamber  on 
a  motion  for  a  reduction  of  the  budget  of  Public  Instruc- 
tion. But  he  separated  moral  and  religious  sentiments, 
believing  the  State  amply  enabled  to  impart  the  former, 
and  insisting  that  the  latter  might  safely  be  left  to  fam- 
ily influences.  •'. 

Such  are  the  opinions  which  prevail  generally  to-day; 
but  eighty  years  ago  it  required  a  good  deal  of  moral 
courage  to  uphold  theories  which  in  many  quarters  were 
deemed  heretical.  That  Lamartine  realized  this  is  ap- 
parent from  his  letter  of  February  17  to  Virieu.  Six 
weeks  before  the  delivery  of  his  speech  he  informed  his 
friend  that  he  had  prepared  "an  immense  harangue  on 
public  instruction."  And  he  adds  that  it  is  to  be  his  chief 
effort  during  the  session.  He  begs  Virieu  to  arrange  to 
have  his  speech  reported  in  extenso  by  the  papers  in 
Lyons,  being  willing  to  pay  for  such  insertion.  "  I  desire 
that  it  be  read  in  its  entirety,  although  my  opinions  may 
perhaps  shock  your  own  ideas.  You  will  note  that  I  deal 
out  truths  to  all."  2  But  although  he  realized  that  the 
"voluntarily  eccentric  position"  he  assumed  meant  mis- 
understanding and  consequent  unpopularity,  the  aim  he 
had  in  view  necessitated  the  open  expression  of  conscien- 
tious opinions.  Strong  in  his  personal  convictions,  Lamar- 
tine had  little  doubt  but  that  the  generous  principles 
of  the  Christian  Democracy  he  preached  must  prevail 
with  the  young  Liberal- Royalists  who  professed  a  sen- 

1  Speech  of  May  8  in  debate  on  Public  Instruction. 
1  Correspondence,  DXC. 

.  .  427  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


timental,  but  far  from  militant,  attachment  to  the  old 
regime  —  "Carlists,"  as  they  were  called  on  account  of 
their  fidelity  to  the  elder  branch  of  the  Bourbons.  But 
he  looked  beyond  the  immediate  political  future  and  had 
the  rising  generation  in  mind,  when  urging  an  increase 
in  the  number  of  universities  as  a  guarantee  for  the 
spread  of  the  higher  moral  and  intellectual  standards  the 
triumphant  advent  of  Democracy  demanded.  Develop 
the  intellectual  forces  of  the  nation  on  lines  parallel  with 
the  legitimate  liberal  aspirations  of  the  new  social  era, 
he  maintained,  and  the  perils  of  the  Revolution  which 
had  witnessed  his  own  birth  need  not  be  dreaded.  For 
the  universities  he  advocated  untrammelled  educational 
franchise,  although  admitting  State  supervision  in  a 
limited  degree.1  * 

Academic  and  lacking  in  concrete  argument  as  this  dis- 
course undoubtedly  is,  its  magnificent  rhetoric,  com- 
bined with  the  morality  of  the  precepts  the  speaker 
sought  to  inculcate,  made  a  deep  impression  on  his  col- 
leagues in  the  Chamber.  Of  the  eloquence  the  new  mem- 
ber had  at  his  command  there  could  be  no  question. 
Lamartine  had  allowed  himself  three  years  to  acquire 
the  art  of  public  speaking,  as  we  have  seen,  but  he  had 
worked  conscientiously  to  overcome  the  imperfections  of 
his  delivery  and  was  even  now  in  a  fair  way  to  satisfy 
his  own  critical  exigencies.  But  although  politics  and 
the  preparation  of  the  subjects  on  which  he  was  to 
speak  necessarily  took  up  much  of  his  time,  Lamartine 
found  leisure  for  literary  work.  "I  write  thirty  pages 
every  morning,"  he  tells  Virieu,  in  February,  and  he 
speaks  of  forty  to  sixty  letters  received  or  written  each 
day,  to  say  nothing  of  the  visitors  who  besiege  the  door 
of  the  poet  and  deputy.  Already,  in  spite  of  the  con- 
siderable sums  his  pen  assured  him,  money  was  scarce, 
1  Speech  "Sur  1'Instruction  publique,"  May  8,  1834. 
.  .  428  •  • 


JOCELYN 

for  his  charity  was  unbounded.  "  I  live  on  my  publisher," 
he  exclaims  on  February  I,  and  a  fortnight  later  acknowl- 
edged the  receipt  of  a  hundred  thousand  francs  for 
work  done  or  to  be  delivered  within  the  next  fifteen 
months.1  Forty  or  sixty  francs  a  day  are  given  to  in- 
digent solicitors,  political  and  literary,  or  to  beggars  of 
all  descriptions,  for  Lamartine  never  could  say  no  to  any 
man,  woman,  or  child  who  asked  his  charity  or  aid. 

Up  before  dawn,  he  lighted  his  lamp  and  the  blazing 
wood  fire  he  loved,  and  in  his  bare  and  unattractive  little 
study  settled  down  to  three  or  four  hours  of  political 
or  literary  composition.  Early  rising  was  a  habit  ac- 
quired in  youth,  and  one  never  abandoned.  One  evening, 
during  the  opening  years  of  the  Second  Empire,  Edou- 
ard  Grenier  expressed  his  admiration  of  the  poet's  habit 
of  early  rising,  and  asked  if  it  had  not  now  become  almost 
second  nature  to  him  to  leave  his  bed  at  all  seasons  at 
five  in  the  morning.  "On  the  contrary,"  replied  Lamar- 
tine, "it  is  as  great  an  effort  as  on  the  first  day."  2  The 
work  done  during  those  quiet  hours  before  the  household 
was  astir  he  considered  his  best.  But  even  during  these 
early  hours  absolute  peace  was  denied  him,  for  his  dogs, 
of  which  half  a  dozen  were  his  constant  companions, 
seemed  to  know  the  days  their  master  devoted  to  poe- 
try, and  chose  such  times  to  scratch  at  his  door  and  to 
come  and  go  more  frequently  than  ever.  Lamartine 
never  was  known  to  refuse  then*  appeals,  and  would  let 
them  in  and  out  a  dozen  times  within  the  hour.3  Under 
such  circumstances  "Jocelyn"  and  "La  Chute  d'un 
Ange"  were  written.  : 

There  were,  however,  interruptions  of  a  different  kind, 
in  the  face  of  which  literary  work  had  to  be  sacrificed. 
The  dissolution  of  the  Chambers  (May  25,  1834)  neces- 

1  Voyage  en  Orient ;  cf .  Correspondance,  DXC. 

1  Cf.  Alexandra,  op.  cit.,  p.  28.  »  Souvenirs  littiraircs,  p.  20. 

•  •  429  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 

sitated  new  elections.  Friends  at  home  were  desirous 
that  Lamartine  should  contest  the  seat  in  his  native 
town;  but  before  doing  so,  doubtful  as  to  the  reception 
he  might  receive,  he  determined  to  visit  Bergues  and 
reconnoitre  his  chances  in  the  district  which  had  up- 
held him  so  faithfully.  In  the  middle  of  May  he  conse- 
quently set  forth  for  the  North,  where  his  electors  re- 
ceived him  with  unbounded  enthusiasm.  During  the 
twenty  days  spent  in  electioneering  ample  evidence  was 
forthcoming  that  success  was  assured.  Nevertheless,  he 
allowed  his  name  to  be  used  at  the  polls  in  Mcicon,  and 
on  June  20,  the  day  before  the  election,  published  a  stir- 
ring address  to  his  fellow-citizens.  Defending  himself 
against  the  usual  accusations  of  bad  faith,  but  without 
clearly  defining  his  political  convictions,  he  winds  up 
his  address  with  the  statement  that  it  matters  little  to 
him  whether  he  obtain  their  suffrages  or  not.  "  I  honour 
my  opponent,"  he  says;  "I  do  not  beg  for  your  favour; 
but  I  desire  your  esteem;  that  is  the  reason  I  have  an- 
swered your  invitation  to  stand."  *  Cavalierly  as  he 
treated  the  voters  at  M£con,  there  is  no  doubt  but  that 
he  ardently  desired  the  suffrages  of  his  native  borough. 
His  canvass  was  discreetly  but  persistently  carried  on 
by  friends,  while  he  himself  was  electioneering  among 
his  Flemish  constituents  at  Hondschoote,  Bergues,  and 
Dunkirk. 

Of  his  success  in  the  North  there  was  from  the  outset 
but  little  question:  the  electors  whom  he  had  served  in 
the  recent  session  were  well  pleased  with  their  representa- 
tive and  satisfied  with  the  somewhat  vague  but  undeni- 
ably patriotic  political  and  social  theories  he  unfolded. 
It  was  therefore  scarcely  a  surprise  to  Lamartine  to  find 
himself  unanimously  reflected  as  deputy  from  Bergues. 
But  that  a  like  honour  should  be  conferred  upon  him  at 

1  La  France  parlementaire,  vol.  I,  p.  88. 

•  -  430  •  • 


JOCELYN 

Micon  was  a  flattering  testimonial  to  his  popularity  on 
which  he  had  not  dared  to  count.  Nevertheless,  he  did 
not  hesitate,  and  waived  the  private  considerations 
which  prompted  acceptance  of  the  representation  of 
his  fellow-citizens  in  favour  of  that  of  his  political  asso- 
ciates in  the  distant  North.  It  must  appear  extraor- 
dinary that,  having  the  choice  between  his  home  borough 
and  the  remote  Flemish  constituency,  Lamartine  should 
have  decided  in  favour  of  the  latter.  The  fact  is,  how- 
ever, that  in  spite  of  the  good- will  of  those  who  effected 
his  election  at  M§.con,  the  successful  candidate  realized 
that  the  authorities  in  his  native  province  and  town 
were  frankly  antagonistic  to  him.  We  have  the  testi- 
mony of  the  Prefect  of  the  D£partement  de  Sa6ne  et 
Loire  as  evidence  of  the  strained  relations  which  existed 
in  1834  between  Lamartine  and  the  public  function- 
aries of  the  district.1  Although  a  member  of  the  General 
Council  of  the  district,  his  unpopularity  was  great  in  that 
body,  and  his  influence  consequently  insignificant.  Un- 
doubtedly Lamartine  realized  that,  owing  to  this  antago- 
nism, the  principles  of  the  policy  he  had  adopted  must  be 
continually  misrepresented  and  thwarted,  and  that  his 
prestige  in  the  Chamber  and  with  the  country  at  large 
must  inevitably  suffer.  On  the  other  hand,  the  confidence 
of  the  electors  at  Bergues  was  assured  him.  As  he  wrote 
in  his  letter  of  acceptance,  their  suffrages  had  enabled 
him  to  make  a  beginning,  and  with  their  aid  and  support 
he  hoped  to  carry  on  the  work  he  had  undertaken.2  With 
his  constituents  in  the  North  he  was  in  absolute  accord ; 
with  those  of  his  native  town  continual  conflict  was 
probable  if  not  certain.  At  any  rate,  his  independence 
would  be  hampered.  Lamartine,  greatly  as  he  desired  to 

1  Souvenirs  d'un  ancicn  Prtfet,  p.  197. 

*  Cf.  letter  to  electors  of  Bergues,  dated  from  Saint-Point,  June  26, 
,  quoted  by  M.  Cochin,  op.  cit.,  p.  421. 

•  -  431    '  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


represent  in  the  councils  of  the  Nation  the  cradle  of  his 
ancestors,  felt  that  he  could  afford  to  wait.  Unquestion- 
ably he  was  right. 

i  The  summer  of  1834  was  spent  quietly  at  Monceau 
and  Saint- Point.  Literary  work  absorbed  him,  for,  as  he 
wrote  Virieu,  he  had  undertaken  to  deliver  "five  vol- 
umes within  five  months."  *  These  books  were  the  four 
volumes  of  his  "Voyage  en  Orient,"  for  which  he  had 
been  paid  in  advance,  and  the  "  joli  petit  poeme  du  Jour- 
nal d'un  Vicaire"  to  be  known  as  "Jocelyn,"  and  recog- 
nized to-day  as  one  of  the  most  perfect  examples  of  his 
style.  Of  course  Dargaud,  who  had  become  well-nigh 
inseparable,  was  a  frequent  visitor,  and  his  influence 
with  the  poet-statesman  constantly  increased.  Writing 
to  his  fianc6e,  Mademoiselle  Blanchet,  on  August  14, 
1834,  Dargaud  mentions  having  spent  a  month  with  his 
friend,  moving  with  the  family  from  Monceau  to  Milly 
and  thence  to  Saint-Point.  "M.  de  Lamartine  wanted 
to  keep  me  till  January,  when  the  session  opens,  and  let 
me  go  only  on  the  condition  that  I  return  in  six  weeks. 
...  I  would  like  him  to  renounce  sacerdotal  traditions 
and  essay  the  new  philosophy.  I  want  the  swan  to  be- 
come an  eagle." 2  And  again  in  November  of  the 
same  year,  this  time  from  the  ancestral  nest  at  Milly, 
Dargaud  expatiates  on  the  pleasure  these  sojourns 
afford  him.  The  house  was  full  of  "painters  and  artists 
of  all  kinds."  "Nothing  is  comparable  to  the  charms  of 
our  evenings  devoted  to  readings  and  conversations. 
M.  de  Lamartine  is  charming  with  me,  and  his  friend- 
ship most  tender.  .  .  .  The  house  is  a  veritable  religious 
Ferney,3  where  days  slip  by  like  hours." 

The  crisis  through  which  Lamartine  was  passing  be- 
came even  more  acute;  his  meditations  and  speculations 

1  Correspondan.ee,  DXCVI.  *  Jean  des  Cognets,  op.  tit.,  p.  263. 

1  The  abode  of  Voltaire,  near  Geneva. 

•  •  432  •  • 


JOCELYN 

on  religious  truths  more  poignant.  Leaving  Monceau  and 
the  guests  assembled  there  he  shut  himself  up  at  Saint- 
Point  for  a  fortnight  alone  with  Dargaud.  To  this  kin- 
dred spirit  he  confided  afresh  the  doubts  and  impulses, 
the  moral  torture  and  joys,  alternating  with  profound 
psychological  depression  and  mystical  beatitude,  which 
constantly  assailed  him.  He  insisted  on  the  audacity  of 
his  thought  and  the  timidity  he  experienced  in  its  ex- 
pression. Dargaud  preached,  exhorted,  and  prophesied, 
endeavouring  to  overcome  the  last  scruples  which  bound 
his  friend  to  the  traditions  of  the  past.  Intellectually 
Lamartine  was  prepared  to  accept  the  new  light,  but  his 
heart  could  not  detach  itself  from  the  old  memories,  the 
"voices"  which  called  him  from  the  grave.  All  through 
the  beautiful  episode  entitled  "  Jocelyn,"  evidences  of  this 
fierce  psychological  struggle  are  apparent.  Conscience- 
stricken  he  recoils  before  the  magnitude  of  the  sacrifice 
demanded  of  him,  only  to  be  fascinated  a  moment  later 
by  the  intellectual,  the  humanitarian  beauties  of  the 
philosophy  he  is  urged  to  embrace.  Jocelyn  is  Lamar- 
tine: the  chasm  which  separated  the  humble  parish  priest, 
whose  prototype  was  the  author's  friend,  the  Abb6  Du- 
mont,  from  the  ecclesiastical  doctrines  he  defied,  is  the 
ever-widening  gulf  which  yawned  between  Lamartine 
and  the  dogmas  of  the  Roman  Church. 

Dargaud 's  influence  was  paramount  during  the  compo- 
sition of  this  great  epic:  but  the  "Voyage  en  Orient" 
had  prepared  the  way.  The  thesis  of  the  celibacy  of  the 
priesthood  had  already  been  upheld  in  the  chapters 
dealing  with  the  Maronites.  It  would  be  an  exaggeration, 
however,  to  hold  Dargaud  solely  responsible  for  the 
pantheism,  the  rationalism,  and  evolutionary  principles 
everywhere  discernible  in  "Jocelyn,"  for  the  germs  of 
the  philosophy  he  taught  were  unquestionably  lying 
latent  in  the  sub-conscious  recesses  of  the  soul  of  the 

.  .  433  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


author  of  the  "Meditations"  long  before  their  meeting. 
Nevertheless,  the  trusted  and  beloved  exponent  of  the 
gospel  of  the  modern  theosophy  was  accountable  for  the 
public  expression  of  theories  deemed  heretical.  Those 
endless  metaphysical  discussions  during  the  long  sum- 
mer rambles  on  the  country-side  round  Saint-Point, 
and  the  daily  walks  in  the  Bois  de  Boulogne  while  Par- 
liament was  in  session,  were  bearing  fruit.  Lamartine 
held  back,  it  is  true,  convinced  that  his  political  situa- 
tion forbade  open  proselytism  for  the  new  religion;  but 
the  theories  he  dared  not  proclaim  from  the  rostrum 
found  vent  through  his  hero,  Jocelyn.1 

"  'Jocelyn'  is  written  wholly  in  the  spirit  of  Rousseau," 
opines  M.  Marc  Citoleux  in  his  minute  analysis  of  the 
origins  of  Lamartine's  philosophical  poetry.  "Won  over 
to  Rationalism,  that  is,  the  negation  of  the  supernat- 
ural, Lamartine  halts  at  the  Religion  of  the  '  Vicaire  Sa- 
voyard,' which  is  kin  to  the  first  stages  of  incredulity."  2 
But  if  "Jocelyn  does  not  leave  the  earth,  he  walks  with 
dignity  amongst  men,  without  miracles  as  without  cow- 
ardice," criticized  Gustave  Planche,8  in  1836;  and  most 
readers  of  the  lyrical  drama  will  agree  with  him.  Theo- 
logians, Protestant  as  well  as  Roman,  may  wrangle  over 
the  heresies  of  "Jocelyn,"  but  it  would  be  manifestly 
unfair  to  brand  Lamartine  a  religious  iconoclast.  Politi- 
cally he  sought  harmony  and  peace  between  the  two 
great  mentors  of  the  human  conscience,  the  temporal  and 
the  spiritual;  but,  like  Cavour,  he  sighed  for  a  Free 
Church  in  a  Free  State.  Yet,  as  he  told  his  electors  at 
Bergues,  he  had  made  it  his  business  to  defend  the  Con- 
cordat against  the  attacks  of  the  ultra-Liberals  and  anti- 
Clericals,  believing  liberty  of  conscience  and  of  religion 

1  Cf.  Des  Cognets,  op.  tit.,  p.  268. 

*  Lamartine,  La  potsie  philosophique,  p.  149. 

'  Portraits  litteraires,  vol.  i,  p.  92. 

.  .  434  .  . 


JOCELYN 

to  be  menaced.1  On  matters  of  Catholic  dogma  he  might 
and  did  dissent,  but  to  the  fundamental  doctrines  of 
Christianity  he  remained  steadfastly  attached.  The  "new 
religion"  he  was  called  upon  to  embrace  must  be,  if  he 
vouchsafed  it  his  support,  no  mere  flaunting  of  specula- 
tive philosophical  theories,  but  a  series  of  doctrinal  re- 
forms more  in  harmony  with  the  social  aspirations  of  the 
age  —  a  philosophy  as  far  removed  from  atheism  as 
liberty  from  licence. 

We  have  seen  that  Lamartine  confessed  to  Dargaud  on 
their  first  meeting  that  his  orthodoxy  was  "more  that 
of  the  lips  than  of  the  heart."  But  M.  de  Barth£lemy 
goes  too  far  when  he  accuses  the  poet  of  insincerity  and 
hypocrisy  in  his  writings  and  draws  a  picture  of  his  un- 
seemly attitude  during  public  worship  in  Macon.  Shocked 
at  his  apparent  indifference  to  his  surroundings,  the  Pre- 
fect says  he  mentioned  the  matter  to  a  friend.  " '  I  have 
known  Lamartine  since  his  birth,'  observed  the  latter: 
'he  never  believed  in  any  religion.  At  the  most  he  be- 
lieves in  God ;  but  of  that  I  am  not  very  sure.'"  2  This  is 
calumny,  and  merely  quoted  as  an  example  of  the  misin- 
terpretations placed  upon  Lamartine's  most  insignificant 
actions.  Barthelemy,  a  fervent  adherent  of  the  July  Mon- 
archy, was  a  political  adversary  of  the  parliamentary  free 
lance  whose  arrogant  independence  angered  the  acolytes  of 
Louis- Philippe's  Administration.  Hence  the  vituperation. 

"In  a  few  years  I  shall  certainly  write  a  philosophical 
treatise,"  Lamartine  assured  Virieu  in  the  autumn  of 
this  same  year  1834.  But  he  acknowledged  that  as  yet 
his  convictions  were  not  ripe,  and  that  for  the  present 
he  could  "find  Truth  nowhere."  s  "Once  my  determina- 
tion is  taken  I  shall  go  far,"  he  had  assured  Dargaud.4 

1  Cf.  electoral  speech  at  Hondschoote  May  25,  1834. 

1  Souvenirs  d'un  ancien  Prefet,  p.  193.  *  Correspondence,  oxcvn. 

4  Des  Cognets,  op.  cit.t  p.  268. 

.  .  435  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 

When  "Jocelyn"  was  published,  Rome  considered  that 
he  had  indeed  gone  far,  and  the  poem,  together  with 
the  "Voyage  en  Orient,"  was  placed  on  the  Index  Ex- 
pur  gatorius  on  September  22,  I836.1  The  condemnation 
of  his  works  as  heretical  does  not  appear  to  have  deeply 
impressed  Lamartine,  any  more  than  the  previous  at- 
tacks of  the  Catholic  press  had  done.  Did  he  feel  him- 
self beyond  the  reach  of  injury  from  such  sources?  Not 
quite,  for  as  early  as  March  26,  1836,  he  inserted  a  post- 
scriptum  in  the  editions  of  "Jocelyn"  protesting  against 
the  accusations  of  an  attack  on  "Catholic  Christianity." 
Declining  to  make  a  profession  of  faith,  he  asserts,  never- 
theless, his  veneration,  gratitude,  and  love  for  a  reli- 
gion which  has  "incarnated  Divine  Reason  in  human 
reason."  His  object,  he  maintains,  is  to  inspire  the  adora- 
tion of  God,  love  of  fellow-man,  and  the  taste  for  the 
beautiful  and  the  good  in  souls  possessing  noble  and 
divine  instincts.  Repudiating  the  insinuations  of  pan*- 
theism,  he  insists  that  he  would  as  lief  be  accused  of 
atheism.  Because  the  poet  sees  God  everywhere  he  is 
supposed  to  see  Him  in  everything:  an  assertion  he 
vigorously  refutes.  Nor  can  Lamartine  be  accused  of  in- 
sincerity in  the  premiss,  for,  although  certain  verses  are 
susceptible  of  pantheistic  interpretation,  no  indication  of 
a  positive  denial  of  the  Divine  Personality  can  be  traced 
in  his  works.  The  eminent  Swiss  theologian  and  literary 
critic,  Alexandre  Vinet,  diagnosed  "Jocelyn"  from  the 
Protestant  standpoint  in  the  "Semeur"  of  March  16 
and  23,  1836.  Liberal  and  penetrating  as  his  criticism  is, 
true  as  many  of  his  conclusions  undoubtedly  are,  the  dif- 
ficulty he  experiences  in  reconciling  equitable  judgment 
and  religious  prejudice  is  often  so  apparent  as  to  invali- 

1  Des  Cognets,  op.  cit.t  pp.  223  and  274;  cf.  also  Henri  Cochin,  Lamar- 
tine et  la  Flandre,  p.  248.  The  incident  would  seem  to  have  passed  practi- 
cally unnoticed  by  his  Catholic  constituents. 

•  •  436  •  • 


JOCELYN 

date  the  soundness  of  what,  from  a  purely  literary  stand- 
ard, constitutes  one  of  the  finest  appreciations  of  this 
lyrical  drama.  Vinet  recognizes,  as  did  most  of  his  con- 
temporaries, that  Lamartine  and  Jocelyn  may  be  taken 
by  the  reader  as  practically  synonymous  terms,  claiming 
that  differentiation  of  the  author's  and  his  hero's  ideals 
and  articles  of  dogma  is  an  impossibility. 

Unquestionably  Dargaud  would  have  preferred  that 
the  critics  be  allowed  to  draw  freely  and  uncontradicted 
their  own  conclusions  concerning  the  "heresies"  con- 
tained in  "Jocelyn."  Certainly  he  must  have  frowned 
on  the  sop  thrown  to  the  outraged  upholders  of  dogma 
in  the  post-scriptum,  for  it  constituted  further  evidence  of 
Lamartine's  hesitation  to  burn  his  ships  and  resolutely 
tread  the  unexplored  realms  of  the  nascent  philosophy 
which  was  to  moralize  the  political  world. 

But  humanitarian  to  the  core,  Lamartine  was  no  rev- 
olutionary, in  the  iconoclastic  sense  of  the  term.  As 
Sainte-Beuve  very  justly  remarked,  "his  was  a  policy 
of  expansion,  not  eruption."  l  Wise  conservatism  tem- 
pered by  moderate  liberalism,  the  whole  welded  by  strong 
leanings  towards  order  and  constituted  authority:  such 
was  the  policy  he  advocated  during  his  parliamentary 
career.  'The  catch-word,  "politique  sociale,"  with  which 
he  interlarded  nearly  all  his  speeches,  was  misleading.  Of 
socialism,  such  as  we  understand  the  term  to-day,  there 
was  but  little  trace  in  the  Lamartinian  doctrine:  hu- 
manitarianism  would  perhaps  convey  more  correctly  the 
somewhat  chimerical  aims  he  had  in  view.  Essentially 
religious  in  its  ideals,  the  "politique  sociale"  drew  its 
inspiration  primarily  from  evangelical  sources.  To  quote 
Sainte-Beuve 2  again,  Lamartine  could  only  conceive  trans- 

1  Sainte-Beuve,  Portraits  contemporains,  vol.  I,  p.  351. 

*  Portraits  contemporains,  vol.  I,  p.  307;  cf.  also  Correspondance,  DC. 
"Une  reforme  est  indispensable  au  monde  religieux  plus  qu'au  monde  poli- 
tique." 

.  .  437  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


formations  of  even  the  most  mature  human  society  by 
virtue  of  the  inheritance  of  Christ. 

Under  such  conditions,  conversant  as  he  was  with 
the  poet-statesman's  temperamental  religiosity,  Dargaud 
could  at  most  look  for  the  gradual  acceptance  of  the  pos- 
itivism which  imbued  the  tenets  of  the  new  philosophy. 
More  amenable  to  the  political  theories  which  underlay 
the  system  he  was  asked  to  embrace,  there  is  but  little 
doubt  that  the  secular  character  of  Dargaud's  republi- 
canism alone  prevented  complete  accord.  Lamartine 
was  too  sincerely  attached  to  the  democratic  ideal  not  to 
recognize  the  theoretical  beauties  of  popular  government. 
If  he  had  objected  in  1830  to  the  Republic,  it  was  because 
he  clearly  foresaw  that  a  counter-revolution  meant  the 
rule  of  the  Clubs,  and  foreshadowed  the  renewal  of  the 
reign  of  spiritual  and  political  anarchy  of  '93 ;  inevitably 
followed  by  the  armed  intervention  of  coalesced  Europe.1 
The  "politique  sociale"  anticipated  no  such  violent  up- 
heavals :  but  the  goal  to  which  it  inevitably  led  was  the 
Republic.  What  has  been  said  and  written  to  the  con- 
trary notwithstanding,  there  is  justification  for  the  be- 
lief that  Lamartine  realized  as  early  as  1834  whither  his 
social  policy  must  carry  him,  and  was  prepared  to  face 
the  issue.  "Plus  tard  je  serai  votre  reserve  a  tous,"  he 
wrote  Virieu  the  last  days  of  December.2  The  prophecy 
was  fulfilled  to  the  letter  fourteen  years  later. 

Meanwhile  the  July  Monarchy  afforded  a  temporary 
guarantee  for  the  preservation  of  law  and  order,  and 
must  not  be  allowed  to  fall  before  its  purpose  had  been 
achieved.  For  this  reason  he  voted  with  the  Ministry 
on  all  questions  not  involving  the  fundamental  princi- 
ples of  his  policy.  At  the  opening  of  the  session  of  1834, 

1  Cf.  Correspondence,  DXX  and  DXXIV;  also  Louis  Blanc's  beautiful 
tribute  to  Lamartine's  devotion  to  the  principles  of  Democracy,  Histoire 
de  Dix  Ans,  vol.  iv,  p.  207  et  seq. 

1  Correspondence,  DCI. 

'  •  438  •  • 


JOCELYN 

Lamartine  claimed  that  over  twenty  of  his  colleagues 
in  the  Chamber  shared  his  opinions,  adding  that  be- 
fore the  year  was  out  they  would  number  forty,  and 
a  possible  three  hundred  within  four  years.  With  him 
(as  leader  presumably)  they  would  "fight  a  desperate 
battle  against  a  bad  republic  and  effect  either  a  toler- 
able restoration  or  a  rational  republic."  1  The  ambiguity 
of  the  phrase  is  disturbing.  But  it  must  ever  be  borne 
in  mind  that  a  great  turmoil  was  seething  in  Lamar- 
tine's  metaphysical  conscience,  renewing  or  transforming 
cherished  traditions.  It  could  hardly  be  expected  that 
his  political  conscience  should  escape  the  tempest.  The 
"tolerable  restoration"  could  only  mean  the  return  to 
power  of  that  elder  branch  whose  blindness  and  consti- 
tutional incapacity  he  had  over  and  over  again  branded 
as  incurable.  Excessive  loyalty  to  tradition  could  alone 
explain  adherence  to  a  system  his  political  acumen  con- 
demned. The  utterance  characterizes  the  chaotic  senti- 
ments reigning  not  only  in  his  own  mind,  but  in  the 
Chamber  and  the  country  at  large,  where  the  "doctri- 
naires" spread  discord,  if  not  actual  dissent. 

In  his  "M6moires  politiques"  Lamartine  has  left  on 
record  scathing  pages  concerning  the  r61e  played  by  the 
doctrinaires  in  the  Chamber  from  1830  to  1848.  He  has 
little  good  to  say  of  Berryer,  who  represented  practi- 
cally alone  the  Legitimist  cause.  Odilon  Barrot,  who  was 
to  be  his  colleague  in  the  Ministry  of  the  Provisional 
Government  of  1848,  he  esteemed  "a  seeker  after  pop- 
ularity" with  whom  he  did  not  care  to  ally  himself. 
After  1848  his  sentiments  toward  Odilon  Barrot  under- 
went a  change,  it  is  true,,  and  Lamartine  ended  by  re- 
specting and  admiring  the  politician  whose  attitude  dur- 
ing the  fifteen  previous  years  he  blamed.2 

1  Correspondance,  DC.  *  Op.  tit.,  pp.  318-20. 


CHAPTER  XXXI 
INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 

THE  new  Parliament  assembled  on  December  i,  1834. 
Although  disastrous  for  the  Republicans  of  open  and 
avowed  opinions,  the  recent  elections  had  greatly  in- 
creased the  number  of  independents  who  might  at  any 
moment,  and  on  the  flimsiest  pretext,  throw  their  collec- 
tive weight  into  the  scales,  together  with  what  was 
termed  the  "tiers  parti,"  a  heterogeneous  assemblage  of 
politicians  who  professed  no  definite  programme,  voting 
now  with,  now  against,  the  Government.1  As  defined  by 
the  "Revue  des  Deux  Mondes"  (1835)  the  "tiers  parti" 
seemed  to  be  neither  with  nor  against  the  established 
order:  it  proclaimed  the  dynasty  a  necessity,  and  yet, 
involuntarily,  aided  in  secretly  undermining  it.  Theoret- 
ically Lamartine  might  be  accused  of  sharing  the  respon- 
sibilities this  so-called  party  incurred :  yet  in  no  instance 
during  the  opening  years  of  his  parliamentary  career  can 
the  accusation  of  a  deliberate  attempt  to  embarrass  the 
Government  be  levelled  against  him :  he  was  no  obstruc- 
tionist in  the  modern  sense  of  the  term.  A  self-styled 
independent,  his  ambition  was,  as  we  have  seen,  to  form 
the  nucleus  of  a  party  sufficiently  powerful  to  enforce  the 
social  reforms  he  had  at  heart.  That  in  his  estimation  the 
application  of  the  popular  franchises  he  advocated  must 
entail  a  change  in  the  form  of  government  is  tolerably  cer- 
tain, as  a  glance  at  his  political  correspondence  will  show. 
Failing  the  "tolerable  restoration"  —  a  Utopia  even  to 
the  optimism  of  a  Lamartine  —  the  "rational  republic" 
might  prove  an  acceptable  alternative.  Certain  instinc- 

1  Cf.  Memoir es  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  319. 
.  .  440  •  • 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


tive  antipathies,  the  fruit  of  aristocratic  training  and  en- 
vironment, had  to  be  overcome,  for  in  his  early  years 
Democracy  had  been  personified  in  the  Red  Terror:  the 
mob  in  rags,  thirsting  for  blood  and  plunder,  undisci- 
plined and  powerless  to  profit  morally  by  the  triumphs  its 
ferocious  excesses  had  achieved.  Yet,  even  while  he  rec- 
ognized and  deplored  the  licence  the  great  Revolution 
had  awaked,  he  discerned  the  lofty  ideals  underlying  the 
brutal  manifestations  in  the  name  of  Liberty,  and  trusted 
in  the  virtues  and  loyalty  of  the  People:  qualities,  he 
maintained,  never  lost,  but  stunted  and  vitiated  by  lack 
of  education  and  the  cruel  oppression  which  robbed  men 
of  their  birthright.1  The  redemption  of  the  People,  and 
through  the  People  of  Society,  Lamartine  now  sought  to 
achieve  by  the  spread  of  educational  and  religious  liber- 
ties and  the  grant  of  generous  electoral  franchises. 

Political  ideologue  as  he  was  termed,  Lamartine  was 
sincerely  convinced  that  he  had  a  mission  to  fulfil.  His 
parliamentary  tactics  were  in  accordance  with  his  politi- 
cal doctrines.  If  he  sought  popularity  it  was  with  no  ego- 
tistical purpose  of  self-aggrandizement.  The  advice  he 
gave  his  colleagues  and  the  Ministry  must,  if  followed, 
redound  as  much  to  their  honour  as  his  own.  If  they 
feared  the  Republicans,  he  told  them,  there  was  a  sure 
way  of  conquering  them,  but  one  way  only:  "Occupy 
their  positions  yourselves,  surpass  them,  give  the  country 
that  which  they  promise.  With  your  system  of  immobil- 
ity you  are  making  Republicans :  opinions  become  strong 
by  reason  of  the  rights  refused  them,  not  by  virtue  of 
those  which  are  granted."  2  The  system  of  political  re- 
pression he  discerned  in  the  Government  must  weaken, 
he  felt,  the  authority  he  would  have  unquestioned,  but 

1  Louis  Blanc,  Histoire  de  Dix  Ans,  vol.  rv,  p.  208. 
*  Speech  urging  an  amnesty  for  political  offenders,  December  30,  1834; 
cf .  La  France  parlementaire,  vol.  i,  p.  97. 

.  .  441    .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


based  on  individual  freedom  —  the  surest  guarantee  of 
social  stability  in  the  face  of  anarchical  opposition. 

That  Lamartine's  theories  should  be  subjected  to  sharp 
criticism,  even  in  quarters  where  he  might  reasonably 
expect  to  find  support,  was  inevitable.  He  was  a  new  man 
in  politics  and  an  independent  into  the  bargain.  As  such, 
mistrust  and  misinterpretation  were  to  be  his  lot.  On  the 
morrow  of  his  stirring  appeal  for  amnesty  the  "Na- 
tional," a  newspaper  of  advanced  Liberal  tendencies, 
while  acknowledging  the  literary  and  philosophical  value 
of  the  speech,  denied  that  any  deep  impression  had  been 
made  on  the  Assembly,  and  doubted  the  speaker's  capa- 
bility to  sway  an  audience.  The  views  he  had  expressed, 
the  writer  in  the  "National"  maintained,  were  "those  of 
an  orator  of  the  Social  party,  of  the  party  which,  while 
still  feeling  its  way,  pretends  to  have  discovered  the 
goal."  1 

Although  Lamartine  considered  that  he  had  achieved  a 
"moral  victory"  2  by  his  speech  of  December  30,  his  pres- 
tige with  his  colleagues  had  not  been  greatly  increased  by 
the  arguments  he  had  advanced.  Generous  theories,  how- 
ever beautifully  expressed,  could  hardly  be  expected  to 
make  converts  of  politicians  holding  deep-rooted  convic- 
tions and  bound  by  party  ties  and  personal  interests. 
Lamartine's  conceptions  were  still  too  cloudy,  and  his 
political  ability  too  doubtful,  to  warrant  a  following.  His 
contention  that  the  Legitimists  made  a  mistake  in  not 
uniting  with  the  Republicans  must  perforce  appear  sus- 
picious to  both  parties.  Nor  is  this  strange,  in  view  of 
such  vague  utterances  as  the  following:  "I  am  not  anti- 
republican,  given  the  day  and  the  hour."  To  which  he 
adds:  "You  cannot  entirely  understand  me,  nor  can  any- 
body entirely  understand  me,  because  I  only  explain  my- 
self a  little  at  a  time  in  order  not  to  frighten  the  party 

1  Cf.  National  of  December  31,  1834.  *  Correspondance,  DCII. 

.  .  442  •  . 


INFLUENCE   IN  PARLIAMENT 


through  which  I  want  to  act."  1  That  Lamartine  was 
himself  conscious  of  the  incongruity  of  his  position  is 
clear.  "They  laugh  loud  at  my  lack  of  political  spirit," 
he  confided  to  Virieu.  "  But  the  hour  has  not  come.  ...  I 
refuse  advisedly  to  embrace  any  definite  opinion  at  pres- 
ent, neither  Legitimist,  nor  Republican,  nor  yet  juste 
milieu.  Neutral  ground  is  imperative;  a  new  party  which 
shall  absorb  all  others  and  save  them  from  themselves."  2 
This  was  an  ambitious  programme  for  a  tyro  on  the  politi- 
cal stage :  but  Lamartine  had  unbounded  faith  in  himself, 
although  he  admitted  the  fight  would  be  a  long  one  — 
"ten  years,  perhaps";  not  an  exaggerated  estimate  for 
the  reconciliation  of  all  the  warring  interests  which  vexed 
the  unfolding  era  the  Citizen-King  was  to  typify. 

Lamartine  was  not  alone  in  his  belief  that  he  possessed 
a  political  sagacity  beyond  the  average.  If  we  are  to 
credit  his  own  testimony  (and  there  is  no  reason  for  not 
accepting  the  spirit,  if  not  the  letter,  of  the  documentary 
evidence  his  contemporaneous  correspondence  affords) 
Talleyrand  shared  this  confidence  in  the  poet's  political 
destiny.  "I  dined  four  days  ago  with  Talleyrand,"  he 
wrote  Virieu  on  December  27,  1834.  "After  dinner  he 
came  up  to  me  and  asked  for  half  an  hour's  confidential 
talk.  Leading  me  to  a  sofa,  he  began  with  that  solemn 
and  oracular  manner  you  remember : '  You  have  made  an 
admirable  entry  into  public  affairs.' "  To  which  Lamar- 
tine replied  modestly  that  as  yet  he  stood  on  the  thresh- 
old, that  he  represented  at  most  an  idea,  and  belonged 
to  no  party.  But  the  old  diplomatist,  who  had  served 
Napoleon  and  the  Bourbons  of  the  Restoration  as  he  was 
now  serving  Louis-Philippe,  shook  his  wise  old  head: 
"You  have  penetrated  deeper  into  the  heart  of  affairs 
than  any  man  since  the  establishment  of  the  July  Mon- 
archy :  you  have  seen  deeper,  more  correctly,  and  further 
1  Correspondence,  DCII.  *  Ibid.,  DCIII. 

.  .  443  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


than  any  one.  Events  move  rapidly,  and  you  keep  pace 
with  them.  It  is  not  a  matter  of  ten  years,  as  you  say,  but 
of  one,  two,  or  three,  perhaps.  You  cannot  fail  on  the 
road  you  have  selected,  and  followed,  to  reach  the  heart 
of  the  country."  And  settling  down  to  his  subject,  the 
Prince,  during  the  next  three  quarters  of  an  hour,  un- 
folded to  his  astonished  hearer  the  very  thoughts  and 
plans  of  campaign  Lamartine  had  himself  conceived. 
Branching  off  on  to  his  own  career,  the  veteran  then  pro- 
ceeded to  explain  his  actions  during  the  Restoration  and 
July.  "What  do  you  think  of  a  mind  like  that  at  eighty- 
two  years  of  age?"  exclaimed  Lamartine  when  reporting 
the  conversation  to  Virieu.  "  I  thought  he  considered  me, 
as  do  the  greater  number  in  the  Chamber,  to  be  an  un- 
practical dreamer."  l 

Speaking  frequently  and  on  a  variety  of  subjects  dur- 
ing the  winter  and  spring  of  1835,  Lamartine  was  rapidly 
perfecting  himself  in  the  difficult  art  he  had  .set  himself 
to  master.  He  assures  Virieu  that  eloquence  comes  more 
readily  to  him  than  poetry,  and  that  improvisation  of  the 
most  spontaneous  flow,  combined  with  clear,  abundant, 
and  often  deadly  retort,  are  at  his  command.2  A  perusal 
of  his  speeches  confirms  this  contention.  Lamartine' s  elo- 
quence rolls  out  solemnly,  with  a  breadth  and  majesty 
not  precluding  warmth.  Imagery  is  frequent,  highly  col- 
oured, often  very  bold,  now  and  again  so  happy  that  it 
carries  away  his  audience.  If  not  comparable  with  the 
eloquence  of  Thiers,  or  his  rival  Berryer,  in  argumenta- 
tion or  brilliancy  of  deduction,  the  oratory  of  Lamartine 
clothed  his  ideas  with  magnificence,  developed  them  with 
skill,  and  excelled  in  presenting  them  under  varying  and 
attractive  aspects.  Not  only  did  he  lull  his  hearers  with 
musical  phrase,  but  he  touched  and  stirred  them,,  his 
words  carrying  at  least  temporary  conviction.  If  his 
1  Correspondence,  DCI.  *  Ibid.,  DCXIV  and  DCXVII. 

.  .  444  .  . 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 

rhetoric  failed  to  beguile  the  canny  calculations  of  the 
Parliamentarians,  it  captivated  and  subjugated  the  pop- 
ular mind,  because  it  was  imbued  with  sentiment  rather 
than  reason,  and  thrilled  the  heart  rather  than  the  head.1 

Even  Guizot,  one  of  his  bitterest  political  adversaries, 
acknowledges  the  power  the  poet-statesman  wielded,  and 
pays  homage  to  his  skill.  "No  man  received  from  God 
more  magnificent  gifts,  both  personal  and  of  opportunity, 
intellectual  and  social.  .  .  .  Lamartine  possessed  not  only 
a  brilliant  and  seductive  flow  of  language,  his  mind  was 
singularly  rich,  broad,  sagacious  without  subtlety,  and 
combining  grace  with  grandeur.  Overflowing  with  gener- 
ally lofty  and  ingenious  ideas,  often  profound,  he  paints 
with  a  broad  brush,  sometimes  with  as  much  truth  as 
brilliancy,  situations,  events,  and  men,  while  he  excels  by 
instinct  as  much  as  by  skill  in  marshalling  exalted  argu- 
ments in  support  of  unworthy  causes."  2 

Sainte-Beuve,  paying  an  equally  glowing  tribute  to 
Lamartine's  eloquence,  criticizes  the  "innocent  fatuity" 
which  prompted  him  to  invade  without  sufficient  prepa- 
ration realms  exacting  special  training.  But  he  acknowl- 
edges, nevertheless,  that  despite  apparent  superficiality, 
the  gifted  debater  got  at  the  kernel  of  vexed  problems  of 
political  economy  with  incredible  facility.3  That  Lamar- 
tine's comprehension  of  the  science  of  finance,  public  or 
private,  was  elementary  there  can  be  little  doubt.  The 
havoc  he  made  with  his  personal  fortune  demonstrates  his 
inaptitude  for  business.  But  M.  de  Barthelemy  mani- 
festly exaggerates  when  he  asserts  that  according  to  his 
own  confession  the  influential  member  of  the  General 
Council  of  his  native  province  never  could  master  the  first 
principles  of  arithmetic.4  A  careful  scrutiny  of  such 

1  Cf.  Quentin-Bauchart,  op.  til.,  p.  25. 

*  Guizot,  MSmoires,  vol.  VII,  p.  31. 

3  Causeries  du  Lundi,  vol.  xi,  p.  449. 

•  Souvenirs  d'un  ancien  Prffet,  p.  202. 

.  .  445  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 

speeches  as  those  on  savings  banks  (February  3,  1835), 
the  two  important  addresses  concerning  the  conversion 
of  public  funds  (February  5  and  March  22,  1836),  and  his 
participation  in  the  debates  on  the  liberty  of  commerce 
and  on  colonial  affairs  (April  14  and  May  25, 1836)  affords 
substantial  evidence  of  the  grasp  he  had  acquired  over  the 
broader  principles  of  political  economy.  From  the  senti- 
mental aspect  of  any  question  he  can  never  wholly  escape : 
yet  the  practical  side  of  the  problem  is  often  treated  with 
a  technical  knowledge  a  specialist  might  envy.  Intui- 
tively he  grasped  the  issue,  probed  the  pith  of  the  subject 
under  discussion  with  amazing  facility,  and  with  equal 
ease  suggested  a  more  or  less  accurate  solution.  Danger- 
ous as  such  excessive  facility  might  have  proved  when 
combined  with  persuasive  eloquence  and  the  "innocent 
fatuity"  of  which  Sainte-Beuve  complained,  the  correc- 
tive was  found  in  the  honesty  and  good  faith  of  Lamar- 
tine.  Scoff  as  they  might  at  his  "parti  social,"  composed 
as  yet  of  himself  alone,  his  colleagues  in  the  Chamber 
were  not  slow  in  appreciating  the  advantages  to  be  de- 
rived from  a  political  alliance  with  so  brilliant  a  speaker. 
Many  were  the  efforts  made  to  draw  this  new  force  within 
the  orbit  of  party  spheres.  To  all  Lamartine  turned  a 
deaf  ear,  objecting  that  the  loss  of  his  independence 
of  action  would  not  be  compensated  by  the  doubtful 
strength  his  adhesion  might  add.  Even  with  Thiers,  whom 
at  this  period  he  admired  and  esteemed,  he  refused  any 
semblance  of  political  association.1 

Yet,  despite  these  flattering  attempts  to  entice  the 
deputy  from  Bergues  within  the  lines  of  party  discipline, 
it  would  be  a  mistake  to  presume  that  Lamartine  played 
any  considerable  part  in  public  affairs  in  1835,  or  indeed 
during  the  first  four  years  of  his  parliamentary  career. 
He  was  still  feeling  his  way;  shedding  prejudices  more  the 
1  Quentin-Bauchart,  op.  cit.,  p.  29. 
•  •   AAQ  •   • 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


result  of  atavism  than  of  personal  conviction,  developing 
his  oratorical  gifts,  assimilating  what  he  called  the  "con- 
science of  the  country,"  and  himself  becoming  day  by  day 
"more  intimately  and  more  conscientiously  revolution- 
ary." 1  It  is  the  suffrages  of  the  Nation  he  aspires  to  pos- 
sess, not  those  of  the  parliamentary  world,2  and  as  yet  he 
may  hardly  be  said  to  have  entered  militant  politics. 

Fieschi's  attempt  on  the  life  of  Louis-Philippe  marked 
the  first  stage  of  his  opposition  to  the  reactionary  policy 
of  the  Government  he  had  hitherto  merely  criticized. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  on  July  28,  1835,  as  the 
King  was  reviewing  the  troops  drawn  up  along  the  bou- 
levards between  the  Madeleine  and  the  Bastille,  a  bomb 
was  thrown  from  a  house  on  the  Boulevard  du  Temple. 
The  royal  party  escaped  unscathed,  but  forty-one  vic- 
tims, generals,  officers,  national  guards,  and  peaceful 
citizens,  lay  groaning  on  the  pavement,  eighteen  of  whom 
were  mortally  wounded.  Fieschi  was  a  Corsican,  at  once 
a  member  of  secret  societies  and  a  spy  and  informer  who 
sold  the  secrets  he  possessed  to  the  police.  Although 
Fieschi  was  readily  convicted  and  executed  as  a  vulgar 
assassin  whose  fiendish  act  was  prompted  by  no  definite 
personal  political  passion,  the  trial  brought  to  light  cer- 
tain influences  put  in  motion  by  Republican  associates 
of  the  murderer  and  his  accomplices.  Mazzini  himself 
was  implicated,  unjustly  it  has  since  been  proved;  but 
there  would  appear  to  have  been  little  doubt  that  his 
society  of  "Young  Italy"  was  to  some  extent  morally 
responsible  for  the  crime.  Political  passions  ran  wild, 
even  after  justice  had  been  done.  The  Government  be- 
lieving, or  feigning  to  believe,  that  the  unbridled  licence 
of  the  press  and  the  Republican  propaganda  some  news- 
papers had  undertaken  were  incentives,  if  not  direct 
causes,  of  the  widespread  unrest,  introduced  violently 

1  Correspondance,Dcxvu.  *  Emile  Deschanel,  Lamartine,  vol.  i,  p.  311. 
.  .  447  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


restrictive  and  repressive  laws,  jeopardizing  the  free  ex- 
pression of  public  opinion  and  directly  affecting  juries 
and  the  Assize  Courts.  These  decrees,  known  as  the 
"September  Laws,"  aroused  the  indignant  protests  of  all 
those  who  had  the  higher  interests  of  France  at  heart.  As 
was  to  be  anticipated,  Lamartine  threw  himself  into  the 
breach  in  defence  of  the  popular  liberties. 

The  discussion  of  the  proposed  laws  began  on  August 
X3»  J835,  and  was  prolonged  during  fourteen  sessions, 
until  the  29th  of  the  same  month.  On  two  occasions, 
August  21  and  29,  Lamartine  energetically  denounced 
these  measures  as  deliberately  and  without  adequate 
warrant  attacking  one  of  the  most  sacred  liberties  of 
modern  civilization.  To  muzzle  or  suppress  the  utterance 
of  seditious  public  opinion  was,  in  his  opinion,  a  crime  — 
more  than  a  crime,  a  blunder.  Even  excessive  licence  in 
the  press  had  its  advantages,  since  it  left  no  dangerous 
secret  thoughts  unvented.  A  government  must  fight,  and 
to  fight  in  the  open  was  less  hazardous  than  to  combat  a 
hidden  foe.  If  the  Government  was  attacked  through  the 
medium  of  the  press,  let  it  retaliate  in  like  manner.  To 
deny  the  people  free  expression  of,  grievances,  real  or 
imaginary,  is  to  drive  them  to  violence.  "  I  am  not  a  man 
of  'July,' "  he  cried;  "but  I  am  a  man  of  my  country  and 
of  my  time :  the  country's  shame  would  reflect  on  us  all, 
should  these  laws  be  accepted."  And  he  went  on  to  add 
that  the  Revolution  of  July  which  he  had  witnessed  with 
sorrow,  yet  frankly  accepted  since  it  was  the  expression 
of  the  voice  of  the  people,  must,  should  these  repressive 
measures  be  voted,  appear  to  the  world  to  have  been  an 
event  without  aim  or  significance,  "a  mere  escamotage  de 
pouvoir,  one  more  hideous  dupery  of  liberty."  l 

The  law  passed  in  spite  of  these  prophetic  warnings; 
but  with  the  hour  of  his  earnest  pleadings  in  the  cause  of 

1  Speech  on  the  Press  Law.  La  France  parlementaire,  vol.  I,  p.  185. 
.  .  448  •  • 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


liberty  Lamartine's  influence  dawned.  Liberalism  and 
the  democratic  elements  in  the  Chamber  acclaimed  the 
new  apostle.  Royer-Collard  himself  came  up  and  con- 
gratulated him,  asking  why  hitherto  he  had  only  spoken 
on  "theoretical  generalities"  of  a  character  likely  to  di- 
minish his  innate  authority  when  dealing  with  current 
affairs.1  "  It  is,"  replied  Lamartine,  "  in  order  that  I  may 
speak  through  the  window  to  the  masses  who  take  no 
heed  of  idle  discussions  between  the  Ministry  and  the 
Opposition  within  the  Chamber."  2 

Oracular  as  the  phrase  sounded,  it  conveyed  very 
clearly  to  the  wise  old  statesman  the  seething  ambitions 
of  his  gifted  colleague.  Nodding  comprehension,  he  ob- 
served that  in  order  to  talk  from  the  window  the  speaker 
must  do  so  from  inside  the  Chamber;  meaning  that  the 
fulfilment  of  ambitions  such  as  Lamartine  entertained 
necessitated  active  participation  in  the  everyday  business 
of  the  official  representatives  of  the  masses  he  sought  to 
reach  and  to  influence.  Lamartine  took  the  hint.  From 
this  conversation  may  be  said  to  date,  not  his  entrance 
into  the  ranks  of  the  organized  Opposition,  but  the  mili- 
tant support  of  his  theories  for  social  renovation.  Such 
was  the  explanation  of  the  awakening  of  the  "revolu- 
tionary conscientiousness  "  he  confessed  to  Virieu  a  month 
later.3 

If  Lamartine  combated  with  unwonted  energy  the 
adoption  of  the  coercive  Press  Laws  the  Government  was 
determined  to  enact,  it  was  not  because  he  looked  with 
indifference  on  Fieschi's  dastardly  crime.  Far  from  it. 
But  the  universal  indignation  over  the  regicidal  outrage 
convinced  him  that  popular  opinion  formed  an  adequate 
safeguard  against  the  mouthings  of  a  fractional  portion 
of  the  national  press.  The  danger  concealed  in  the  Gov- 

1  Lamartine,  Histoire  de  la,  Restauration,  vol.  V,  pp.  195-97. 

*  Cf.  Deschanel,  op.  tit.,  vol.  i,  p.  318.        »  Cf.  Correspondance,  DCXVU. 

•  -  449  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


ernment's  proposition  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  repressive 
laws  virtually  amounted  to  a  privilege.  In  other  words, 
the  caution-money  journalists  were  required  to  deposit 
was  so  enormously  increased  that  unless  considerable  cap- 
ital was  behind  them  they  were  practically  prohibited, 
owing  to  heavy  fines,  from  any  expression  of  opinion 
likely  to  offend  the  all-powerful  censors.  This  meant,  of 
course,  discrimination  against  the  poorer  newspapers  in 
their  competition  with  those  whose  funds  permitted  tak- 
ing risks.  To  Lamartine's  mind  such  a  course  was  intoler- 
able, constituting  not  only  a  direct  violation  of  one  of  the 
most  sacred  liberties  of  modern  civilization,  but  endan- 
gering the  whole  fabric  of  constitutional  guarantees 
granted  by  the  July  Monarchy.  While  fully  alive  to  the 
difficulties  the  Government  was  called  upon  to  face,  he 
denied  the  peril  the  Ministry  pretended  to  discern  in  the 
free  discussion  of  social,  political,  or  dynastic  problems. 
"With  a  free  press  government  may  be  difficult,"  he 
maintained ;  "without  it,  it  is  impossible."  Even  if  during 
the  last  four  years  the  newspapers  had  breathed  hatred, 
calumny,  and  outrage ;  even  if  some  writers  had  preached 
insurrection  and  anarchy,  it  must  be  remembered  that  in 
muzzling  the  press,  they  muzzled  at  once  falsehood  and 
truth,  and  such  an  expedient  meant  muzzling  human 
intellect.1 

M.  Ren£  Doumic  has  published  a  series  of  letters  not 
included  in  the  "  Correspondance  "  which  throw  new  light 
on  Lamartine's  political  action  and  ambitions  during  the 
period  i834~47.2  On  August  9  the  deputy,  then  at  Macon, 
returned  to  take  part  in  the  discussion  of  the  September 
Laws  resultant  from  Fieschi's  attempt  on  the  life  of  the 
King.  To  his  wife  and  M.  de  Montherot  he  wrote  almost 
daily.  Describing  the  success  of  his  speech  on  the  Press 

1  La  France  parlementaire,  vol.  I,  p.  175. 

*  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  September  15,  1908,  "Lamartine,  Orateur." 

•  •  450  .  • 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


Laws,  he  informed  Madame  de  Lamartine  next  day  that : 
"  L'effet  de  ce  discours  d6passe  tout  ce  que  j'ai  eu  jus- 
qu'ici";  and  he  urges  his  wife  that  some  mention  of  this 
"  immense  effet  oratoire"  be  made  in  the  home  journals. 
A  few  days  later  (26th)  he  describes  a  violent  dispute  with 
Thiers,  who,  recognizing  his  "great  talents  and  his  prob- 
ity," accused  him  of  inordinate  ambition.  "Take  care  of 
what  this  ambition  may  lead  you  to  do,"  thundered  the 
infuriated  Thiers.  But,  as  M.  Doumic  justly  remarks,  the 
taunt  which  Thiers  flung  in  the  face  of  the  eloquent  dep- 
uty must  not  be  translated  by  the  term  "'arrivism'  so 
frequently  apparent  in  the  selfish  politicians  of  our  own 
times."  To  apply  a  like  conception  to  Lamartine  would 
be  not  only  calumny,  but  foolishness.  Lamartine's  am- 
bition was  of  quite  another  order,  "...  that  of  the 
statesman  who  wishes  to  be  associated  with  the  life  of  his 
country,  to  influence  its  destinies,  and  to  lead  it  along 
the  road  he  deems  the  fittest." 

Unsuccessful  as  his  common-sense  rhetoric  proved, 
Lamartine  scored  another  moral  victory  by  his  vigorous 
opposition  to  the  coercive  September  Laws.  Enormous  as 
were  the  majorities  by  which  the  drastic  decrees  were 
passed,  popular  sentiment  was  not  slow  in  recognizing 
that  they  were  retaliatory  measures  prompted  by  fear, 
and,  as  such,  more  calculated  in  the  long  run  to  weaken 
than  strengthen  the  Government  which  insisted  on  their 
enactment.  As  a  matter  of  fact  it  was  only  the  dema- 
gogical journals  that  were  seriously  affected  by  the  pro- 
mulgation of  the  Press  Laws.  About  thirty  of  the  most 
virulent  of  these,  in  Paris  and  the  Provinces,  dropped  out 
of  circulation,  while  the  survivors  were  constrained  to 
modify  their  tone.  But  it  soon  became  evident  that  lib- 
erty of  the  press  in  the  true  sense  of  the  term  was  in  no 
way  impaired,  for,  although  vulgar  vituperation  and  cer- 
tain unconstitutional  manifestations  were  eliminated,  the 

•  •  451  -  • 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


Opposition  newspapers,  including  those  of  Carlist  or  Re- 
publican hue,  continued  their  violent  and  often  unjust 
attacks.1 

Lamartine  could  not  be  even  suspected,  far  less  ac- 
cused, of  sympathy  with  the  scurrilous  and  often  irre- 
sponsible organs  whose  advocacy  of  anarchism  it  was 
sought  to  destroy.  His  indignation  had  been  aroused  by 
the  violation  of  a  principle.  In  the  previous  session  he  had 
warned  his  hearers  against  the  fallacies  of  the  death  pen- 
alty for  political  offences,  as  exemplified  by  the  teachings 
of  history.2  More  recently  he  had  expounded  with  states- 
manlike accuracy  the  moral  and  economic  considerations 
attaching  to  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery,  clearly  dem- 
onstrating the  crime  perpetrated  against  the  sanctity  of 
human  liberties  by  the  maintenance  of  this  relic  of  an- 
tiquity.3 In  the  present  instance  his  vigilance  detected  in 
the  Press  Laws  a  reactionary  policy  affording  no  perma- 
nent solution  of  an  undoubted  abuse;  while  by  virtue  of 
its  arbitrary  character,  it  hampered  the  legitimate  prop- 
aganda of  ideas  aiming  at  the  alleviation  of  crying  social 
and  political  evils.  This  activity  in  the  Chamber  on  the 
part  of  one  whom  Louis-Philippe  had  hoped  to  attach  to 
his  cause  did  not  pass  unnoticed  at  the  Tuileries.  Shortly 
after  Fieschi's  outrage  Lamartine  wrote  his  wife  (August 
!3»  *835)  that  it  had  been  intimated  to  him  that  the  King 
would  gladly  welcome  him  at  the  Palace,  and  had  com- 
plained concerning  his  somewhat  ostensible  failure  to 
request  even  a  courtesy  audience.  "I  replied,"  says  La- 
martine, "  that  such  a  course  would  have  harmonized  with 
my  personal  feelings  as  well  as  with  the  shade  of  political 
loyalty  I  profess,  had  I  gone  with  my  colleagues  in  the 
Chamber  at  the  moment  of  the  incident;  but  that  to  go 
alone,  to-day,  to  his  private  apartments  would  lend  a 

1  Cf.  Thureau-Dangin,  Histoire  de  la  monarchic  de  Juillet,  vol.  II,  p.  322. 

2  May  15,  1834.  »  April  22,  1835. 

.  .  452  •  • 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


semblance  of  personal  attachment  to  the  dynastic  system 
which  would  be  in  contradiction  with  my  antecedents, 
and  that  to  this  I  could  not  consent."  l  Lamartine's  atti- 
tude was  thoroughly  consistent  with  the  line  of  conduct 
he  had  mapped  out  for  guidance  in  the  political  mazes  he 
trod.  Louis- Philippe  keenly  felt  the  species  of  social  os- 
tracism to  which  he  was  condemned  at  home  and  abroad, 
and  sought  to  attract  to  his  surroundings  all  those  who 
might  lend  brilliance  and  stability  to  his  Court.  Politi- 
cally also  the  necessity  of  a  following  more  in  accord  with 
the  sentiments  professed  by  his  fellow-sovereigns  was 
daily  becoming  apparent.  As  the  Government  of  July 
receded  from  its  revolutionary  origin,  the  desire  of  the 
Citizen-King  to  play  a  part  in  the  councils  of  Europe  in- 
creased. The  usurpation  of  the  throne  of  St.  Louis  by  the 
son  of  the  execrated  Philippe-Egalit£  had  shocked  the 
conservative  legitimist  factions  of  the  nations  adhering  to 
the  monarchical  system.  This  flagrant  violation  of  the 
"right  divine,"  invested  in  the  person  and  descendants  of 
Charles  X,  could,  in  the  estimation  of  the  Catholic  courts 
of  the  Continent,  only  be  attributed  to  the  triumph  of 
atheism  in  France.  By  means  of  judicious  concessions  to 
the  Church,  in  conjunction  with  the  efforts  of  a  prudent 
and  conciliatory  foreign  diplomacy,  the  King  of  the 
French  hoped  to  rehabilitate  himself  and  his  country  in 
the  eyes  of  his  scandalized  fellow-rulers. 

In  1835  the  moment  seemed  propitious  for  the  resump- 
tion of  closer  relations  between  the  spiritual  and  the  sec- 
ular powers.  Despite  the  pessimism  of  the  "Journal  des 
Debats,"  which  lamented  "the  intellectual  disorganiza- 
tion, the  absence  of  moral  ties,  and  the  reigning  spirit  of 
insubordination  and  savage  independence,"2  the  wave 

1  Cf.  Revue  des  Deux  Mondes,  September  15,  1908. 
*  July  13,  1835.  Cf.  Thureau-Dangin,  op.  tit.,  "La  question  religieuse  de 
1832-1836." 

.  .  453  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


of  reaction  against  materialism  in  religion  and  politics 
was  rolling  forward.  The  failure  of  Saint-Simonism 
was  driving  humanitarians  ;back  to  the  principles  if 
not  the  dogma  of  Christianity.  So  clear-sighted  an  ob- 
server as  De  Tocqueville,  the  first  volume  of  whose 
work,  "On  Democracy  in  America,"  was  published  that 
year,  noted  a  widespread  reactionary  movement  in 
favour  of  religion.  "With  the  separation  of  religion  and 
politics,"  he  wrote,  "a  religious  sentiment,  vague  as  to 
its  object,  but  already  very  powerful  in  its  effects,  has 
made  its  way  among  the  younger  men.  The  need  of  a 
creed  is  a  frequent  theme  in  their  discussions.  Many  be- 
lieve, all  wish  to  believe."  l  Madame  Swetchine,  whose 
long  residence  in  Paris  lent  authority  to  her  opinion,  ob- 
served a  like  tendency,  which  even  the  Opposition  press 
acknowledged.  Various  influences  were  at  work.  Lamen- 
nais,  in  whose  writings  intellectual  scepticism  had  taken 
the  place  of  orthodoxy,  was  losing  the  hold  he  had  main- 
tained over  the  generation  he  captivated  with  his  "Essay 
on  Indifference  in  Religion."  It  will  be  remembered  that 
Lamartine  pronounced  this  work,  in  1818,  "sublime  —  a 
commingling  of  De  Maistreand  Rousseau."  2  The  recent 
contribution  of  the  abb6  to  philosophical  literature,  en- 
titled "Words  of  a  Believer"  (1834),  although  it  had  been 
stigmatized  by  the  Pope  as  "small  in  volume,  but  im- 
mense in  perversity,"  still  strongly  appealed  to  Lamar- 
tine, who  sought  the  cooperation  of  this  advanced  thinker 
in  the  political  review  he  desired  to  found.3  But  the 
younger  generation,  with  whom  Frederic  Ozanam  was 
already  a  leader,  preferred  the  regeneration  of  France  by 
means  of  purely  spiritual  methods,  and  sought  through 
the  society  of  St.  Vincent  de  Paul  and  the  conferences  of 

1  Letter  of  May,  1835.   Correspondance  inedite,  vol.  II,  p.  48. 

2  Correspondance,  CLIII. 

3  Ibid.,  DXC;  cf.  also  Christian  Marechal,  Lamennais  et  Lamartine, 
p.  287. 

.  .  454  .  . 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


Notre  Dame,  to  gather  the  faithful  within  the  fold  of 
unquestioned  obedience  to  Rome.  Ozanam's  initiative 
was  one  of  the  most  significant  indications  of  the  re- 
action now  setting  in.  Together  with  the  Abb4  Lacor- 
daire,  his  contemporary,  he  contributed  more  than  any 
other  man  towards  the  return  of  the  aristocracy  and 
directing  classes  to  the  practice  of  orthodox  Christian- 
ity in  France.  Undoubtedly  Lamartine  was  in  sympathy 
with  the  general  trend  of  the  movement ;  yet  he  made  his 
reservations,  for,  as  has  been  seen,  he  had  embraced  the 
broader  principles  of  rational  Christianity  as  outlined 
by  Lamennais,  while  the  agnosticism  of  Dargaud  swayed 
his  metaphysical  conscience,  causing  him  to  refuse,  or  at 
least  postpone,  definite  judgement. 

To  the  efforts  for  the  restoration  of  the  diplomatic 
prestige  of  France,  however,  he  could,  and  did,  give  his 
unqualified  support.  Lukewarm  as  was  his  loyalty  to  the 
reign  of  Louis-Philippe,  he  realized  that  only  by  vir- 
tue of  a  strong  government  at  home  could  France  hope 
to  be  respected  abroad.  The  diplomatic  horizon  was  ob- 
scured on  many  sides,  and  especially  in  Russia,  where 
the  personal  hostility  of  the  Emperor  Nicholas  to  the 
July  Monarchy  made  an  understanding  particularly 
difficult.  When  the  French  Government  insisted  on  the 
withdrawal  of  the  Russian  forces  from  the  Bosphorus 
in  1833,  the  Czar's  anger  was  with  difficulty  restrained, 
and  war  appeared  inevitable.  After  that  time  Russian 
diplomacy  left  no  stone  unturned  in  its  efforts  to  organ- 
ize a  species  of  crusade  of  Continental  Europe  against 
constitutional  France.1  Fear  of  the  international  and 
internal  complications  which  must  follow  the  overthrow 
of  the  recently  established  monarchy  and  the  inevitable 
triumph  of  republicanism  alone  deterred  the  Continental 
Powers  from  active  interference.  England  held  aloof;  for, 

1  Cf.  Thureau-Dangin,  op.  tit.,  vol.  II,  p.  364. 
.  .  455  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


while  deploring  the  collapse  of  the  principles  of  legiti- 
macy, the  Court  of  St.  James  was  disposed  to  look  with 
favourable  leniency  on  the  struggle  for  the  preserva- 
tion and  spread  of  constitutionalism  across  the  Channel. 
Prince  Talleyrand,  who  served  the  new  r6gime  as  Ambas- 
sador in  London,  had  been  largely  instrumental  in  creat- 
ing this  feeling  of  sympathy,  which  developed  into  a  more 
or  less  effective  political  alliance.  Lamartine,  half  an 
Englishman  by  his  marriage,  and  wholly  so  by  virtue  of 
his  ardent  admiration  of  the  freedom  enjoyed  under  con- 
stitutional rule  as  interpreted  in  Great  Britain,  strongly 
urged  closer  ties  with  the  neighbouring  kingdom. 

The  Due  de  Broglie,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of 
Madame  de  Stael,  held  sway  in  the  realm  of  foreign  af- 
fairs during  the  difficult  period  between  1832  and  1836, 
and  conducted  negotiations  with  consummate  tact,  al- 
though accused  by  some  of  unbending  stiffness.  A  "doc- 
trinaire," and  as  such  distasteful  to  Lamartine,  he  had 
nevertheless  enlisted  the  personal  friendship  and  ad- 
miration of  the  poet-statesman,  who  upheld  his  policy 
in  the  debate  on  the  indemnity  due  the  United  States, 
which  resulted  in  the  resignation  of  the  Ministry.  On  the 
opening  of  the  session  of  1835-36,  M.  de  Broglie  had  every 
right  to  look  with  satisfaction  on  the  foreign  relations 
the  Government  of  which  he  was  now  the  leader  had 
created  throughout  Europe.  At  home  and  abroad  pros- 
perity and  peace  seemed  assured.  Mistrust  of  the  regime, 
whose  origin  had  given  umbrage  to  the  despotic  rulers 
of  the  Continent,  was  wearing  off  as  it  became  apparent 
that  conservatism  was  welcomed  in  the  Tuileries.  Fear 
of  contamination  from  excessive  liberalism  had  been  dis- 
pelled by  the  enactment  of  the  Laws  of  September  and  the 
quiescence  of  the  dreaded  Republican  propaganda.  The 
pessimism  which  discerned  disorganization,  insubordi- 
nation, and  self-seeking  in  the  political  ranks  was,  how- 

•  •  456  •  • 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


ever,  not  wholly  unfounded.  Nevertheless,  no  cloud  of 
particular  significance  was  visible  on  the  near  or  far 
horizon  when  the  Chamber  began  to  discuss  the  Address 
in  reply  to  the  Message  from  the  Throne. 

The  recent  action  of  the  Czar  in  dealing  with  his  rebel- 
lious subjects  in  Poland,  which  had  resulted  in  the  with- 
drawal of  the  exequatur  of  the  French  Consul-General 
at  Warsaw,  had  fired  the  press  to  violent  denunciation 
of  the  tyrant  who  thereby  destroyed  the  last  vestiges 
of  the  independence  of  that  kingdom.  But  Louis-Phi- 
lippe's Government  had  prudently  passed  over  the  in- 
cident in  silence.  As  a  member  of  the  committee  ap- 
pointed to  frame  the  reply,  Lamartine  felt  constrained  to 
defend  the  wording  of  that  document,  for  in  it  his  col- 
leagues had  recommended  in  general  terms  "the  main- 
tenance of  rights  made  sacred  by  treaty,"  but  without 
directly  naming  Poland.  This  the  Opposition  found  insuf- 
ficient, and  insisted  on  an  amendment  specifying  the 
desire  for  "the  preservation  of  the  ancient  Polish  na- 
tionality." Lamartine,  in  a  speech  which  was  both  colour- 
less and  unconvincing,  opined  that  France  could  not 
act  alone  in  a  matter  entailing  such  far-reaching  con- 
sequences. "There  is  but  one  possible  solution  of  the 
Polish  question,"  he  argued,  "except  at  the  cost  of  a 
general  conflagration,  which  neither  you  nor  any  one 
desires.  The  solution  of  the  problem  of  Warsaw  is  not  to 
be  found  at  Warsaw,  nor  in  London  either:  it  lies  in  Con- 
stantinople." l  And,  mounting  his  hobby,  as  in  his  maiden 
speeches  of  two  years  previously,  he  warns  his  hearers 
that  the  regeneration  of  the  Balkan  populations  is  only  to 
be  achieved  by  the  Russians  installed  on  the  Bosphorus. 
Such  a  remedy  for  the  humiliating  effects  of  the  recent 
ukases  at  Warsaw  came  as  a  surprise,  but  the  incident, 
dealing  as  it  did  with  sentimental  rather  than  practical 
1  La  France  parlemcntaire,  vol.  I,  p.  195. 
.  .  457  .  . 


LIFE  OF  LAMARTINE 


issues,  was  allowed  to  fall,  and  the  Government  carried 
its  point.  At  a  later  date  Lamartine  recognized  the 
error  of  the  policy,  and  deeply  deplored  his  willingness  to 
grant  the  Czar  a  free  hand  in  Turkey.1 

Thanks  to  the  indifference  of  the  Chamber,  the  concil- 
iatory foreign  policy  of  the  Due  de  Broglie's  Government 
had  passed  without  serious  challenge.  The  hand  which 
was  to  strike  the  fatal  blow  was  that  of  a  member  of  the 
Cabinet,  M.  Humann,  Minister  of  Finance.  On  January 
14,  1836,  without  consulting  his  colleagues,  M.  Humann 
presented  the  expose"  for  the  budget  of  the  following 
year.  Reverting  to  the  project  of  M.  de  Villele  which 
had  failed  in  1824,  the  Minister  suggested  that  the  time 
was  ripe  for  a  reduction  of  the  interest  on  the  national 
debt.  Parliament  received  the  announcement  calmly 
enough,  but  M.  Humann's  colleagues,  scenting  treach- 
ery in  the  unusual  proceeding,  forced  the  Minister's  im- 
mediate resignation.  Undoubtedly  the  personal  attitude 
of  the  Due  de  Broglie  was  largely  responsible  for  bring- 
ing about  the  crisis  which  ensued.  The  idea  was  not  un- 
popular either  in  Paris  or  in  the  Provinces,  since  it  meant 
unburdening  the  budget  at  the  expense  of  metropolitan 
capitalists.  The  debate  opened  on  January  18,  and  M.  de 
Broglie  unhesitatingly  entered  the  lists  with  the  state- 
ment that,  although  the  Government  had  no  present 
intention  of  bringing  forward  such  a  measure,  he  refused 
any  pledges  for  the  future.  ' '  Is  that  clear? ' '  he  demanded 
in  a  tone  of  defiance  which  antagonized  the  majority  of 
his  hearers.  In  face  of  this  apparent  provocation  several 
deputies  laid  proposals  concerning  the  conversion  of  the 
funds  upon  the  table,  and  the  Government  found  itself 
unexpectedly  confronted  with  the  solution  of  a  special 
issue  remote  from  the  direction  of  general  politics.  A 
ministerial  crisis  ensued,  and  a  motion  to  adjourn  the 

1  Cf.  Mtmoires  politiques,  vol.  I,  p.  315. 
•  •  458  •  - 


LAMARTINE    AT    FORTY-FIVE 
From  an  unsigned  crayon  in  the  Chateau  de  Saint-Point 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


discussion  having  been  lost  by  two  votes  (194  against 
192),  all  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  placed  their  resigna- 
tions in  the  hands  of  the  King  (February  5).1 

Lamartine  had  hitherto  been  in  favour  of  a  reduction 
of  the  interest  on  the  public  funds;  but  he  now  confessed 
to  Dargaud  that  his  knowledge  of  the  question  had  been 
superficial.  On  closer  study  he  pronounced  the  proposal 
"an  abyss  of  iniquity  and  absurdity."  2  To  Virieu,  who 
held  the  opposite  opinion,  he  expressed  even  more  em- 
phatically his  abhorrence.  "  It  is  brutal,  demagogical,  un- 
just, ridiculous,  and  baneful  financially:  that  you  may 
accept  as  a  fact:  ...  it  reeks  of  revolutionary  spoliation 
a  hundred  leagues  away." 8  From  the  rostrum  on  the  5th 
of  February,  and  again  on  March  22,  he  developed  with 
impassioned  eloquence  and  consummate  skill  the  funda- 
mental financial,  political,  and  social  issues  at  stake,  dwell- 
ing on  the  obvious  injustice  to  holders  of  the  funds  who 
had  in  1797  patriotically  agreed  to  a  reduction  of  two 
thirds  of  the  value  of  their  stock,  upon  the  implicit  as- 
surance that  the  compromise  would  be  final.  After  hav- 
ing been  despoiled  of  two  thirds  of  the  value  of  their  in- 
vestment, how  must  these  unhappy  victims  act  when 
threatened  with  the  further  loss  of  one  fifth  of  the  re- 
maining third?  Yet,  if  the  immorality  of  the  spoliation 
was  apparent,  the  political  blunder  it  was  proposed  to 
perpetrate  was  equally  conspicuous.  It  was  pandering 
to  dangerous  popularity  to  take  advantage  of  a  perhaps 
fleeting  recrudescence  of  material  prosperity  and  risk 
compromising  the  national  credit.  Why  was  a  proposal, 
which  had  been  received  with  universal  unpopularity  in 
1824,  viewed  with  popular  favour  in  1836?  Lamartine 
discerned  in  this  change  of  face  an  outbreak  of  envy  and 
jealousy  against  capitalists,  however  humble  their  status. 

1  Thureau-Dangin,  op.  til.,  vol.  II,  p.  421. 

1  Correspondence,  ocxxra.  »  Ibid.,  DCXXV. 

.  .  459  .  . 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


This  attempt  to  "immolate  bondholders"  was  directed 
against  those  who  had  fattened,  perhaps,  on  illicit  gains, 
but  it  involved  the  very  heart  of  the  nation,  since  to 
strike  at  the  capitalist  was  to  strike  the  toilers.  "Ah! 
gentlemen,  take  heed,"  he  cried.  "Tremble  lest  you  be- 
come accomplices  in  a  design  so  far  from  your  hearts! 
Tremble  lest  you  lend  yourselves  to  an  initial  attack 
against  property  in  its  most  fugitive  and  vulnerable 
form."  J  Such  an  example,  he  warns  his  hearers,  must 
eventually  awaken  the  jealous  passions  of  the  populace. 
The  mob  will  retaliate.  "Our  legislators  considered  the 
private  financial  holdings  too  large,  so  they  decimated 
the  funds.  Well,  we  on  our  side  find  landed  property 
unduly  exorbitant  and  unduly  privileged,  and  we  will 
decimate  the  estates."  The  speaker  saw  in  the  economic 
spoliation  what  he  terms  an  anti-social  tendency  of  the 
gravest  import,  the  beginnings  of  a  struggle  between 
"democratic  and  aristocratic  feudalism" ;  in  other  words, 
the  conflict  of  interests  between  three  millions  of  land- 
owners and  twenty-nine  millions  of  capitalists  and  wage- 
earners.  Strong  in  his  convictions  that  sound  national 
prosperity  depended  on  the  increase  of  small  property 
holdings  in  the  rural  districts,  he  discouraged  any  meas- 
ures calculated,  in  his  opinion,  to  add  to  the  power  and 
influence  of  territorial  magnates.  No  more  convincing 
proof  of  the  sincerity  and  disinterestedness  of  Lamar- 
tine's  acceptance  of  the  principles  of  democracy  could 
be  adduced.  Himself  one  of  the  most  important,  if  not 
the  most  successful,  of  agriculturists 2  in  his  native  prov- 
ince, he  realized  and  sought  to  avert  the  social  perils 
attending  an  excessive  concentration  of  landed  property 
in  the  hands  of  the  few. 
Meanwhile,  as  has  been  said,  the  subject  under  discus- 

1  La  France  parlementaire,  vol.  I,  p.  208. 

*  "  Le  premier  agriculteur  de  France, ' '  as  Madame  de  Girardin  styled  him. 

•  •  460  •  • 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


sion  had  caused  the  downfall  of  M.  de  Broglie's  Admin- 
istration. Fully  aware  of  the  insecurity  of  his  tenure  of 
office,  M.  de  Broglie,  nevertheless,  had  addressed  his  col- 
leagues with  resigned  optimism  concerning  the  responsibil- 
ities his  Cabinet  had  assumed  with  the  enforcement  of  the 
recent  Press  Laws.  On  January  27  the  Minister  acknowl- 
edged that  the  penalty  they  must  pay  for  the  measures 
they  had  insisted  upon  Would  be  the  hatred  and  vitupera- 
tion of  their  adversaries  and  an  ever-present  thirst  for 
revenge.  Yet  he  felt  certain  that,  as  order  was  restored 
and  the  political  machinery  of  the  country  ran  ever  more 
smoothly  by  virtue  of  the  popular  confidence  engendered 
by  a  faithful  application  of  the  constitutional  guaran- 
tees the  Government  afforded,  changes  of  administration 
would  become  events  affecting  less  and  less  public  seren- 
ity. "In  fact,  gentlemen,"  he  prophetically  cried,  "men 
wear  out  rapidly  in  the  fight  we  have  to  sustain.  Do  you 
realize  what  we  have  done?  We  have  paved  the  way 
and  hastened  the  advent  of  our  successors."  l  A  week 
later  the  prophecy  was  fulfilled.  Louis-Philippe  had 
considerable  difficulty  in  finding  a  statesman  willing  and 
capable  of  forming  a  Cabinet  to  cope  with  the  critical 
situation  the  proposal  for  the  conversion  of  the  funds 
had  given  rise  to.  After  repeated  efforts  M.  Thiers  suc- 
ceeded in  surrounding  himself  with  colleagues  whose 
prestige  it  was  hoped  would  be  instrumental  in  over- 
coming the  problems  which  confronted  them.  Thiers 
assumed  office  as  Prime  Minister  and  Minister  for  For- 
eign Affairs  on  February  22,  1836.  To  the  confidence 
and  good-will  of  so  influential  a  backer  as  Prince  Talley- 
rand the  as  yet  untried  director  of  France's  foreign 
policy  owed  the  favourable  reception  he  was  accorded 
in  the  chancelleries  of  the  Continent.  The  Duchesse  de 
Dino  and  Madame  de  Lieven,  queens  in  the  most  ac- 
1  Cf.  Thureau-Dangin,  op.  cit.t  vol.  n,  p.  418. 
.  .  461  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


credited  diplomatic  circles,  had  succeeded  in  attracting 
the  impressionable  young  Marseillais  within  the  orbit 
of  their  influence,  and  were  supposed  to  make  use  of  the 
ascendancy  they  had  gained  in  order  to  detach  the  Minis- 
ter from  the  alliance  with  England,  and  draw  him  towards 
closer  relations  with  the  Continental  Powers.1  But  at 
home  Thiers  was  misunderstood  and  mistrusted,  owing 
to  a  supposedly  active  sympathy  with  the  Republican 
elements  hostile  to  the  established  order.  Lamartine,  al- 
though he  liked  the  man  and  admired  the  talented  author, 
shared  the  suspicions  attaching  to  the  politician. 

When  the  new  Administration  presented  itself  before 
the  Chamber  with  a  proposal  to  reduce  the  interest  on 
the  national  debt  to  four  and  one  half  per  cent,  La- 
martine, still  defending  a  question  of  principle,  again 
attacked  the  financial  operation  it  was  desired  to  af- 
fect. He  denied  that  any  analogy  existed  between  the 
procedure  followed  in  England  and  the  moral  obligations 
contracted  by  the  Law  of  1793  in  France  or  in  subsequent 
loans.  As  he  had  written  to  Virieu,  he  maintained  that 
the  French  five  per  cents  did  not  constitute,  as  in  Eng- 
land, a  loan  in  the  strict  sense  of  the  term,  being  for  the 
greater  part  "a  compensation  for  spoliations."  2  The 
peculiar  moral  obligations  assumed  by  the  nation  in  times 
of  stress  forbade  any  diminution  of  the  income  derived 
from  this  source  by  holders  who  benefited  by  the  excep- 
tional circumstances  under  which  the  debt  had  been 
contracted.  How  far  Lamartine  was  justified  in  this  con- 
tention is  open  to  question.  The  arguments  he  advanced 
were  perhaps  not  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  precepts 
of  sound  national  finance;  but,  given  the  economic  dis- 
turbances and  social  agitation  to  which  the  adoption  of 
the  proposal  would  give  rise  (in  his  estimation),  his  oppo- 

1  Louis  Blanc,  Histoire  de  Dix  Ans,  vol.  IV,  p.  459. 
1  Correspondence,  DCXXV. 

.  .  .  462  •  • 


INFLUENCE  IN  PARLIAMENT 


sition  is  defensible.  Lamartine,  his  long  harangue  ended, 
voted  not  only  the  adjournment,  but  the  indefinite 
adjournment,  of  a  discussion  which  all  felt  was  in- 
opportune. The  important  part  he  took  in  this  momen- 
tous debate  is  of  especial  interest  as  demonstrating  the 
very  considerable  technical  knowledge  he  had  already 
acquired  of  a  subject  apparently  far  removed  from  his 
ordinary  pursuits.  If  the  social  wrong  involved  in  the 
controversy  appealed  to  his  sense  of  equity  to  a  greater 
extent  than  did  the  purely  financial  issues  at  stake ;  if  he 
drew  a  perhaps  exaggerated  picture  of  the  situation 
when  he  affirmed  that  the.  measure  was  a  violation  of 
good  faith  and  of  the  public  conscience,  and  could  have 
no  other  effect  than  that  of  pitting  the  passions  of  one 
class  of  citizens  against  those  of  another  class,  it  must  be 
remembered  that  political  jealousies  and  intrigues  were 
ripe,  while  egotistical  attempts  by  speculators  to  dis- 
credit the  Government,  at  the  cost  of  national  security, 
were  suspected.  Louis-Philippe  himself  did  not  escape 
severe  criticism,  being  accused  of  a  Machiavellian  plot 
to  unseat  the  Due  de  Broglie;  while  it  was  currently  as- 
serted that  M.  de  Talleyrand  abetted  the  scheme.1 

Be  this  as  it  may,  the  downfall  of  the  Cabinet  of  the 
nth  of  October,  as  the  De  Broglie  Ministry  was  styled, 
was  to  produce  far-reaching  effects.  The  trio,  consist- 
ing of  the  Duke,  M.  Guizot,  and  M.  Thiers,  which  had 
worked  so  satisfactorily  together  since  the  days  when 
Casimir  P6rier  had  held  the  reins  of  government,  now 
disrupted.  Each  of  these  eminent  statesmen  reassumed 
his  individual  liberty  of  action  and  drifted  towards  the 
bench  his  personal  sympathies  prompted  him  to  oc- 
cupy. This  meant  an  inevitable  readjustment  of  political 
parties  within  the  Chamber,  and  was  the  leading  factor 

1  Cf.  Thureau-Dangin,  op.  «'/.,  vol.  n,  p.  421;  also  Louis  Blanc,  Histoire 
de  Dix  Ans,  vol.  iv,  p.  465. 

•  •  463  •  • 


LIFE  OF  IAMARTINE 


in  the  crisis  which  prevailed  from  1836  to  1840.  A  new 
era  in  the  fortunes  of  the  July  Monarchy  was  opened. 
With  the  advent  of  M.  Thiers  to  office  the  phase  of  open 
and  often  sanguinary  conflict  between  adherents  to  the 
new  regime  and  the  revolutionary  factions  was  closed. 
Peace  at  home  and  abroad  seemed  assured  as  much  by 
reason  of  the  great  material  prosperity  enjoyed  as  on 
account  of  the  lull  in  party  strife. 


END  OF  VOLUME  I 


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13APR79RECCL 


UCLA-College  Library 

PQ  2326  W58I  v.1 


L  005  772  198  7 


College 
Library 


PQ 
2326 


v.l 


A    001  147  328 '7 


